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The section examines the colonial history of Asia and Africa, as well as key periods and directions of colonization. The authors analyze the features of the colonial political systems, processes of power distribution, the relationships between colonies and metropolis. Particular attention is paid to the strengthening of Asia and Africa in the final period of colonialism, as well as the impact of the Second World War and a new system of international relations on the process of decolonization. ; В разделе анализируется история стран Востока в период колониализма, а также этапы и направления колонизации. Авторы исследуют особенности колониальных политических систем, процессы раздела влияния, взаимоотношения колоний и метрополий. Особое внимание уделено усилению международно-политического влияния Азии и Африки на завершающем этапе колониализма, а также влияние Второй мировой войны и новой системы международных отношений на процессы деколонизации.

This article is devoted to final period of colonial epoch in British East Africa. Situation in Nyasaland, a part of Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland in 1950s, is at the center of attention. Methodological approaches of this article are principles of new social history. This article is based on the "Nyasaland Times", the main newspaper of this colony, published in Blantyre. This article characterizes daily life of white inhabitants of Nyasaland, their leisure. The author paid attention to lady`s world in Nyasaland, he concludes that this world developed under the influence of British colonial standards. An analysis of economic problems of Nyasaland, its role in economic structure of Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland has an important place in this article. Materials of "Nyasaland Times" show that the top of colony was not agree with the role of agrarian periphery in Federation and tried to find new ways to bring money to regional budget. They tried to use resource potential of territory, to develop local industry. The article proves that white inhabitants wanted to unite for the struggle against political activity of African Congress of Nyasaland. They connected this fact with activity of Soviet Union and its allies in Africa in 1950s. The top of white inhabitants also proved that exit of Europeans from Africa led to many social and economic troubles for black population of continent. The author proves that this newspaper is an important historical source on the history of colonial society in Nyasaland. ; Статья посвящена заключительному этапу истории британского колониализма в Восточной Африке. В центре внимания – ситуация в Ньясаленде, который в 1950-е гг. являлся частью Федерации Родезии и Ньясаленда. В основе методологических установок автора данной статьи лежат подходы, характерные для «новой социальной истории». Статья базируется на материалах крупнейшей газеты колонии «Ньясаленд Таймс», издававшейся в Блантайре. Охарактеризованы повседневная жизнь белых поселенцев в Ньясаленде, их досуг. Уделено внимание миру леди, показано, что он развивался под влиянием стандартов, существовавших в Британской империи. Особое место занимает анализ экономических проблем Ньясаленда, охарактеризовано его место в экономической структуре Федерации Родезии и Ньясаленда. Материалы «Ньясаленд Таймс» позволяют сделать вывод о том, что верхушка белых поселенцев была недовольна ролью Ньясаленда в Федерации как аграрно-сырьевого придатка и активно искала новые источники пополнения бюджета. Предпринимались попытки использования ресурсного потенциала территории, развития ее промышленности для пополнения местного бюджета. В статье доказано, что белые поселенцы Ньясаленда пытались сплотиться в условиях активизации деятельности Африканского конгресса Ньясаленда в 1950-е гг. Они связывали это явление с усилением внимания к Африке со стороны Советского Союза и его партнеров по социалистическому блоку. При этом верхушка белых поселенцев уже в 1950-е гг. указывала на то, что уход европейцев из Африки вызовет обострение социально-экономических проблем, с которыми будет крайне трудно справиться черному большинству. На основе проведенного исследования сделан вывод о том, что «Ньясаленд Таймс» является важным источником по истории колониального общества Ньясаленда.

The specific of development of South African society was in a great deal predefined by the level of socially-historical development of the South African region to colonial encroachment, and by the features of the transformations introduced southward the African continent by the English colonialists. The colonial past of South Africa continues to be saved in memory and psychology of new generations of native population. And for the best comprehension of socio-political difficulties into that the people of this region run on the modern stage of their development, it is necessary from positions of retrospective analysis to study the process of colonization and influence of methods of her realization on a political, socio-economic and cultural situation in South Africa.

The historical experience of India in search of its own concept of punishment is unique. It was greatly influenced by the country's colonial past and the Anglo-Saxon legal culture as well as the philosophical, religious, ethno-linguistic, caste, tribal and other factors. The Indian Penal Code of 1860 uses an original penological construct and a system of punishments. It was influenced by the historical and theoretical factors described in this article, by criminal policy in British India and by its post-colonial development. The country's penological discourse, influenced by the criminal law doctrine of the metropolitan state, has two distinct features. Firstly, it is the diversity of types of punishment and judge's discretion in choosing them to individualize liability. Secondly, the humanitarian orientation of the institute of punishment and the reduction in the number of crimes punishable by death penalty. English lawyer Th.B. Macaulay, the creator of the Indian Penal Code of 1860, considered general prevention, or deterrence, to be the main goal of punishment, while specific prevention through the physical isolation of the criminal and his correction was viewed as a complimentary goal. It was important for the colonial criminal policy to obtain tangible results from the penological theory and the practices of punishment in order to suppress the local ritual crimes (cult «thuggism») and traditional ritual sacrifices (sati ritual). After a large-scale sepoy rebellion and the spread of dacoity crimes, the repressive functions of punishment began to prevail over other penological theories. The so-called «white terror» was commonly used against political opponents fighting for religious freedoms and independence of colonial India. Modern India is a good example of the controversial experience of the search for the effective criminalpenological theories that is a considerable addition to the classic (westernized) criminology. The special historical concepts and practices of punishment in the countries of the «global south», including India, are now studied by the new field of «Southern Criminology ». The Indian government is promoting a complex criminal-penological approach to counteracting domestic crimes and transnational threats. © 2018, Baikal National University of Economics and Law. All rights reserved.

The life and works by Flora Annie Steel (1847–1929), a popular author of a number of novels, stories and articles that were mostly set in India, are analyzed in the article. Steel's fiction was well-known in Great Britain at the end of the 19th and in the first half of the 20th centuries. The Complete Indian Housekeeper and Cook written by Steel and Grace Gardiner was extremely popular with the British women readers. First printed in 1888, it was repeatedly reprinted and republished during the following decades. In 2010 the book was published in the Oxford World Classics series; this fact confirmed its role in the history of literature. The aim of the article is to analyze the text of the book that is commonly considered to be a vivid example of the British colonial literature. This analysis clearly correlates with studies of everyday cultural practices, with postcolonial studies in general and with the role of women in the colonial male world studies in particular. Following the existing pattern of writing books on housekeeping for the British middle-class women, Steel (a note: Gardiner wrote only a couple of chapters of the large volume) includes into her book not only recipes for cooking, but also recommendations on how to manage an Indian colonial house, its stables and gardens, and a whole team of servants. A number of methods and approaches were used to study the book, namely, a biographic method, semiotic and post-colonial approaches. Some facts from the author's biography relevant for the book were mentioned in the article; Steel's descriptions of everyday practices and concrete things were viewed as illustrations of the epoch, but also in their ideological function, as symbolic representations of the British colonial history and politics. The author's individual style was also studied; and it was disclosed that among the main objects of her irony were the English memsahibs in India. The article clearly shows that the author of the book demonstrated her hybrid personality when her Anglo-centric views coexisted with critical approaches towards many colonial practices, and her patronizing patterns towards the Indian people – with deep interest to their culture and languages. Thus, the author has come to a conclusion that, in a number of cases (Steel's was among them), works of colonial literature go far beyond the domineering colonial discourse. Thus, their readers are offered a wider view of ambivalent cultural contacts and relations. From this point of view, Steel's approaches coincide with Rudyard Kipling's ones. © 2019 Tomsk State University. All rights reserved.

The historical memory of the French about the collapse of the French colonial empire is controversial and situational. The apologetic version of historical memory interprets French colonialism as the civilizational mission of France on the Black Continent. This version is based on mythologemes formulated by C. de Gaulle and his associates J. Foccart, F. Houphouët-Boigny and others. This is the approach to the historical past that informs the official historical narrative and memorial policy of the Fifth Republic. To a degree, all the presidents of the French Republic from J. Chirac to E. Macron remain faithful to it. This "patriotic version" of the national history provides the ideological foundation for Champs Elysee's policies toward African nations. These policies, collectively known as "France-Afrique", represent a latent mechanism for preserving economic and political dependence of the Tropical Africa's nations on their former colonial master. An alternative version of historical memory interprets colonialism as a crime against humanity, and the African policy of the Champs Elysees as a special form of neocolonialism, designed to promote France's political and economic preferences in the countries that were formerly its colonies. This intellectual tradition is cultivated in the work of F.-X. Verschave and other researchers, members of the non-governmental organization "Survie". ; Историческая память французов о французской колониальной империи и ее распаде противоречива и ситуативна. Апологетическая версия исторической памяти трактует французский колониализм как цивилизаторскую миссию Франции на Черном континенте. В основе этой версии лежат мифологемы, сформулированные Ш. де Голлем и его сподвижниками Ж. Фоккаром, Ф. Уфуэ-Буаньи и др. Такой подход к оценке исторического прошлого влияет на официальную политику памяти Пятой республики. В той или иной степени ему сохраняют верность все президенты Французской республики от Ж. Ширака до Э. Макрона. На идеологической платформе этой «патриотической версии» национальной истории Французской Республики выстраиваются политические практики Елисейского дворца в африканских странах. Эти практики, получившие название «Франсафрик», представляют собой латентный механизм сохранения экономической и политической зависимости стран Тропической Африки от бывшей метрополии. Альтернативная версия исторической памяти трактует колониализм как преступление против человечества, а африканскую политику Елисейского дворца - как особую форму неоколониализма, призванную обеспечить политические и экономические преференции Франции в странах, бывших ранее ее колониями. Эта интеллектуальная традиция конструируется усилиями Ф.-К. Вершава и его единомышленников - исследователей, объединенных в неправительственной общественной организации «Выживание» («Survie»).

В нашей статье философский анализ будет проводиться на двух взаимосвязанных уровнях. Прежде всего на уровне эпистемологии мы рассмотрим фундаментальные понятия течений внутри лингвистического структурализма, которые мы объединим под общим названием «ранний структурализм», в историческом контексте раннесоветского периода, чтобы затем выяснить их значение в рамках теорий действия, социальной и политической философии как в Европе, так и в (пост)колониальном мире. Согласно нашей главной гипотезе, язык –– это указатель социальных интересов, чья взаимосвязь меняется в зависимости от властных отношений, которые в свою очередь косвенно влияют на язык. ; In this paper, our analysis lays on two different levels. Firstly, we discuss the central concepts of the early Russian structuralism within an epistemological framework focusing on the way in which linguistic knowledge is structured. In order to achieve this goal, we mobilize the concept of episteme developed by Michel Foucault in his works The Order of Things (1966) and The Archaeology of Knowledge (1969). This Foucauldian approach leads us to highlight a new episteme which is different from those that Foucault described in the Order of Things. Secondly, we analyze the political and social implications of this epistemological approach in the context of European and (post)colonial history. We highlight the material "action" of the linguistic knowledge under discussion. This second dimension of our approach is important insofar it represents a critic of the idea according to which the theoretical knowledge is separated from praxis. Our hypothesis is that the language constitutes a marker of particular social interests, which are overdetermined by power relations.

В нашей статье философский анализ будет проводиться на двух взаимосвязанных уровнях. Прежде всего на уровне эпистемологии мы рассмотрим фундаментальные понятия течений внутри лингвистического структурализма, которые мы объединим под общим названием «ранний структурализм», в историческом контексте раннесоветского периода, чтобы затем выяснить их значение в рамках теорий действия, социальной и политической философии как в Европе, так и в (пост)колониальном мире. Согласно нашей главной гипотезе, язык –– это указатель социальных интересов, чья взаимосвязь меняется в зависимости от властных отношений, которые в свою очередь косвенно влияют на язык. ; In this paper, our analysis lays on two different levels. Firstly, we discuss the central concepts of the early Russian structuralism within an epistemological framework focusing on the way in which linguistic knowledge is structured. In order to achieve this goal, we mobilize the concept of episteme developed by Michel Foucault in his works The Order of Things (1966) and The Archaeology of Knowledge (1969). This Foucauldian approach leads us to highlight a new episteme which is different from those that Foucault described in the Order of Things. Secondly, we analyze the political and social implications of this epistemological approach in the context of European and (post)colonial history. We highlight the material "action" of the linguistic knowledge under discussion. This second dimension of our approach is important insofar it represents a critic of the idea according to which the theoretical knowledge is separated from praxis. Our hypothesis is that the language constitutes a marker of particular social interests, which are overdetermined by power relations.

Academic3 space in its different manifestations has been taking an honorable position in social structure from the earliest stages of the history of human civilization by systematizing multitude experiences of both external and internal world of humankind. At the same time, educational landscape was formulating the different ways of how to theorize about and interact with the world. Simultaneously, there was always combating with the alternative systems and, what is more, this struggle wasn't necessarily intellectual or polemical. Little has changed in how society perceives academy and its functions in the era of accomplished digital revolution, including its role as an instrument of surveillance and social sorting – these two important elements of power. In this article, an attempt is taken to comprehend University – and speaking broadly academic space as such – as a special kind of social and political field used to perform surveillance and social control. On the example of colonial colleges in the USA, this article examines how University may serve as a surveillance mechanism on the one hand and as a mean of cultural transformation on the other hand, and what conclusions can be made regarding the present and the future of University in the digital era. ; Академическое пространство в различных своих манифестациях с ранней истории человечества занимает почётное место в структуре социума, систематизируя многообразие опыта о внешнем и внутреннем мирах человека. В то же время образовательная среда формулировала разнообразные способы осмысления и взаимодействия человека с миром, вступая в борьбу с альтернативными системами, причём борьба эта не обязательно носила интеллектуальный и полемический характер. Мало что изменилось в статусе академии и в эпоху свершившейся цифровой революции, в том числе в отношении дисциплинарных практик академии как инструмента надзора и социального сортирования – двух важных элементов власти. В статье предпринимается попытка осмысления университета в роли особого культурно-политического ...

In February 2018 was 120 years of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Russia and Ethiopia. As you know, the Ethiopian Empire was one of the first countries in Africa with which the Russian Empire established diplomatic relations. In 1917, after the Great October Revolution, official relations between the Ethiopian Empire and the USSR were suspended and resumed only in 1943. Thus, Ethiopia became not only the first country in Africa with which Russia established official diplomatic ties, but also a window to Africa. Before the 60s of XX century, the freedom fighters of Africa and students who received a scholarship to study in the universities of the USSR were forced to travel through Ethiopia, because the colonial authorities did not allow their arrival in the country of the Soviets. The publication is devoted to the history of training national personnel for Ethiopiain Russia in the last period of the XIX and the beginning of the 20th century.

The article is devoted to Italian cultural policy on the Islands of the Dodecanese archipelago, captured by Italy during the war against Turkey in 1911—1912 and officially recognized as Italian proficiency (Italian Aegean Islands) in accordance with the Lausanne Treaty of 1923 ; Статья посвящена итальянской культурной политике на островах Додеканесского архипелага, захваченного Италией в ходе войны с Турцией в 1911—1912 гг. и официально признанного итальянским владением (Итальянские острова Эгейского моря) в соответствии с Лозаннским договором 1923 года

The article is a detailed response to the text by Martin Müller "In Search for the Global East", written on the basis of the experience of a scientist specializing in post-socialist realities, and included in the global circulation of social and humanitarian knowledge. It deals with the possibility of reflection of the place of the post-socialist part of the world in the world as a whole, from the point of view of a community formed by those who live in the post-socialist space and those who explore different aspects of post-socialist life. The genealogy of discussions about the Global South and the Global North, which are fundamental for such disciplines as geography (political, economic, and human) and urban studies, as well as the formation of the conceptual link of "development = the global South" in the political history of the second half of the twentieth century and in the intellectual history of this period is discussed. It is argued that the Global South is actively discussed in the global debates of geographers, urbanists, and historians. It also occupies a prominent place in transnational, big stories about what is happening in the world, and with the world. At the same time, the post-socialist world (Müller proposes the name "Global East" for it) occupies an insignificant place in these narratives. "Development" (no matter how different and controversial it may be) in relation to that part of the "global" which is comprised from Eastern Europe, Russia, and Central Asia, is understood as a task of national governments, and which must be solved by following Western recipes. The article explains the reasons for the lack of understanding of what this region means today, as well as the difficulties of conducting and popularizing research about it, in particular, the ongoing post-colonial decentralization of the West as a privileged place of knowledge production. The conclusion of the article is that much more research is needed in which different perceptions of the global are compared, including the ones ...

The paper discusses 3 cases of the Russian Empire Muslims' (Tatars) using the Russian language to speak about themselves and Islam. The cultural processes underlying 'Muslim Russian' turning into a discoursal practice, its aims and expanding functions are analyzed, as well as its links with 'mass Orientalism' in the Russian imperial space and the speakers' quest of the ways to speak about Islam in Russian. The role of choosing Russian in forming the actors' identity as expert representatives of the imagined Russian Muslim community, while they acted as colonial intermediaries and/or political oppositionists, is shown. One case is A. Baiazitov and his contemporaries' polemics with E. Renan and the counter-Muslim (missionary, in particular) journalism in the 1890-s, which, being a response to the unifying (state-nationalist) trends in the imperial context, also shows the emergence of the space of Muslim voices in the Russian public discourse. The second case, i.e. Russian used by Muslim political activists in the times of mass politics, especially, in their private correspondence in the 1910-s, reveals its lingua franca functions in their aspirations to create a super-ethnic all-Russian Muslim community. Differently, the 3d case, which frames the paper, the handwritten notes made for himself by the Muslim reformist (jadid), journalist and oppositionist F. Karimov (Karimi) in the margins of the governmental "Journal of the Special Meeting for Elaboration of Measures to Counteract the Tatar-Muslim Influence in the Volga Region" (1910) presents the interiorization of Russian beyond its pragmatic and public functions, a situation of 'straight' individual multilingualism. As Russian, the language of the Russian power, served also to convey the modernist, mainly progressist discourse, the key question raised in the paper is the interaction of Islamic and modernist discourses in the Muslim Russian texts under discussion. In the polemics both with the trends of absolutizing and idealizing the modernity and of marginalizing the modernity questionnaire in the studies of Russian Islam, the notion of 'cultural bilingualism' is suggested, which allows depicting a coexistence of the two discourses even in the utterances that may seem purely modernist and lacking any Islamic subtext (e.g. Karimov's marginalia). The difference in the character of cultural bilingualism between Baiazitov's and Karimov's texts is shown, as well as their common connection with the Islamic vision of history, which prevents their definition in pure terms of modernism vs. traditionalism. The paper is partly based on archival sources. The supplement provides fragments of Karimov's notes, previously unpublished. ; В статье рассмотрены три эпизода использования мусульманами (татарами) Российской империи русского языка в высказываниях о себе и исламе. Анализируются культурные процессы, сопровождающие превращение «мусульманского русского» в дискурсивную практику, его связь с «массовым ориентализмом» в российском имперском пространстве, выработка способов говорить на русском об исламе, цели и расширяющиеся функции обращения к русскому. Показана его роль в формировании самосознания действующих лиц – колониальных посредников и/или политических оппозиционеров – как компетентных представителей конструируемой общероссийской мусульманской общности. Полемика А. Баязитова и его современников с Э. Ренаном и противомусульманской (в частности, миссионерской) публицистикой в 1890е гг. (эпизод 1), являясь ответом на унификаторские (государственно-националистические) тенденции в имперском контексте, свидетельствует, вместе с тем, о формировании пространства мусульманских голосов в российском публичном дискурсе. Использование русского мусульманскими политическими активистами в эпоху массовой политики, особенно в частной переписке в 1910-е гг. (эпизод 2), – демонстрирует его функции lingua franca в контексте их устремлений к созданию российской надэтнической мусульманской общности. В отличие от первых двух, эпизод 3, ключевой в статье, – рукописные пометки мусульманского реформиста (джадида), публициста и оппозиционера Ф. Каримова (Карими) на полях правительственного «Журнала Особого совещания по выработке мер для противодействия татарско-мусульманскому влиянию в Приволжском крае» (1910), сделанные им на русском для себя, – представляет пример интериоризации русского вне сугубой функциональности и публичности в ситуации «простого» индивидуального многоязычия. Поскольку русский, являясь языком (иноверной) власти, служил одновременно проводником модерного, прогрессистского дискурса, сквозной вопрос статьи – взаимодействие исламского и модерного дискурсов в рассматриваемых высказываниях мусульман на русском. В полемике как с тенденциями абсолютизации и ценностного восприятия модерности, так и маргинализации проблематики модерности в исследованиях российского ислама предложено понятие «культурного билингвизма», позволяющее описать сосуществование исламского и модерного дискурсов даже в высказываниях (таких, как маргиналии Каримова), кажущихся на первый взгляд сугубо модернистскими и лишенными какой-либо исламской подкладки. Показаны как различия в характере такого культурного билингвизма в письме Баязитова и Каримова, так и общая связь их позиций с исламским пониманием истории, их несводимость к «чистым» категориям модернизма или традиционализма. Статья основана, в большой части, на архивных материалах. В приложении публикуются выдержки из заметок Каримова, прежде не публиковавшихся.

Since 1990s, the number of states conflicts decreased and they started saying that the classical wars disappeared but at the same time, the number of internal conflicts increased dramatically. The end of colonial regime in Africa didn't bring peace to the region - the new wave of internal conflicts and civil wars overwhelmed the region. In the given article the authors analyze political and complicated socio-economic situation in the Tropical Africa, describe the conflicts in this zone, their typology, results and factors. The authors attempt to analyze internal and external causes of conflicts in the studied region, taking into account all elements of each conflict and their interdependence. The subject of the article is the conflict as the social element presenting the important part of international reality. It is noted that the crisis in the region influences every part of economic, social, and political spheres, so the solution is not possible without structural changes. In this connection, conflicts are the logical results of regional crisis as well as uncertain activity of international society. This situation provokes the large wave of migrants from the region and inside it. The countries the Tropical Africa can't guarantee any suitable level of life for the citizens, and the situation can't be resolved without active role of international community.

A convincing refutation of stereotypes about Islam as a religion of implacably hostility to the adherents of other faiths serves as an example of life, activity, and evolution of thinking that was demonstrated by an outstanding political leader of the Indian national liberation movement Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958). Initially he was an ardent follower of Aligarh movement which stood for Muslim education and their cooperation with the colonial authorities. From 1911 to 1916 Azad is an active promoter of Muslim nationalism, Caliphate movement. From 1920 until the end of life Azad was a tough critic of the separatist Muslim nationalism, one of the most prominent leaders of the Indian National Congress Party, Minister of education of secular Republic of India. History of Azad's personal evolution convincingly testifi es to the dynamic nature of Islamic teaching which calls for renunciation of dogmatic views and maintaining the constant desire to discover the deep world outlook meanings ; Убедительным опровержением стереотипного представления об исламе как о религии, непримиримо враждебной к приверженцам других конфессий служит история жизни глубоко верующего мусульманина, выдающегося политического лидера индийского национально-освободительного движения Абул Калам Азада (1888–1958). Первоначально — приверженца Алигархского движения, выступавшего за просвещение мусульман и их сотрудничество с колониальными властями. С 1911 по 1916 г. — активного пропагандиста мусульманского национализма, халифатского движения. С 1920 года до конца жизни — критика сепаратистского «мусульманского национализма», одного из виднейших руководителей партии Индийский национальный конгресс, министра просвещения секулярной Республики Индия. История эволюции взглядов Абул Калам Азада убедительно свидетельствует о динамичности исламского вероучения, которое призывает отказаться от косности во взглядах, постоянно стремиться к открытию глубинных мировоззренческих смыслов.