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Speech on Colonization, anonymous, ca. 1863. A speech delivered on the efficacy and possibilities of emancipation with colonization, suggesting the expatriation of American slaves to the Caribbean upon emancipation (Figures 9 & 10.) A fascinating speech, not entirely without compassion, but pretty adamant about removing freed slaves from the U.S., possibly to Haiti, so it also falls within our West Indies Collection. String-tied sheets. Handwritten in cursive with some corrections and penciled annotations. Includes several brief newspaper clippings (one clipping lacking). Title at the top of the first page. Date from dealer's catalog. Author anonymous. The transcript for the Speech of Colonization is available and can be viewed by selecting "page & text" from the upper left hand "view" menu. ; Acquired by Special Collections & University Archives, University of Central Florida Libraries from Carol Mundy, the collector of African-Americana. ; Digitized by the University of Central Florida Libraries. Jpeg and Jpeg2000 images were derived from 400 dpi tiffs scanned on a Avision FB 6080E Book-edge scanner.

The Māori of Aotearoa New Zealand are a case-study of the negative impacts of colonization on the health of precursor peoples, such as indigenous peoples in Australia, the Americas, and northern Eurasia. But, colonization has such effects regardless of whether colonized peoples eventually become "independent," or are swamped demographically and politically by a settler population. Indigenous peoples still suffer "internal colonialism" after their country becomes independent (from the United Kingdom for Aotearoa), even in social democracies, simply because majorities, through benign neglect or paternalism, often fail to meet the particular needs of indigenous citizens. Incidentally, "independent" ex-colonies do not escape post-colonialism, because they are subject to interventions by powerful international and bi-lateral agencies, such as structural adjustment policies imposed by the World Bank. This paper uses the epidemiological transition framework, but questions its application to colonized peoples, who often, contrary to the paradigm's deterministic principle of progress, may suffer "regression" as their very survival is threatened by newly introduced diseases to which they have no immunity. Some, not Māori, even go through demographic collapses." The eventual Māori transition did follow the conventional framework, but in its "delayed" form. Finally the paper shifts from theoretical dimensions into praxis: health services. It identifies stages in the evolution of these as they affect indigenous people. This is a more detailed overview than the conventional view: a shift from social determinants of health change to the impacts of public health interventions, and from the domination of communicable diseases to non-communicable.

In this article, I'd like to write a short analysis about the colonization of Western Sahara because as a candidate for a doctor's degree, I'm making some research about the UN peacekeeping mission in Western Sahara (MINURSO). I think, that we have to see a global picture when we make a research about any peace keeping, peace support or peace enforcement mission, because without the background of the conflict, we can't get a correct view. Up till now altogether - including me - 20 Hungarian officers and approximately this many police officers have served in the mission. Maybe that is why, and also due to the lack of concrete Hungarian interests the Hungarian Defence Forces have relatively few information on this territory and the developments here. Nowadays, a small Hungarian contingent (7 people) serves in MINURSO. However, nobody made any analysis about the Western Sahara case till today. Only I made some small articles in various newspapers previously. For this reason I chose this theme to make a dissertation about MINURSO and the Western Sahara case. In Western Sahara, there is a long time clash between the real inhabitants of the land (named Sahrawians) and the newcomers from Morocco. Unfortunately, it is not so easy to understand the conflict, if we don't know the history of this land, especially about the Spanish colonization and their role in this conflict. Hopefully, this article will give some idea for the readers about this matter. But first I'd like to share some basic information about Western Sahara.

The Catholic tradition in the Latin West grew up on the foundations laid by Rome. It accepted as fact the urban establishments that had started as colonial settlements and the need for such settlements to safeguard the imperial order. Thus in Catholic religious thought colonization and colonialism have no independent status; they are matters for legal and political reflection. Nonetheless, Catholic moral theology, particularly as it dealt with mission and conquest, had much to say about the activities that made colonization possible.

"Office of the Secretary of the American Association for Agricultural Legislation." ; Reprinted from: American economic review, Sept., 1918. ; Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

After the concept of terrorism, now the new strategy of 'safe zone' or 'security zone' is shaping the colonialist state's expansionist wishes and illegitimate international actions. We have observed over the last three decades how the concept of terrorism has worked perfectly for the nation states and almost every large and powerful nation state has benefited from this. The new strategy is expected to serve for a similar excuse. Now any powerful or large nation state, such as the USA against Mexico, India against Kashmir, Europe against North Africa, Saudi Arabia against Yemen, Russia against Ukraine and China against Hong Kong, can follow this same path and expand their interest and authority at the expense of others, in the same way that Turkey is currently carrying out in their actions against Kurds in Syria and elsewhere. This newfound strategy of 'safe zones' is just a new name for old-style colonization, which continues to enable the monopolistic privilege of some ethnic or religious groups over others.

When Francisco Lopez Serrano, Secretary General of New Centers of Ejidal Population, received authority for the establishment of new centers of population in 1961, it was with the hope, and indeed with the expectation, that this would proved to be one of the major solutions to the critical problem facing the nation of finding and providing land for the landless rural population. The problem of the landless campesinos has been with the government for many years and is basically historical. It has many aspects springing from its historical background wich make its solution of utmost and immediate importance. They are psychological, sociological, economic, political, and biological.

Published also as Johns Hopkins university studies in historical and political science. ser. XXXVII, no. 3. ; Vita. ; Thesis (Ph. D.)--Johns Hopkins university, 1917. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Between 1945 and 1965, thirty-three new agricultural pueblos de colonización [colonization villages] were built in the Spanish Tagus Valley under the action of the Instituto Nacional de Colonización (INC: 1939-1971). Associated with works of hydraulic infrastructures and soil transformation for an intensive use of irrigated crops, these villages deeply shaped the rural landscape in the scope of an intentional modernization process of the countryside. However, this process also contributes to achieve the agrarian utopia of the authoritarian catholic and conservative policy of Franco's regime. In addition, the changed status of the settler into a small landowner and the notions imported from more urban context reflected in schemes of rural planning were crucial in order to avoid the exodus towards the city. This paper aims to explore the patterns used in the conception of the pueblos and their relation with national identity building process in the context of similar processes occurred in the Southern Europe. The relation between modernity and traditional references, both in urban shape and architectural design, will be explored, with special attention to the Civic Centre, a mandatory requirement of the pueblo's programme, functioning as the core of the urban fabric. Its composition and facilities architectonic options will be analyzed, as well as its role in the power rhetoric. The articulation with coeval theoretical debates and external models will be used to understand in which level the Spanish experience contributes to the international architectural culture and the regional process ; The presentation of this work was funded by national funds through FCT - Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia, I.P., within the project UID/EAT/04041/2016 and it is based on the research conducted under the project MODSCAPES - Modernist Reinventions of the Rural Landscape (HERA.15.097). This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 649307 ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The "surrogate colonization" of Palestine had a foreign power giving to a nonnative group rights over land occupied by an indigenous people. It thus brought into play the complementary and conflicting agendas of three culturally distinguishable parties: British, Jews and Arabs. Each party had both "externalist" [those with no sustained practical experience of day to day life in Palestine] and "internalist" representatives. The surrogate idea was based on a "strategic consensus" involving each party's externalist camp: the British ruling elite, the leadership of the World Zionist Organization and the Hashemite Dynasty of Arabia. The collapse of this triangular consensus, which put an end to the policy but not the process of surrogate colonization, resulted from irreconcilable antagonisms within and between the major currents of each internalist camp. A focus on the land problem in Palestine highlights contradictions in each party's internalist agenda, which forestalled a rift between the Jewish and British sides of the consensus long enough for the Zionist settlement in Palestine (Yishuv) to acquire territory and to develop a largely self-sufficient economic, cultural, political and military infrastructure.

The "surrogate colonization" of Palestine had a foreign power giving to a nonnative group rights over land occupied by an indigenous people. It thus brought into play the complementary and conflicting agendas of three culturally distinguishable parties: British, Jews and Arabs. Each party had both "externalist" [those with no sustained practical experience of day to day life in Palestine] and "internalist" representatives. The surrogate idea was based on a "strategic consensus" involving each party's externalist camp: the British ruling elite, the leadership of the World Zionist Organization and the Hashemite Dynasty of Arabia. The collapse of this triangular consensus, which put an end to the policy but not the process of surrogate colonization, resulted from irreconcilable antagonisms within and between the major currents of each internalist camp. A focus on the land problem in Palestine highlights contradictions in each party's internalist agenda, which forestalled a rift between the Jewish and British sides of the consensus long enough for the Zionist settlement in Palestine (Yishuv) to acquire territory and to develop a largely self-sufficient economic, cultural, political and military infrastructure.

The "surrogate colonization" of Palestine had a foreign power giving to a nonnative group rights over land occupied by an indigenous people. It thus brought into play the complementary and conflicting agendas of three culturally distinguishable parties: British, Jews and Arabs. Each party had both "externalist" [those with no sustained practical experience of day to day life in Palestine] and "internalist" representatives. The surrogate idea was based on a "strategic consensus" involving each party's externalist camp: the British ruling elite, the leadership of the World Zionist Organization and the Hashemite Dynasty of Arabia. The collapse of this triangular consensus, which put an end to the policy but not the process of surrogate colonization, resulted from irreconcilable antagonisms within and between the major currents of each internalist camp. A focus on the land problem in Palestine highlights contradictions in each party's internalist agenda, which forestalled a rift between the Jewish and British sides of the consensus long enough for the Zionist settlement in Palestine (Yishuv) to acquire territory and to develop a largely self-sufficient economic, cultural, political and military infrastructure.

Includes appendices. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

Starting in 1954 and lasting until 1962 the French-Algerian War was one of the bloodiest struggles of decolonization in French history. In his book The Wretched of the Earth (1961), Frantz Fanon presents an explanation on the violence and social injustice he witnessed while in Algeria. Fanon was a Martinique born psychiatrist who originally was hired by the French military, but quit and joined the revolution when he saw the effects of colonization on the Algerians. Fanon demonstrates how the French placed the Algerians at the bottom of the social hierarchy, denied the native population proper rights and murdered an immense number Algerians. The lack of social status given to the native Algerians built up anger, which Fanon explains transformed into hatred for the French. Fanon argues that the Algerians would have to take their hatred of the French and turn it into mass amounts of violence for decolonization. The insights in Fanon's book fits the pattern of violence identified in the larger research project, which argues that complete decolonization could only be achieved through increased violence. A violent decolonization was the only way the "last could become the first."

Land has numerous utilizations however its accessibility is constrained. Amid the early broad nourishment deficiencies happened all through Travancore. Thus, the government opened forestlands on a crisis reason for sustenance development and in 1941 conceded select development rights known as 'Kuthakapattam' (cultivation on a short-term lease) in state timberland territories. Not long after freedom, India chose to re-sort out state limits on an etymological premise. The State reorganization period carried with Tamil-Malayali fight for control of the High Ranges. The Government of Travancore-Cochin started settlement programs in the High Range zones with a specific end goal to change the territorial semantic adjust. Pattom settlement, which was supported by Pattom Thanupillai service, as a piece of High Range colonization scheme. The aggregate settlement objective never came to. In spite of the plan's deficiency, dissemination of settlement pieces ceased in 1956.