Suchergebnisse

This report discusses the following topics: basics of the vocational training system in Poland; causes of change in the development of vocational schools; formal and legal aspects of the school cooperation with the environment; modernization of vocational schools based on the development programs; combining the flexibility of employment with the Teacher Card.

Studies presented in this publication were aimed at provide data necessary for the conducting of local government and citizenship dimension of the enlarged Polish foreign policy in Podlaskie region. The main objective was to investigate the diagnosis, as the local government units, non-governmental organizations, businesses and universities alluded cross-border cooperation with partners in Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and Russia (Kaliningrad). The publication indicated areas of the greatest potential, as well as barriers to such cooperation in the region. Particular attention was paid to the cooperation of these entities, combining their potentials and create joint projects.

The book review is dedicated to a work that tackles one of the trendiest concepts of recent times. The book concentrates on the conceptualization of the notion of hybrid war and its perception on both sides of the Atlantic. The declared goal of the book was to investigate how political forces have shaped conceptual thinking between the West and Russia and explain the reasons for mutual criminations. Combining quantitative and qualitative methods the author examined large amounts of literature and took an exploratory approach to dig into categorical data from both American and Russian thinkers' works then compared the conceptual usage of them.

Due to the scale, dynamics and structure of the influx of war refugees from Ukraine to Poland in the first weeks of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the Polish state and society faced tasks beyond the world's previous experience in granting protection to foreigners. Nevertheless, an inclusive model of migrant's protection was quickly developed, combining formal and informal means of assistance from multiple state and non-state institutions and citizens into an effective way of dealing with the migrant's crisis. The following article contains an analysis of the formation process of the Ukraine war migrant's protection model in Poand and its characteristic features, as well as the political, social and cultural context of its implementation in the public and non-public aid system. The results showcase the particular value of citizen involvement in the process for the efficiency of the public assistance system. Additionally, potential opportunities to use the Polish experience in other countries offering protection to migrants are estimated, alongside a summary of strong and weak points of the Polish migrants reception system.

The idea of building interconnectors between the transmission systems of the EU Member States is now getting more visible in Poland. This approach is a part of the implementation of European energy policy, which aims to strengthen cooperation between Member States' energy sectors. Combining transmission networks in the EU has also been included as one of the strategic objectives of the national energy policy and a tool of ensuring security of supplies. It is pointed out that the EU needs a fully functioning, connected and integrated internal market of energy, so that no country is isolated from the European network of transmission. The article discusses the grid investments in Poland and make comments on national interconnections in the context of their use of free bandwidth. ; Ostatnie lata to zwiększone zainteresowanie rozbudową transgranicznych połączeń międzysystemowych. Realizowana systematycznie w toku rozwoju integracji na zachodzie Europy idea budowania interkonektorów pomiędzy systemami przesyłowymi państw członkowskich, zajmuje obecnie coraz większą uwagę także w Polsce. Podejście to, odzwierciedlone realnymi inwestycjami, jest jednym z elementów realizacji europejskiej polityki energetycznej i systemu finansowego wsparcia powiązanych z nią programów, których celem jest zacieśnianie współpracy pomiędzy sektorami energetycznymi państw członkowskich.

The article presents methodological theories, application of which, when adopting the political and legal research perspective, makes it possible to analyse the impact of comitology on the shape of law adopted in the European Union. The author assumes that in consideration of equally complex decision-making centers as comitology committees, whose structural element is their location between two levels – the Community and the national level, it is impossible to limit to only one research method. The purpose of the article is an attempt to demonstrate that the most reasonable approach to comitology research is to use institutional and legal analysis, which is based on theoretical assumptions combining political and legal sciences and to supplement it to explain phenomena occurring within the comitology committees by applying the assumptions of the theory PAT (Principal–Agent Theory), the Scharpf's theory of legitimacy of power, Wessels's fusion theory and analysis of empirical data. This approach is designed to enable the examination of normative acts, in which legal basis of functioning of the comitology institutions (i.e. the EU founding treaties, comitology regulations and judgments of the Court of Justice of the European Union), as well as to highlight a number of issues relevant to the practical aspect of the functioning of comitology committees.

After 10 years of discussions about the need to empowerthe metropolitan areas in Poland, finally a metropolitan union law for the Śląskie Voivodeship [Silesian region] has been adopted. Defining two million people as a population level required for the creation of the metropolitan union confirmed that the legislator's intention was to establish the first metropolitan union in Poland specifically in the Silesian conurbation due to its unique territorial structure. The establishment of the Upper Silesian and Zagłębie Metropolis [Górnośląsko-Zagłębiowska Metropolia] should be seen as an important social experiment and significant innovation in the Polish local – government system. The large territorial delimitation of the metropolitan union with 41 local units is a courageous step that proves a high level of mobilisation and strong involvement of Silesian local decision makers. The specific decision-making procedure based on double majority voting should encourage dialogue between the large and small member cities of the metropolitan union. The generally formulated competences of the metropolitan union allow considerable freedom to the authorities in prioritising tasks and projects. The author's analyses the institutional architecture of the first Polish metropolitan union, which is a hybrid organisation combining an inter-municipal association and a local government unit, from the perspective of turning the Upper Silesian metropolitan area into an efficient system of metropolitan governance.

Located in the South Pacific, for many years New Zealand has been an important part of a great power concert taking place within the region. The post- 1945 process which had given independence and the right to self-government to various states and territories formerly administered by the great powers, allowed them to shape their external relations with other states autonomously, and thus rendered the position of formal dominance previously held by the great powers obsolete. This included also New Zealand whose international position at that time was highly conditioned by trusteeship responsibilities performed pursuant to a UN mandate. Combining David A. Baldwin's contextual approach to power analysis with Ray S. Cline's resource-based power model, the author examines the presentday distribution of military and socio-economic potential within the South Pacific region and depicts the unilateral exercise of local preponderance by the Wellington government conducted in the last 10 years. He reaches a conclusion that, stemming either from individual actions conducive to an efficient exploitation of the social potential, or a close cooperative relationship with Australia, which gives rise to an asymmetrical great-power military tandem, in which the Wellington side plays a complementary role, New Zealand currently holds a position of a regional military and social power, whereas its capabilities predestine it obtain a similar status also with respect to economic matters.

Located in the South Pacific, for many years New Zealand has been an important part of a great power concert taking place within the region. The post- 1945 process which had given independence and the right to self-government to various states and territories formerly administered by the great powers, allowed them to shape their external relations with other states autonomously, and thus rendered the position of formal dominance previously held by the great powers obsolete. This included also New Zealand whose international position at that time was highly conditioned by trusteeship responsibilities performed pursuant to a UN mandate. Combining David A. Baldwin's contextual approach to power analysis with Ray S. Cline's resource-based power model, the author examines the presentday distribution of military and socio-economic potential within the South Pacific region and depicts the unilateral exercise of local preponderance by the Wellington government conducted in the last 10 years. He reaches a conclusion that, stemming either from individual actions conducive to an efficient exploitation of the social potential, or a close cooperative relationship with Australia, which gives rise to an asymmetrical great-power military tandem, in which the Wellington side plays a complementary role, New Zealand currently holds a position of a regional military and social power, whereas its capabilities predestine it obtain a similar status also with respect to economic matters.

Located in the South Pacific, for many years New Zealand has been an important part of a great power concert taking place within the region. The post- 1945 process which had given independence and the right to self-government to various states and territories formerly administered by the great powers, allowed them to shape their external relations with other states autonomously, and thus rendered the position of formal dominance previously held by the great powers obsolete. This included also New Zealand whose international position at that time was highly conditioned by trusteeship responsibilities performed pursuant to a UN mandate. Combining David A. Baldwin's contextual approach to power analysis with Ray S. Cline's resource-based power model, the author examines the presentday distribution of military and socio-economic potential within the South Pacific region and depicts the unilateral exercise of local preponderance by the Wellington government conducted in the last 10 years. He reaches a conclusion that, stemming either from individual actions conducive to an efficient exploitation of the social potential, or a close cooperative relationship with Australia, which gives rise to an asymmetrical great-power military tandem, in which the Wellington side plays a complementary role, New Zealand currently holds a position of a regional military and social power, whereas its capabilities predestine it obtain a similar status also with respect to economic matters.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze superpower potentials of Saudi Arabia and Iran. The analysis is aimed at finding the answer to the following research question: which of the states involved in the so-called 'New Cold War' in the Middle East – Saudi Arabia or Iran – fulfills to a greater extent the criteria for being qualified as a superpower? The hypothesis constructed on the basis of a research question anticipates that in case of combining Saudi Arabia's and Iran's superpower potentials, Riyadh appears to be a stronger actor, and thus, more capable of playing the role of a regional leader. In order to verify the research hypothesis, the superpower criteria formulated by A. Włodkowska were used, namely population and demographic, territorial (geopolitical), economic and technological, as well as military measures. Transferring the results of the analysis into numerical values has enabled a positive verification of the research hypothesis. Comparing the current superpower potentials of both Riyadh and Tehran as well as taking into account their evolution trends lead to drawing a conclusion that Saudi Arabia outweighs its rival with regard to the potential for playing the role of a regional power. Not only does the Kingdom appear as the largest and most economically developed country in the region, but also an entity characterized by favorable and prospective both demographic and economic indicators, allocating the majority of the Middle Eastern actors to the modernization and expansion of the army.

The main goal of this study is the verification of a hypothesis/idea of centralized personalization during Polish electoral campaigns. Because of its goal and implemented methodology, such research project is unique among research presented in scientific literature thus far. The work has a descriptive character; it is congruent with treatments from the field of political communication, combining approaches of communicology and political science, in that it expresses an attempt to include in the analysis the circumstances of election campaign personalization and factors specific to mediacentric and political -scientific perspectives, as well as because of the fact of recognizing media content in political party communication. Election communication research includes six Polish parliamentary elections from the years 1993—2001. Along with an analysis of communiqué contents, published in information media, as well as communiqué prepared by political subjects contending in the elections, basic analysis methods within the study are historical-comparative and statistical data analyses. The specific objectives of the treatment are: — Description of circumstances of the political communication personalization thesis on the level of mediatization of politics and political campaign professionalization theories; — Analysis of the trend occurrence and characteristics of the electoral campaign personalization trend based on empirical research conducted in western-European parliamentary democracies; — Recognition of conditions of electoral campaign personalization in parliamentary elections in Poland; — Analysis of the trend occurrence and characteristics of media personalization in Polish electoral campaigns based on opinion-forming press research; — Analysis of the trend occurrence and characteristics of strategic personalization in Polish electoral campaigns based on political TV advertisement research.

The article is an effect of interest in research interests across the image of Polish accession to the EU which was created by press texts of regional newspapers of the Western Land of Poland. The press texts was selected broadcast content on the appropriate form, and clearly carved eventually reflect the problems that have become important and have been discussed issues relating to the Polish accession to the EU. Polish-German relations was important point of pre-accession discussions in the regional analyzed newspapers. Based on analysis, can be concluded that the motive for combining texts, newspapers surveyed had hoped that the adoption of Polish EU will speak to a symbol that will contribute to the disappearance of overcoming mutual prejudices and stereotypes still functioning. Although the mutual relations of both countries still had a significant impact historical and social events, it seems that the regional press journalists of the Western Lands really belief that after 1 May 2004 will begin a new stage of history. In press texts was repeated several times the idea of Polish-German 'community of interests'. Analysis of the texts shows that in the pre proceeded quite freely communication processes between German and Polish representatives of local authorities, particularly where the German side clearly says about concerns stemming from EU enlargement, Poles and Germans expecting to improve the better economic situation. The analysis of the press shows clearly that the German political elite was unable to convincingly explain the lack of acceptance of the German society for EU enlargement to include Poland.

Abstract: The analysis of strategic significance of the Iranian oil needs to be supplemented with the profound research in the area of its symbolic meaning. Combining those two approaches is necessary regarding the fact that economy is interrelated with the condition of the political system. If the Islamic Republic of Iran is viewed as a set of three interdependent systems: a political, a social and an economic one with specific function for each of them, then the symbolic area turns out to be most active in the field of social bounds and contacts. The political system imposes pressure on the society by an application of symbols. In such a case the Iranian oil becomes not fuel, which can be sold or bought, but a symbol of struggle for political and cultural independence. ; Analiza strategicznego znaczenia ropy naftowej jako jednego z podstawowych surowców irańskiej gospodarki i czynnika regulującego w dużym stopniu stosunki międzynarodowe musi zostać dopełniona o dogłębną analizę ropy naftowej jako symbolu niezależności Iranu i jego walki o niezawisłość i ochronę dobra narodowego. Jeśli ujmiemy Islamską Republikę Iranu jako zbiór trzech wzajemnie powiązanych ze sobą i współzależnych systemów: politycznego, społecznego i ekonomicznego, z których każdy pełni określone funkcje, to sfera symboliczna okaże się być najbardziej aktywna właśnie w obszarze kontaktów i więzi społecznych. System polityczny oddziałuje na społeczeństwo za pomocą symboli, które mogą zostać odkodowane nieświadomie, lecz zgodnie z założeniami decydentów politycznych. W tym wypadku ropa naftowa stanie się nie surowcem energetycznym, który można sprzedać lub kupić, lecz symbolem walki o niezawisłość Iranu.

Artykuł opisuje najpopularniejsze wskaźniki (tzw. indeksy) oraz sposoby ich łączenia i interpretacji w politologicznych badaniach porównawczych. Przy ich pomocy analizować można wpływ systemu wyborczego na kształt struktury systemu partyjnego. Autor, na przykładzie mieszanych systemów wyborczych w Rosji i na Ukrainie oraz systemu proporcjonalnej reprezentacji w Polsce, przedstawia wpływ wybranych elementów systemów wyborczych na konfigurację systemów partyjnych mierzoną przy wykorzystaniu m.in efektywnej liczby partii politycznych. Zwraca także uwagę na poziom koncentracji systemu partyjnego jako jedną z konsekwencji systemu wyborczego. Artykuł weryfikuje wiele obiegowych poglądów na temat politycznych skutków systemów wyborczych oraz uczy jak przy pomocy metody indeksowej można weryfikować twierdzenia na temat wpływu poszczególnych elementów systemu wyborczego na system partyjny. Jednocześnie pokazuje jak interpretować uzyskane w toku badania wskazania indeksów. ; The article describes the most common indicators (so-called indices) and the methods of combining as well as interpreting them in the political science comparative studies. An employment of these indices allows the analysis of the impact of electoral systems on party ones. Using Russian and Ukrainian mixed electoral systems and Polish proportional representation as an example, the author expounds the impact of given elements of electoral systems on configuration of party systems. Proceeding so, he gauges the effects of the influence in question by deploying the so-called effective number of parties formula. The author points out that amongst others effects of this interconnection of systems there is also the impact on the concentration level of party systems. Additionally, this paper debunks a plethora of popular opinions concerning political effects of electoral systems and teaches how one can verify those opinions employing the index method and how to interpret the indices.