Suchergebnisse

Table of contents:
1 Introduction / Syed Muhd Khairudin Aljunied and Derek Heng
REFRAMING THE HISTORICAL NARRATIVE
2 From Political Rhetoric to National History: Bi-Culturalism and Hybridisation in the Construction of Singapore's Historical Narrative / Derek Heng Thiam Soon
3 Gateway and Panopticon: Singapore and Surviving Regime Change in the Nineteenth-Century Malay World / Koh Keng We
4 Beyond the Rhetoric of Communalism: Violence and the Process of Reconciliation in 1950s Singapore / Syed Muhd Khairudin Aljunied
5 The Politics of Fires in Post-1950s Singapore and the Making of the Modernist Nation-State / Loh Kah Seng
6 Gender and Discipline in 'The Singapore Story': The Female Chinese Factory Workers in Perspective, c. 1980-c. 1990 109 / Ernest Koh
LOCATING IDENTITIES ACROSS BORDERS
7 Textualising the Baba Identity: Insights into the Making of a Bibliography / Bonny Tan
8 Negotiating Identities, Affiliations and Interests: The Many Lives of Han Wai Toon, an Overseas Chinese / Sharon Wong Wai Yee
9 Singaporean First: Challenging the Concept of Transnational Malay Masculinity / Lenore Lyons and Michele Ford
10 Trans-National Biographies and Trans-National Habiti: The Case of Chinese-Singaporeans in Hong Kong / Caroline Plüss
SINGAPORE AS TRANS-REGIONAL CONDUIT
11 Indian Media and the Lure of 'Uniquely Singapore' / Faizal bin Yahya and Arunajeet Kaur
12 Localising the Global and Globalising the Local: The Global Households of Filipina Trans-Migrant Workers and Their Singapore Employers / Janet M. Arnado
13 Raffles Hotel Singapore: Advertising, Consumption and Romance / Chris Hudson
14 The Role of Recruitment Agencies for Japanese Working Women in Singapore / Yoshimichi Yui

AbstractThis article demonstrates how the Great Bengal Famine of 1943–1944 and relief activism during it fed the politics of the Hindu right, a development that has not previously received much scholarly attention. Using hitherto unused primary sources, the article introduces a novel site to the study of communal politics, namely, the propagation of Hindu communalism through food distribution during a humanitarian crisis. It examines the caste and class bias in private relief and provides the first in-depth study of the multifaceted process whereby the Hindu Mahasabha used the famine for political purposes. The party portrayed Muslim food officials as 'saboteurs' in the food administration, alleged that the Muslim League government was 'creating' a new group of Muslim grain traders undermining the established Hindu traders, and publicized the government's failure to avert the famine to prove the economic 'unviability' of creating Pakistan. This article also explores counter-narratives, for example, that Hindu political leaders were deliberately impeding the food supply in the hope that starvation would compel Bengali Muslims to surrender their demand for Pakistan. The politics of religious conversion played out blatantly in famine-relief when the Mahasabha accused Muslim volunteers of converting starving Hindus to Islam in exchange for food, and demanded that Hindu and Muslim famine orphans should remain in Hindu and Muslim orphanages respectively. Finally, by dwelling on beef consumption by the army at the time of an acute shortage of dairy milk during the famine, the Mahasabha fanned communal tensions surrounding the orthodox Hindu taboo on cow slaughter.

In this article the «extractive capitalism», the «extractive imperialism» and the «imperialism» are analyzed in order to clear out the confusion on the debate about neoextractivism caused by the interchangeable usage of these concepts. Urgent attention is required to reinforce the comprehension about the underlying class struggle in the extractive industries. The strating point is the counterpoint developed by Petras and Veltmeyer about the theorical and political issues of the state role in their review concerning the theory of neoextractivism. In order to understand their arguments is necessary to involve the three concepts. Their analysis about the relation between capitalism and imperialism is crucial to understand the extractive capitalism and the extractive imperialism. The argument is that the extractivism is the incarnation of a particular form of productive activity in the capitalist era that deepens the capitalism in the capitalist periphery. The extraction of natural resources is not a purely capitalist process or imperialist; the human beings have extracted their livelihood from the nature since the primitive communalism until the current capitalism. It is not the specific productive activity of extracting natural resources, that is capitalist or imperialist, since the capitalism, and by extension, the imperialism is associated with a variety of productive activities. The productive activity must have a place inside a capital-work salaried nexus in order to belong to a capitalist kind. Some of the first expositions about the definitions of this concepts are reviewed to help the activists to have a clear comprehension about the debate of the neoextractivism.

Between 17 and 20 November 1921, Bombay was convulsed by the Prince of Wales Riots, which coincided with the arrival of the future King Edward VIII in the city. The riots constituted an extremely important moment in the Non-Cooperation Movement, the political transformation of Bombay and the development of M.K. Gandhi's political thought. Additionally, the riots upturned familiar notions of communalism: angry at repeated violations of a hartal Gandhi declared for the day of the Prince's arrival, Muslim and Hindu supporters of the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat movements joined together to attack supposedly loyalist minorities, especially Parsis. Herein lay the riots' broader significance. During the Non-Cooperation Movement, Gandhi had been keen to recruit the active support of the Parsi community. He was well aware of their financial and political clout and their leadership roles in liberal nationalist circles. Most Parsis, however, expressed strong reservations about Gandhi's tactics, believing that a mass political movement under the banner of 'Hindu–Muslim unity' would be injurious to smaller minority communities. The riots, therefore, confirmed Parsis' worst fears about Gandhi's politics and their majoritarian implications. Gandhi, for his part, worked tirelessly to repair his relationships with the Parsis and reassure them of the Congress' commitments towards minority rights. He reconsidered how smaller communities fit into India's communal dynamics. By December 1921, Gandhi even unfurled a new slogan that was used towards the end of the Non-Cooperation Movement: 'Hindu–Muslim–Sikh–Parsi–Christian–Jew unity'.

International audience ; The purpose of this article is to understand how a corporate museum in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia works to create proleptic myths of nationhood to under-gird a broader state-centric project of nationalist—capitalist modernization. The article examines how these myths are expressed in the museum's design plans and are manifested in the museum's displays and spatial layout. From this analysis it becomes apparent that, first, the museum's designers intend for Malaysian museum-goers to both learn and embody particular myths of national modernization. Second, the museum's displays are dedicated to establishing a Malay-centric origin narrative for the contemporary nation-state. Third, as one moves through the museum, Malay-centrism gives way to narratives of a `multi-racial' society that link technological modernization with social progress. Eventually, however, `race' is trumped by `class' as the social identity category deemed appropriate for `information age' citizenship and nationhood in Malaysia in a story that parallels broader cultural and political—economic state-centric aspirations to achieve `development'. The deployment of `class' in this context melds strategies of government with selective aspects of neoliberalism that seek to manage the possible cultural and political experiences of nationalist—capitalist accumulation and democratic authoritarianism in contemporary Malaysia. I suggest that while these aspirations expressed through the design of the museum might appear to overcome certain limitations of racial communalisms among different Malaysians, they also dissemble underlying symbolic and material violence that enforces a state-centric stability on the possible meanings of citizenship and national identity in contemporary Malaysia.

The purpose of this article is to understand how a corporate museum in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia works to create proleptic myths of nationhood to under-gird a broader state-centric project of nationalist—capitalist modernization. The article examines how these myths are expressed in the museum's design plans and are manifested in the museum's displays and spatial layout. From this analysis it becomes apparent that, first, the museum's designers intend for Malaysian museum-goers to both learn and embody particular myths of national modernization. Second, the museum's displays are dedicated to establishing a Malay-centric origin narrative for the contemporary nation-state. Third, as one moves through the museum, Malay-centrism gives way to narratives of a `multi-racial' society that link technological modernization with social progress. Eventually, however, `race' is trumped by `class' as the social identity category deemed appropriate for `information age' citizenship and nationhood in Malaysia in a story that parallels broader cultural and political—economic state-centric aspirations to achieve `development'. The deployment of `class' in this context melds strategies of government with selective aspects of neoliberalism that seek to manage the possible cultural and political experiences of nationalist—capitalist accumulation and democratic authoritarianism in contemporary Malaysia. I suggest that while these aspirations expressed through the design of the museum might appear to overcome certain limitations of racial communalisms among different Malaysians, they also dissemble underlying symbolic and material violence that enforces a state-centric stability on the possible meanings of citizenship and national identity in contemporary Malaysia.

Abstract:  In this paper I examine river governance or river policy in Japan through the process of modernization over one century and analyze three hidden paradigms, "modern technicism", "nature conservationism" and "life environmentalism", with the theory of environmental value. Japanese rivers were governed traditionally by local people (life environmentalism) but the river management was put under the control of administration and the specialist (modern technicism) in the tide of modernization, and in order to confront this situation a new paradigm of "nature conservationism" was born. In the analysis of the stages of river policy development, the development of economic and political power will be traced according to an environmental sociology point of view. This means analyzing people's initiatives resulting from their recognition and value in the political and economical arena. Structuring of river governance through the interactive process of "government and self‐government" is also analyzed by putting an emphasis on local residents as a political body and second, I will describe the theoretical direction of environmental sociology. Lake Biwa and The Yodo River Basin system, which have historical importance in Japanese river policy, will be taken as an example. From the position of environmental sociology, river governance as an interactive process of "government and self‐governance" based on independence of people, is one practical model that can give us important keys for the new river governance, transcending difference of social conditions. Consider learning the spirit of traditional communal structure as a process of practice for building a new communalism, life environmentalism model, which fits today's society.

Jnanadeepa: Pune Journal of Religious Studies Jan 1998 (Vol 1/1): Our Commitment to a United India Editorial: Our Commitment to a United India │ (p. 3-4)│ DOI:10.5281/zenodo.4244595 │ Read Communalism in India: An Empirical Investigation Paul V. Parathazham│ (p. 5-18)│DOI:10.5281/zenodo.4244657│ Read Bhagavad Gita's Contribution to the Future of India Sebastian Painadath, SJ │(p. 19-30) │ DOI:10.5281/zenodo.4248716 │ Read The Future of India: A Buddhist Contribution Rosario Rocha, SJ │(p. 31-44) DOI:10.5281/zenodo.4244715 Read Muslim Identity in India: A Time for Re-discovery G. Lazar, SVD │ (p. 45-57) │ DOI:10.5281/zenodo.4244738 │ Read Tribals in India: A Challenge to Theology Walter Fernandes, SJ │ (p. 58-68) │ DOI:10.5281/zenodo.4244756 │ Read Christianity and Caste Lionel Fernandes │ (p. 69-76) │ DOI:10.5281/zenodo.4244767 │ Read Christians in Independent India Isaac Padinjarekuttu │ (p. 77-92) │ DOI:10.5281/zenodo.4244780 │ Read The Good Shepherd (Jn 10): A Political Perspective Rekha Chennattu, RA │ (p. 93-105) │ DOI:10.5281/zenodo.4244807 │ Read Religion and Secularism: An Exploration into the Secular Dimension of Religion and the Religious Dimension of Secularism Francis X. D 'Sa, SJ │ (p. 106-126) │ DOI:10.5281/zenodo.4244828 │ Read Advaitic Model of Pluralism for India: An Indian Christian Contribution Kuruvilla Pandikattu, SJ │ (p. 127-149) │ DOI:10.5281/zenodo.4244836 │ Read The Church at the Service of the People of India Kurien Kunnumpuram, SJ │ (p. 150-164) │ DOI:10.5281/zenodo.4244869 │ Read Book Reviews │ (p. 165-170) │ DOI:10.5281/zenodo.4248726 │ Read

My choice of subject for this lecture arose from what I think might have been a matter of some interest to Kingsley Martin; as also from my own concern that the interplay between the past and contemporary times requires a continuing dialogue between historians working on these periods. Such a dialogue is perhaps more pertinent to post-colonial societies where the colonial experience changed the framework of the comprehension of the past from what had existed earlier: a disjuncture which is of more than mere historiographical interest. And where political ideologies appropriate this comprehension and seek justification from the pre-colonial past, there, the historian's comment on this process is called for. Among the more visible strands in the political ideology of contemporary India is the growth and acceptance of what are called communal ideologies. 'Communal', as many in this audience are aware, in the Indian context has a specific meaning and primarily perceives Indian society as constituted of a number of religious communities. Communalism in the Indian sense therefore is a consciousness which draws on a supposed religious identity and uses this as the basis for an ideology. It then demands political allegiance to a religious community and supports a programme of political action designed to further the interests of that religious community. Such an ideology is of recent origin but uses history to justify the notion that the community (as defined in recent history) and therefore the communal identity have existed since the early past.

"[E]xplores 19th-century religious communalism in America including the Shaker, Oneidan, and Rappite societies, arguing the importance of this early American "utopianism" in the development of a uniquely heterogenous democracy. Although no Hawthornes or Goethes, Tolstoys or Marxes emerged from the ranks of these communities, the aforementioned writers are only a few influential individuals who took an intense interest in them as potential models for large-scale societies. Recent social thinkers like Benedict Anderson, Charles Taylor and Robert Wuthnow emphasize the significance of discourses (familial, dynastic, religious) in the creation of community. They contend that literary analysis in particular is critical for understanding how "social imaginaries" develop, sustain themselves, and transform. Among a variety of influential thinkers including Karl Marx, Max Weber, and Richard Dawkins, Goethe is a major contributor to the discussion, not simply because of his profound international influence during the period, but because he was a contemporary witness to these events, and, in his later life, was consumed by everything American in what Fritz Strich describes as the "stupendous study Goethe made of the new world, its geological, climatic, social, economic and political conditions." Goethe's final novel Wilhelm Meister's Journeyman Years depicts an emigrant society about to found an intentional community in America and his view of cultural metamorphosis is central to understanding social development of the period. Utilizing a theoretical framework that draws on Lacan, the Frankfurt School, and post-structuralist Marxist thinkers like Fredric Jameson, Slavoc Zizek, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, to show how communities develop within specific discursive structures and how these uniquely American structures have the potential to create more radical democracies"--

Intro -- Contents -- List of Contributors -- List of Figures -- 1: Introduction: Emotional Entanglements of Sacrality and Secularity-Engaging the Paradox -- The Thai King as Secular and Sacred -- The Secular Sacred: A Praxeological Approach -- Sections of this Book -- Culture -- Public Space -- Tolerance -- Images -- Bodies -- References -- Part I: Culture -- 2: The Boomerang-Effect of Culturalized Religion: The Impact of the Populist Radical Right on Confessional Politics in the Netherlands -- Setting the Scene: 'Is Islam a Threat to the Netherlands?' -- Confessional Politics: The SGP on the Outside and Inside -- The Rise of the Populist Radical Right and Religion: Dutch Culture Is Christian! -- The 'Islam Debate' -- Short Skirts Against Islam? -- The Boomerang Effect of Invoking Leitkultur -- Concluding Remarks -- References -- 3: 'We' and 'The Others' as Constituents of Symbolic Politics: On the Populist Exploitation of Long-lasting Nationalist Sentiments and Resentments Regarding Citizenship in Germany -- Symbolic Politics as a Simplifier and Constructor of a Belief System -- Illoyal and Privileged: Holders of Two Passports and Other Suspects -- The Struggle for a New Citizenship Law in 1999 -- Diffusion of Old and New National Rhetoric -- Outlook -- References -- Part II: Public Space -- 4: Religion, Aesthetics, and Hurt Sentiment: On the Visibility and Erasure of a Muslim Minority in India -- Religious Communalism and the Secular Sacred in India -- The Precarity of Shia Visibility: Between Hurting Oneself and Being Hurt -- Shedding Blood: Pious Embodiment and Precarious Representation -- Conclusion -- References -- 5: Spatial Piety: Shia Religious Processions and the Politics of Contestation of Public Space in Northern Nigeria -- Introduction -- From Student Activist to Islamic Political Activist -- Shia Public Processions (muzahara).

Friedrich Nietzsche is one of the most widely read authors in the world, from the time of his death to the present—as well as one of the most controversial. He has been celebrated as a theorist of individual creativity and self-care but also condemned as an advocate of antimodern politics and hierarchical communalism. Rather than treating these approaches as mutually exclusive, Jeremy Fortier contends that we ought instead to understand Nietzsche's complex legacy as the consequence of a self-conscious and artful tension woven into the fabric of his books. The Challenge of Nietzsche uses Nietzsche as a guide to Nietzsche, highlighting the fact that Nietzsche equipped his writings with retrospective self-commentaries and an autobiographical apparatus that clarify how he understood his development as an author, thinker, and human being. Fortier shows that Nietzsche used his writings to establish two major character types, the Free Spirit and Zarathustra, who represent two different approaches to the conduct and understanding of life: one that strives to be as independent and critical of the world as possible, and one that engages with, cares for, and aims to change the world. Nietzsche developed these characters at different moments of his life, in order to confront from contrasting perspectives such elemental experiences as the drive to independence, the feeling of love, and the assessment of one's overall health or well-being. Understanding the tension between the Free Spirit and Zarathustra takes readers to the heart of what Nietzsche identified as the tensions central to his life, and to all human life

"Anglo-Indians are a mixed-race, Christian and Anglophone minority community which arose in South Asia during the long period of European colonialism. An often neglected part of the British Raj, their presence complicates the traditional binary through which British imperialism is viewed - of ruler and ruled, coloniser and colonised. The book analyses the processes of ethnic group formation and political organisation, beginning with petitions to the East India Company state, through the Raj's constitutional communalism, to constitution-making for the new India. It details how Anglo-Indians sought to preserve protected areas of state and railway employment amidst the growing demands of Indian nationalism. Anglo-Indians both suffered and benefitted from colonial British prejudices, being expected to loyally serve the colonial state as a result of their ties of kinship and culture to the colonial power, whilst being the victims of racial and social discrimination. This mixed experience was embodied in their intermediate position in the Raj's evolving socio-racial employment hierarchy. The question of why and how a numerically small group, who were privileged relative to the great majority of people in South Asia, were granted nominated representatives and reserved employment in the new Indian Constitution, amidst a general curtailment of minority group rights, is tackled directly. Based on a wide range of source materials from Indian and British archives, including the Anglo-Indian Review and the debates of the Constituent Assembly of India, the book illuminatingly foregrounds the issues facing the smaller minorities during the drawn out process of decolonisation in South Asia"--

Law Number 5 of 1960 concerning Basic Regulations on Agrarian Principles (UUPA) is widely praisedas the great work of the Indonesian nation which is revolutionary and responsive, combining good elements between individualism and communalism. However, the unachieved objectives of the UUPA is hard to deny and the majority of the defense of its failure tends to be normative and ideological. This paper aims to bring the study of the UUPA to a more empirical direction by using theories of public policy implementation, as introduced byGrindle (1980) about content variables and policy contexts, and the theory of critical implementation researchers who use a bottom-up perspective and highlight the actions of implementing bureaucrats. The research used qualitative methods through the study of literature and focused on executive policy, bureaucrats' actions and the context that surrounds them. The study found that the executive policy with the issuance of Presidential Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia Number 86 of 2018 was precisely not in line with several provisions of the UUPA. The presidential regulation has a paradox, wants to accommodate many variables but is confused about the main purpose of agrarian reform. As a relatively top-down policy, the implementation of the UUPA requires the existence of a dominant actor. However, the actions of implementing bureaucrats have long reducedthe purpose of the law to merely being an act of legalization of accounting transactions for land that are running according to market mechanisms. Now, the increasing number of Indonesians living in urban areas makes the issue of land more complex, related to land use change and various challenges of sustainable development.

Background: The Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) has emerged as a global health threat. Biological disasters like this can generate immense prejudice, xenophobia, stigma and othering, all of which have adverse consequences on health and well-being. In a country as diverse and populous in India, such crisis can trigger communalism and mutual blame. Keeping this in context, this study explored the relationship between well-being and xenophobic attitudes towards Muslims, collectivism and fear of COVID-19 in India. Methods: The study was carried out on 600 non-Islamic Indians (231 males, 366 females and 3 others; mean age: 38.76 years), using convenience sampling. An online survey containing Fear of Coronavirus scale, Warwick–Edinburgh Mental Well-Being Scale and Collectivism Scale was used. Xenophobia was assessed using two scales: generalized prejudice towards Muslims and specific xenophobic tendencies towards Muslims during COVID-19. The data were analysed using correlational methods and multiple regression. Results: The findings showed that positively significant relationship exists between well-being and age as well as with collectivism, while an inversely significant relationship between well-being and fear of COVID-19 was found. The results of the multiple regression analysis shows that fear of COVID-19, age, collectivism and generalized xenophobia, in the order of their importance, together contributed to nearly 20% of variance in well-being. Conclusion: The findings are reflective of the importance of collectivism in enhancing well-being in these times of uncertainty. Xenophobia, one of the common offshoots of pandemics, can also harm the overall well-being. Implications are discussed in the light of India's diverse socio-religious background and global context.