Suchergebnisse

Most studies of communication in China or in other Communist states focus on the functions of mass media: as propaganda, organization, mobilization and control. They examine the transmission of messages from state to society and see the news media under the Communist system as a crucial part of the party-state machine. These studies usually emphasize two features. First, mass media and the party-state are seen as identical in essence, as implied in the concept of "propaganda state." Secondly, they focus on how this "propaganda state" restructures people's opinions and transforms society.

Most studies of communication in China or in other communist states focus on the function of mass media: as propaganda, organization, mobilization and control. The People's Daily (Renmin ribao) is the mouthpiece of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The article discusses the politics of information flow from the Party-state centre to the mass-media. It focuses on how the mass-media receive directives and on how those directives are then interpreted and disseminated with particluar reference to the politics of editorial formulation in the People's Daily. (DÜI-Sen)

Our starting point is that there are gender differences in the use of language linked to masculine/feminine role identity, and not to alleged essentialist, intrinsic features. The research is a contribution to the understanding of links between linguistic behaviors and socio-psychological processes, as these relate to agency and ingroup/outgroup differentiation and to gender roles. We conducted our descriptive study on 441 parliamentary speeches delivered between 1976 and 2009 by four Italian politicians, differentiated by gender and political affiliation. We expected a higher degree of agency as well as higher ingroup/outgroup differentiation for male than for female politicians with a trend towards a lesser degree of gender differences in the later period (1994-2009) because of the feminine emancipatory processes in the Italian society and parliament. The indicators of high/low agency were: pronouns and verbs in the first person singular/plural, and conditional modal verbs. For the ingroup/outgroup differentiation, we used pronouns in the first and second person plural. We conducted a quantitative textual analysis and a qualitative contextual analysis. Our results confirm the hypothesis in part. We advanced some contextualist considerations to interpret the outcomes.

Examines antecedents and consequences of relationships between politicians and communications professionals working in electoral committees, political parties, government agencies, consultancies, polling agencies, and other related organizations; 11 articles. Also published as a monograph by The Haworth Press, Inc. (LC 2003002282) (ISBN soft. 0-7890-2159-5) ($24.95) (ISBN hard. 0-7890-2158-7) ($34.95). Contents: The merging of public relations and political marketing, by Bruce I. Newman and Dejan Vercic; The material culture of US elections: artisanship, entrepreneurship, ephemera and two centuries of trans-atlantic exchange, by Philip John Davies; News management and new managerialism: Quangos and their media relations, by David Deacon and Wendy Monk; New labour: a study of the creation, development and demise of a political brand, by Jon White and Leslie de Chernatony; Political marketing research in the 2000 U.S. election, by Elaine Sherman and Leon G. Schiffman; The 2000 American presidential election: lessons from the closest contest in American history, by Dennis W. Johnson; Who pays the piper? the funding of political campaigning in the UK, US and the consequences for political marketing and public affairs, by Phil Harris; Communicative diplomacy for the 3rd millennium: soft power of small countries like Slovenia? by Kristina Plavsak; Models of voter behavior: the 2000 Slovenia parliamentary elections, by Dejan Vercic and Iztok Verdnik; Structural models of voter behavior in the 2000 Polish presidential election, by Andrzej Falkowski and Wojciech Cwalina; Testing a predictive model of voter behavior on the 2000 presidential election, by Bruce I. Newman.