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This article reviews research contributions in political science and communication to the topic of nonverbal communication and politics from 2005 to 2015. The review opens with research on the content of nonverbal communication, then considers studies examining what moderates the impact of nonverbal aspects of political messages on attitudes and behavior and the mechanisms that underpin these effects. Over the period reviewed here, research shows that the nonverbal channel is rich in political information and is consequential for political decision making, particularly under certain circumstances, such as in low-information conditions. Visuals affect political decisions through cognitive and emotional routes. This review article also identifies several directions where further research is required, particularly with regard to social media, nonvisual aspects of nonverbal communication, the interplay of visual and verbal arguments, and the mechanisms behind the effects of nonverbal communication.

Most studies of communication in China or in other communist states focus on the function of mass media: as propaganda, organization, mobilization and control. The People's Daily (Renmin ribao) is the mouthpiece of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The article discusses the politics of information flow from the Party-state centre to the mass-media. It focuses on how the mass-media receive directives and on how those directives are then interpreted and disseminated with particluar reference to the politics of editorial formulation in the People's Daily. (DÜI-Sen)

Most studies of communication in China or in other Communist states focus on the functions of mass media: as propaganda, organization, mobilization and control. They examine the transmission of messages from state to society and see the news media under the Communist system as a crucial part of the party-state machine. These studies usually emphasize two features. First, mass media and the party-state are seen as identical in essence, as implied in the concept of "propaganda state." Secondly, they focus on how this "propaganda state" restructures people's opinions and transforms society.

Examines antecedents and consequences of relationships between politicians and communications professionals working in electoral committees, political parties, government agencies, consultancies, polling agencies, and other related organizations; 11 articles. Also published as a monograph by The Haworth Press, Inc. (LC 2003002282) (ISBN soft. 0-7890-2159-5) ($24.95) (ISBN hard. 0-7890-2158-7) ($34.95). Contents: The merging of public relations and political marketing, by Bruce I. Newman and Dejan Vercic; The material culture of US elections: artisanship, entrepreneurship, ephemera and two centuries of trans-atlantic exchange, by Philip John Davies; News management and new managerialism: Quangos and their media relations, by David Deacon and Wendy Monk; New labour: a study of the creation, development and demise of a political brand, by Jon White and Leslie de Chernatony; Political marketing research in the 2000 U.S. election, by Elaine Sherman and Leon G. Schiffman; The 2000 American presidential election: lessons from the closest contest in American history, by Dennis W. Johnson; Who pays the piper? the funding of political campaigning in the UK, US and the consequences for political marketing and public affairs, by Phil Harris; Communicative diplomacy for the 3rd millennium: soft power of small countries like Slovenia? by Kristina Plavsak; Models of voter behavior: the 2000 Slovenia parliamentary elections, by Dejan Vercic and Iztok Verdnik; Structural models of voter behavior in the 2000 Polish presidential election, by Andrzej Falkowski and Wojciech Cwalina; Testing a predictive model of voter behavior on the 2000 presidential election, by Bruce I. Newman.

Since politics among the top Soviet leaders is vigilantly screened from outsiders, serious studies must be based on indirect evidence. Analysis of published hidden messages provides a major source of such evidence, since esoteric communication has a key role in contention over high policy & questions of power in the USSR For example, in 1955 publication of a telegram which incorrectly addressed Khrushchev with Stalin's famous title of `general secretary', when analyzed in conjunction with related evidence, enaged the inference to be drawn that Khrushchev was bidding for dictorial power. Subsequent events have tended to confirm this hypo. IPSA.