Suchergebnisse

Introduction: The article represents the author's interpretation of the actor composition of implementing information policy in modern Russia. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the main conditions of interaction between state and non-state structures of the Russian Federation in the process of determining priorities and strategies for ensuring information security in Russia. The problem of this research is actualized by increasing dependence of the mass communication domestic system on modern global geopolitical threats and foreign policy challenges. Russia and Russian society need a set of effective tools and methods to ensure the security and stability of the mass communication system. Methodology and methods: The main methodology of this study is the principles of the communicative approach (N. Wiener, C. Deutsch). Besides, the ideas about the technological core of political communication find their scientific and practical application (S.V. Volodenkov, M. Castells, S.V. Schwarzenberg). The analysis of the combination of public political communication and the processes of administrative-state management is based on the conclusions, which are contained in the articles of G. Lassuela and O.F. Shabrov. The empirical basis of the research is the public opinion polls of "Levada Center". Analysis: The modern world is increasingly differentiated by the degree of information richness: the more the country is informationally open, the faster the production of new ideas, their inclusion in political decisions. The modern process of political communication has shifted to greater interactivity. Information policy, political regulation of the mass communication system becomes the leading sphere of management activities of state and non-state structures. Discussion: The indicative model development of politicalcommunicative interaction of information policy actors in the Russian Federation is hampered by a number of problems. Some of them are associated with established practices of political administration by state institutions of information processes. Other problems come from the unwillingness of civil structures to carry out the functions of public political management in the field of information security. The result is a decline in public confidence in political information and the Russian media. Results: The author proposes the main forms of coordinated interaction of state and non-state actors in the field of information regulation, ensuring the information security of the Russian Federation. The researcher substantiates the idea of the relationship of the mass communication system development with the formation of information and communication competencies of the Russian Federation population.

The article presents an overview of the work of the international scientific and practical conference Literary Digital Archive as Cultural Practice and Social Experience, held on October 20, 2022 at the Gorky Institute of World Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences and dedicated to the results of a research project carried out at IMLI with the support of a grant from the Russian Science Foundation (RNF) - Transcript: Politics and Literature. Digital Archive of Literary Organizations of the 1920s-1930s. The essence of the project consisted in digitizing transcripts of meetings of proletarian writers' unions and placing them in a specially prepared digital database. Turning to these sources allows the literary critic to focus on the functions of literary institutions: production, communication, consumption and distribution of material and symbolic goods. The speakers noted the prospects of an extensive path - the expansion of the material involved in digitization, and the intensive development of the project. The discussion of the results ended with general support for the idea of publishing the next volume of the Literary Legacy, dedicated to the history of proletarian writers' unions, the output of which would crown the historical and literary research vector set by the project Transcript: Politics and Literature.

The purpose of the article is to demonstrate an influence of Jewish salons of Berlin on the intellectual life of Prussia at the turn of the XVIII–XIX centuries. As a form of communication, salon is characterized with an active participation of women in «traditionally» men's discussions on politics, philosophy and literature. Woman, as a rule, an aristocrat, selected a public at her discretion and moderated a conversation. A blossom of salon culture in Prussia took place at the second quarter of the XVIII century. Influence of Jewish salons on intellectual life of the kingdom is consided to be a one of the topics-in-question for researchers in this field. Deborah Hertz, Petra Wilhelmy-Dollinger and Renata Fuchs are inclined to represent Jewish salons as a phenomenon of a great significance for both Prussian Jews' life and cultural climat of German- speaking space. Hannah Lund and Barbara Hahn assess Jewish salons as one of integrative channels at the turn of the XVIII–XIX centuries. The sourse base of this article is presented with a wide correspondense and memoires by actors of salon communication in Berlin, as well as with satirical writings. In this article, the most famous Jewish salons' hostesses — Henriette Herz and Rahel Levin — are presented. High social position of Jewish women's families, as well as their accomplishment and originality incited a great interest to them. Eminent German cultural activists were among the guests of Jewish salons. Intensive communication with Jewish women affected creativity of German authors. So, it is traced in the present article, how a friendship of Henriette Herz with Friedrich Schleiermacher influenced on his formation as a founder of the original religious concept. Also, a role of Dorothea Mendelsohn in Friedrich Schlegel's life and creativity is highlighted. A special attention is paid to the Jewish women's literary activity as an important component of cultural integration. On a Dorothea Mendelsohn's example, author makes an attempt to demonstrate that affiliation to salon circles gave Jewish women a possibility to start their literary activity. Author of the present article traces a reaction of Prussian conservative literary circles to a popularity of Jewish salons. On examples of Friedrich Nicolai and August Bernhardi is demonstrated, how a fear of feminization and Jewish integration are reflected in Prussian satire at the end of the XVIII century.

This article is dedicated to the issue of operationalizing the concept of "soft power", which was introduced into the discourses of social sciences and practical politics by American political analyst Joseph Nye. The main aspects of the issue are examined on the example of the widely popularized, and consequently bearing considerable political resonance, studies carried out by the British PR-agency Portland Communications, which is known for annually publishing "soft power" ratings of the world's leading countries (the Top-30 Soft Power list), as well as analytical reports on the topic. The methodology proposed by said agency can basically be considered the first ever serious attempt at operationalizing the term "soft power". This article comprehensively reveals the specifics of their methodology. The author describes how exactly it is constructed, while providing a detailed characterization of the indicators and sub-indicators it uses, and while showing how exactly it is used in actual research.

Based on the conducted analysis, both the strong and weak points of the operationalization developed by Portland Communications are determined. In particular, the article highlights the well-known randomness when it comes to choosing indexes, defining their significance and the degree of their contribution to the end result. At the same time, the author points out the ideological nature of the methodology used by western countries to put together their "soft power" ratings. A defining characteristic of these ratings is putting emphasis on such parameters that would give western countries, especially the USA and Great Britain, the opportunity to garner the most points. Meanwhile certain vital forms of exercising soft power were not adequately represented, namely those which are not currently possessed by the US or Western Europe (for example, issues associated with the political influence of religious ideas and values were completely neglected). As a result, the trends identified based on the methodology in question appear to be rather questionable in many cases.

The article also substantiates the need for developing new methods of describing and evaluating soft power, which would provide a more comprehensive and objective representation of the political experience of countries not belonging to the western world, including Russia.

The authors refer to the concept of hubris syndrome, introduced into political lexicon in the 2010s by D. Owen, and understood as a specific disease of "people of power." The hypothesis of the study is that the attribution of hubris syndrome to a leader by the media and within expert discourse is not based on objective criteria, but is manipulative in nature and is determined by the degree of "perverseness of the political course" in terms of its compliance or non-compliance with universal democratic values. The article reveals the mechanisms of delegitimization of power through the assignment of a number of characteristics to it within the framework of hubris syndrome. As the analysis shows, hubris syndrome is an exclusively political construction, which is broadcast to the general public as a medical concept. Arguments about hubris syndrome are always built on the basis of the oppositional pair "democracy – authoritarianism / tyranny", as it is understood that democratic regimes themselves, due to their immanent properties (multi-stage institutions of control, change of power, openness, etc.), usually prevent the development of hubris. Reversely, authoritarian and tyrannical regimes automatically turn out to be hubristic ones, which allows democratic regimes, by the right of moral superiority, to correct them in different ways that may even lead to intervention and interference. This scheme finds a historical analogy to the application of the concept of civilizational peoples and states in the civilization/barbarism dichotomy in the 18th-19th centuries, which played a similar function for the West, as described by S. Huntington. The discrepancy between the formal definition of hubris syndrome and the use of the concept in politics is obvious. A highly manipulative construct embodies the tactics of de-legitimization of a political leader if he/ she ceases to comply with the norms of a certain cultural and historical chronotope. The authors draw attention to the specific linguistic markers of hubris syndrome in political communication and the ways in which any politician whose speech contains these units can be declared suffering from hubris syndrome.

Introduction. The article examines the nature and essence of patriotism and friendship of peoples, their crucial role for the life of the Russian Federation. Over the past decades, radical changes have taken place in the political system of Russia, its social and ethnic structure, and a heterogeneous ethno-confessional society has been formed. The author shows that patriotism and friendship of peoples are the most important determinants, specific properties necessary for the integration of our multinational federation ensuring order and stability in the country, its sustainable and dynamic development, the gradual formation of new supra-ethnic and supra-confessional values, and general cultural identity.

Methods. The combination of applying methods and approaches is the key to studying the theory and practice of patriotism, recognizing its procedural nature, unity and opposition in the activities of the state and society, the interests of the government, political parties and social groups. The use of the polyparadigmatic methodology in studying the nature and essence of patriotism, in particular, the activity and civilizational approaches, the synergetic method, dialectic categories made it possible to determine the complexity and continuity of the formation of patriotism and patriotic work, to reveal dynamism and conflict, general and special features in them.

Analysis. Studying the real state of Russian society points to the weakness of systemic activities of patriotic education, preserving and strengthening the unity and friendship between nations. The lack of a common goal problematizes the search for a common patriotic idea, new foundations for Russian civilization, the common existence of nations, the construction of a welfare state and a harmonious society.

Results. The article reveals inadequacy of the declared ideas of patriotism and friendship of peoples to the policy and practice of implementing neoliberal values and the priority of individualism. The author shows that the process of further fragmentation and stratification, alienation and separation of people according to racial, national, ethnic, cultural, religious, confessional, generational, professional and other characteristics continues in society. The transition of already atomized individuals from the ethnic mentality and national behavioral stereotypes to a single patriotic goal – the all-Russian identity – is formal. Today, the activity on the formation of patriotism and patriotic attitudes of consciousness does not affect the deep, essential foundations of society, is of a festival and manipulative nature, and in many respects concerns only the military sphere, tourism and sports. The notes mentioned create significant difficulties in understanding the idea of the common welfare, genuine and false in patriotism, the definition of objective interests of the state, authority and society, social groups and individual elites. Modern globalization inevitably involves taking into account the national interests of Russia, the search for optimal forms of interconnection of civilizational and universal principles.