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The Nordic countries are stable democracies with solid infrastructures for political dialogue and negotiations. However, both the "Nordic model" and Nordic media systems are under pressure as the conditions for political communication change – not least due to weakened political parties and the widespread use of digital communication media. In this anthology, the similarities and differences in political communication across the Nordic countries are studied. Traditional corporatist mechanisms in the Nordic countries are increasingly challenged by professionals, such as lobbyists, a development that has consequences for the processes and forms of political communication. Populist polit-ical parties have increased their media presence and political influence, whereas the news media have lost readers, viewers, listeners, and advertisers. These developments influence societal power relations and restructure the ways in which political actors communicate about political issues. This book is a key reference for all who are interested in current trends and develop-ments in the Nordic countries. The editors, Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, and Lars Nord, have published extensively on political communication, and the authors are all scholars based in the Nordic countries with specialist knowledge in their fields.

The Nordic countries are stable democracies with solid infrastructures for political dialogue and negotiations. However, both the "Nordic model" and Nordic media systems are under pressure as the conditions for political communication change – not least due to weakened political parties and the widespread use of digital communication media. In this anthology, the similarities and differences in political communication across the Nordic countries are studied. Traditional corporatist mechanisms in the Nordic countries are increasingly challenged by professionals such as lobbyists, a development that has consequences for the processes and forms of political communication. Populist polit­ical parties have increased their media presence and political influence, whereas the news media have lost readers, viewers, listeners, and advertisers. These developments influence societal power relations and restructure the ways in which political actors communicate about political issues. This book is a key reference for all who are interested in current trends and developments in the Nordic countries. The editors, Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, and Lars Nord, have published extensively on political communication, and the authors are all scholars based in the Nordic countries with specialist knowledge in their fields.

The Nordic countries are stable democracies with solid infrastructures for political dialogue and negotiations. However, both the "Nordic model" and Nordic media systems are under pressure as the conditions for political communication change – not least due to weakened political parties and the widespread use of digital communication media. In this anthology, the similarities and differences in political communication across the Nordic countries are studied. Traditional corporatist mechanisms in the Nordic countries are increasingly challenged by professionals such as lobbyists, a development that has consequences for the processes and forms of political communication. Populist polit­ical parties have increased their media presence and political influence, whereas the news media have lost readers, viewers, listeners, and advertisers. These developments influence societal power relations and restructure the ways in which political actors communicate about political issues. This book is a key reference for all who are interested in current trends and developments in the Nordic countries. The editors, Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, and Lars Nord, have published extensively on political communication, and the authors are all scholars based in the Nordic countries with specialist knowledge in their fields.

This study is aimed to analyse interpersonal communication on politics among Russian migrants in Finland, and to find an answer to the question: What are the essentials of the interpersonal communication on politics among Russian migrants in Finland? The study presents an exploration of scientific discussion on political communication. The research focuses political communication among citizens on interpersonal level, and considers different approaches, theories and findings in that field. Works of Huckfeldt et al. 2003, Kim and Kim 2008, Merelman 1998, Scheufele 2000, Schudson 1997 etc. were analysed and applied to current research. There is a considerable lack of research which would look at an intersection of political communication in interpersonal communication among migrants. This study attempts to fill in this theoretical gap. This study seeks to contribute to the research field by investigating the following three aspects: first, the correlation between migrants' use of mass media and communication about politics within their social network; second, the tone of conversation in their social network and third, focus of their interest in the field of politics. Primary qualitative data was gathered among Russian migrants in Finland with interpersonal and group interview method. The findings were investigated with the purpose of discovering to what extent political issues are a subject of interest of Russian migrants in Finland. The aspects of interpersonal communication of migrants about politics were analysed: discussions with social circles (family, friends, at work), approach towards mass media and political behaviour. Analysis was based on qualitative research method. One of the most important findings of this analysis is that communication about politics among Russian migrants in Finland is various, and its focus depends on the field of one's interest and is limited by communication competence, especially language skills. Also it was necessary to build a new framework for future studies since the material available on the topic is limited. The following types of migrants were identified in terms of their approach towards politics: active, idle and blocking. While use of internet, newspaper and active deliberation was typical for active migrants, TV and home discussion were the most prominent instruments neutral and neither use of media nor discussions were utilised by those with a negative relation towards politics.

This book is a follow-up of sorts to a similar volume on political communication in the Nordic countries – Communicating politics: Political communication in the Nordic countries – edited by Jesper Strömbäck, Mark Ørsten, and Toril Aalberg and published in 2008. As the editors of this new book point out in the introduction, a great deal has happened since then: the global financial crisis, the rise and gradual hegemony of global tech companies and social media, the rise of authoritarian populism and the global pandemic are just a few of the most obviously relevant developments. Thus, the new volume is a timely addition to the literature. [excerpt] ; N/A

Die politische und wirtschaftlich-soziale Situation in der sich die Gesellschaft seit Beginn des 21. Jahrhund. wiederfindet, ist schwierig und teilweise auch schwer zu verstehen. Die Antworten auf zahlreiche offensteh. Fragen aus dem vorherigen Jahrhundert können uns auch nicht weiterhelfen. Der Schwerpunkt dieser Arbeit liegt auf dem Gebiet der Kommunikation in der Politik ? dem Segment der Gesellschaft deren Qualität Einfluss auf die Qualität unseres Lebens nimmt. Das Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es zu erforschen, wie Politiker erfolgreich bzw. erfolglos kommunizieren. Ob dies nun auf verbaler Ebene durch die Analyse ihres Diskurses erfolgt, oder eben nonverbal anhand verschied. Aspekte nonverb. Kommunikation: die Gestik, Körpersprache, Bilder und Marketing mit einschließt. Untersucht wird auch, welche Strategien von Politikern im Zuge der Vorwahl-Kampagnen genutzt werden, um die Gunst der potenz. Wähler zu gewinnen - ungeachtet dessen ob es sich dabei um ?style over content? Methoden handelt. Natürlich unterscheidet sich die Situation bei den Politikern in verschied. Kulturen und Gesellschaften, sodass man beobachten kann, dass jene Situation weitaus gegliederter aber auch kompliz. im südosteuropäischen Raum ist, wo Politiker die Seriosität ihres Verhaltens aber auch ihrer Kommunikation betreffend verfehlen. Der Hauptteil der Arbeit setzt den Fokus folgende Aspekte zu belichten: Das Verhältnis von wirtschaft. und politischer Kommunikation; wie Politiker in der Öffentlichkeit wahrgenommen werden und wie man das Interesse der Öffentlichkeit auf Politik lenken könnte. Und auch unter anderem ob 'soft power' Politik und sogenannte Hasstiraden in den Schwellenländern SOE zu den ausschlaggebenden Faktoren für unstabile Zustände in den entsprechenden Regionen zählen. In dieser Arbeit wird für eine Modifikation oder Innovation in den gegenwärtigen politischen Systemen der Welt argumentiert wobei direkte bzw. deliberative Demokratie als Alternative in Betracht gezogen wird. ; The political and socio-economic situation, in which society finds itself since the beginning of the 21st century, is a difficult one and sometimes even hard to understand. The answers to numerous outstanding issues from the previous century might not help us either. The focus of this thesis lies in the field of communication in politics ? a segment of society whose quality has an impact on the quality of our lives. The aim of this study is to explore how politicians communicate successfully or unsuccessfully. Whether this is done on a verbal level through the analysis of their discourse, or non-verbally by means of various aspects of non-verbal communication, including: gestures, body language, images as well as marketing. Also strategies will be examined, which are used by politicians during the pre-election campaigns in order to win the favour of potential voters ? regardless of whether it is a matter of ?style over content? methods. Obviously, the situation differs with politicians in various cultures and societies, so that it can be observed that the respective situation is much more structured but also more complex in Southeastern Europe, where politicians seem to miss the seriousness concerning their behavior as well as their communication. The main part of the work places the focus on exposing the following aspects: the relationship between economic and political communication; how politicians are perceived by the public eye and how the public interest in politics could be drawn. The work will also explore, whether 'soft-power'-politics and the so-called torrent of hatred in the developing or newly industrialised countries of Southeastern Europe are among the decisive factors for unstable conditions in the respective regions. This thesis argues in favor of a modification or innovation with regards to the current political systems in the world, whereby direct or deliberative democracy is considered as an alternative. ; vorgelegt von Dinko Sulejmanovic ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2012 ; (VLID)224410

Our paper discusses the role of the institutional communication of politics during emergencies. We examine the impacts of that communication on the management of over-communication (excessive, confused and uncertain information and knowledge) and under-communication (deficiencies in information and knowledge) to reduce potential knowledge-behaviour gaps (KBGs) in the audience. By outlining some of the controversies and overloads within such communication in Italy during the COVID-19 emergency, we underline a situation of entropy that has increased the KGB among audiences at multiple levels. We also highlight the emergence of three patterns that could potentially mitigate the KGB and re-establish coherent and balanced communication to manage emergencies: time, power, and reactions based on relationships. We argue that communication should (1) respect synchronicity, (2) take into account the power of the audience and create a segmented form of knowledge and (3) be based on interaction, participation, and relational-based messages that will favour coherent reactions.

Our starting point is that there are gender differences in the use of language linked to masculine/feminine role identity, and not to alleged essentialist, intrinsic features. The research is a contribution to the understanding of links between linguistic behaviors and socio-psychological processes, as these relate to agency and ingroup/outgroup differentiation and to gender roles. We conducted our descriptive study on 441 parliamentary speeches delivered between 1976 and 2009 by four Italian politicians, differentiated by gender and political affiliation. We expected a higher degree of agency as well as higher ingroup/outgroup differentiation for male than for female politicians with a trend towards a lesser degree of gender differences in the later period (1994-2009) because of the feminine emancipatory processes in the Italian society and parliament. The indicators of high/low agency were: pronouns and verbs in the first person singular/plural, and conditional modal verbs. For the ingroup/outgroup differentiation, we used pronouns in the first and second person plural. We conducted a quantitative textual analysis and a qualitative contextual analysis. Our results confirm the hypothesis in part. We advanced some contextualist considerations to interpret the outcomes.

Communication and Public Policy: Proceedings of the 2008 International Colloquium on Communication - 21st ICC 2008

Publication as part of the NUCLEUS project (http://nucleus-project.eu), coordinated by Prof. Alexander Gerber, Rhine-Waal University (orcid:0000-0002-9737-1267).Publication as part of the NUCLEUS project (http://nucleus-project.eu), coordinated by Prof. Alexander Gerber, Rhine-Waal University (orcid:0000-0002-9737-1267).

Modern politics is mediated politics, and the media constitute the most important source of information and channel of communication between the governors and the governed. Media and politics are thus inextricable linked together, with the media playing an important role in contemporary democracies and for political processes. While this is true for virtually all advanced democracies, there are still important differences between countries depending on, for example, their media systems and political systems. The purpose of Communicating Politics: Political Communication in the Nordic Countries is consequently to de-scribe and analyze both the political communication systems and cases of political communication processes in Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden. Taken together, the chapters explore differences as well as similarities between the Nordic countries, and provide a broad view of political communication systems, practices and research perspectives in the Nordic countries. There is a few copies of the printed edition available. It can also be downloaded as a PDF, free of cost.

In this article, I connect political communication with urban politics by conceptualizing an interdisciplinary urban politics research framework. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu's theories of practice and communication, I offer an urban politics research model that simultaneously addresses the dimensions of power struggle and symbolic struggle in urban politics. The theoretical modeling is discussed from an interdisciplinary approach to social studies and constructed with a methodological suggestion of tripartite social network analysis.

This article draws on a series of interviews with members of the Pirate Party, a political party focusing on copyright and information politics, in different countries. It discusses the interviewees' visions of democracy and technology and explains that copyright is seen as not only an obstacle to the free consumption of music and movies but a threat to the freedom of speech, the right to privacy, and a thriving public sphere. The first part of this article briefly sketches how the Pirate Party's commitment to the democratic potential of new communication technologies can be interpreted as a defense of a digitally expanded lifeworld against the attempts at colonization by market forces and state bureaucracies. The second part problematizes this assumption by discussing the interactions between the Pirate movement and the tech industry in relation to recent theories on the connection between political agency and social media. ; Funding text: Helge Ax:son Johnson foundation; Olle Engqvist foundation; Ake Wiberg foundation; Lars Hierta foundation; Riksbankens Jubileumsfond (the Swedish Foundation for Humanities and Social Sciences) ; Piratkopieringens ideolog: En studie av piratkopiering, upphovsrätt och modernitet i Sverige, USA och Australien

In recent times the nature of scholarship has both remained consistent to its core principles, and undergone profound changes. Despite numerous high-flown claims, no-one knows how these will play out. This paper describes the digitally-mediated changes which are in process throughout the familiar scholarly cycle, and considers the issues – including for librarians, curators and scholars - which arise from these changes.

The dynamics of organisational communication play a role in any organisation. In-between organisational communication are power and politics. This paper used the qualitative method to ascertain the place of power and politics in organisations in Nigeria. Through the systematic thinking theory which was used as theoretical framework the study discovered that paying workers creating a conducive work-environment and capacity building are crucial to enhancing a good organisational communication. While acknowledging the role of unionism in fighting for workers welfare the paper established that power and politics are game-changers in any work-environment.