Suchergebnisse

BEGINNING FROM AN OPERATIONAL COMMUNICATION MODEL OF MASS COMMUNICATION RESEARCH & PERSUASION STRATEGY, A POLITICAL PROPAGANDA CAMPAIGN CONDUCTED AFTER AN UNEXPECTED DISSOLUTION OF THE PARLIAMENT IS ANALYZED. THE UNEXPECTED CHARACTER OF THE DISSOLUTION CARRIES SEVERAL PROBLEMS OF COMMUNICATION STRATEGY: (1) THE BASIC DATA OF THE MARKETING SITUATION ARE DEFICIENT, (2) THE DELIMITATION (WITH PRIORITIES) OF TARGET AUDIENCES IS PROBLEMATIC, & (3) THE CHOICE OF MANIPULATIVE VARIABLES BECOMES A MATTER OF PURE EXPERIENCE. IN THIS CONTEXT, THE CAMPAIGNS IN THE LAST PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN BELGIUM ARE ANALYZED. A NORMAL LINK EMERGED TO THE ACTUAL SOCIAL & CULTURAL PROBLEMS IN BELGIAN SOCIETY AS DID ORIENTATION TO A LARGE & HETEROGENEOUS AUDIENCE. HOWEVER, A LACK OF THEME CENTRALITY IN THE PROPAGANDA WAS ALSO EVIDENT. THE PROPOSED OPERATIONAL MODEL SEEMS TO BE A USEFUL COMPLEMENT TO THE CLASSICAL LISTS OF PRACTICAL RECOMMENDATIONS IN PROPAGANDA LITERATURE. 1 FIGURE. MODIFIED HA.

A symposium discussing the quality of political reporting in Belgium & the Netherlands. Peter Van Aelst (U of Leiden) introduces the discussants & explains the rationale behind selecting these individuals as participants in this debate. Herman van Gunsteren (emeritus, U of Leiden) summarizes the theses & views originally expounded in the monograph, coauthored with C. Habbema, Perspectief op het politiek-publicitair complex in 2009 ([A Perspective on the Political-Journalistic Complex of 2009] Amsterdam: Van Gennep, 2009). In his reply, Frits Bloemendaal (Geassocieerde Pers Diensten [Associated Press Services]) notes the limited applicability of Van Gunsteren's study confined to the political scene in the Hague & contests his optimistic observations on the critical distance the press maintains vis-a-vis politics in the Low Countries. Bloemendaal wonders if in the present-day communication war & era of spin doctors, the press is still able to play the role of an impartial reporter of Dutch & Belgian politics; he notes the dangers of the growing grip by government agencies, political parties, & politicians over the news media motivated by controlling what & how is reported to the public. The second reaction to Van Gunsteren's position comes from Marc Hooghe (Catholic U of Leuven) who although acknowledges the benefit of transparency when journalists scrutinize politicians' actions, points out to several episodes of a cozy relationship between Dutch journalists & politicians/political parties & worries over the undue influence that ideologically colored or biased political reporting may exert on voters' decisions & perception of the political process. Hooghe observes that to survive & become financially viable businesses, many newspapers resort to sensationalism & hype to attract readership at the expense of objective & insightful reporting of "boring" political news. In closing, Van Aelst summarizes & comments on the discussants' views. Z. Dubiel

Intro -- Makelaars in kennis: Een inleiding -- Erika Kuijpers en Gerrit Verhoeven -- Rederijkersnetwerken en de verspreiding van kennis in de vroege zeventiende eeuw -- Het werk van Willem de Gortter en de beeldvorming van de Opstand -- Bram Caers -- Meertalige tijdingen in het Van der Meulen archief (1588-1600) -- Nina Lamal -- De vroegmoderne ambassade­secretaris als informatiemanager -- Henri Brasset en zijn briefregisters (1616-1654) -- Kerrewin van Blanken -- Kennis over verre zeeën

Communication between political elites & the general public is suffering from information overload. The best way to remedy the problem is to improve political language. Ideology is the most 'rational' political language available: it carries information about elite decision making at a relatively modest cost. Three questions are considered: (1) Do the decisionmakers have an ideology? (2) If 'yes,' is it instrumental in the decision-making process? (3) If 'yes,' why does this ideological factor rarely reach the public? The last two questions are considered from a formal viewpoint. It is shown that ideology can be important in the private decision-making forum & disappear when the elites address the public. The private forum is dominated by the need for policy output & by the necessity for coalition formation. The adaptation of ideology to this situation depends on its articulation degree & on the coalition-formation type. Generally, the salience aspect of ideology is less likely to suffer than its position aspect. The public forum is dominated by the needs for recruiting support & legitimizing proposals. Ideology is generally too costly a device to be used for these purposes. HA.