Suchergebnisse

This study is a partial advance of ongoing research whose main objective is the creation, contribution, and analysis of cultural indicators in the Ecuadorian university context. This work focuses specifically on providing a series of indicators on the equipment, use, and consumption of the TIC of students of the National University of Education of Ecuador (UNAE). The methodology used is the quantitative of descriptive-analytical order, based on the data collected in a survey applied on a population sample, made up of 438 students of the total universe between the different careers and cycles offered by the UNAE. The sample has a margin of 95% reliability and an error of 5%. The obtained results showed a high level of equipment, use, and consumption of the different technological devices. Also, this university population spends daily hours in academic and free time activities in cellphones, television, videos, and internet.

Den här rapporten ger en inblick i vår pågående forskning i projektet "Making Sense of Adaptation - Adaptation practice in a governance perspective" (härefter MASA). MASA har sedan år 2018 följt och följeforskat ett antal organisationer och institutioner med ansvar för klimatanpassning i en svensk kontext. Syftet med projektet är att bidra med kunskap om hur dessa aktörer uppfattar och genomför sitt arbete i praktiken, samt att baserat på detta underlag bidra till en bättre förståelse för om, och i så fall vilka, förändringar i klimatanpassningsarbetet som är önskvärda och möjliga. Med utgångspunkt i teorier om sociala praktiker har vi zoomat in på specifika klimatanpassningspraktiker genom att följa, observera och analysera pågående arbete. Nästa steg är att zooma ut och blicka framåt tillsammans med dem som befinner sig i dessa praktiker. Den workshop som vi genomförde tillsammans med myndighetsnätverket för klimatanpassning under våren 2021 inledde denna fas, och denna rapport kan ses som ett första avstamp för gemensam reflektion och diskussion om våra preliminära resultat. Myndighetsnätverket för klimatanpassning är en central aktör och viktig källa till kunskap i det svenska klimatanpassningsarbetet. Nätverket kopplar samman ett stort antal myndigheter och sektorer på olika nivåer (regionala och nationella) som är involverade i och har ett utpekat ansvar för samhällets klimatanpassning. Syftet med workshopen var att tillsammans med nätverket reflektera och prata om visioner kopplade till klimatanpassning utifrån nätverkets egenidentifierade behov och preliminära resultat från vår forskning. Vilken målbild och vision för klimatanpassning har myndighetsnätverkets medlemmar? Vad behöver utvecklas och förändras för att en sådan vision ska realiseras? Detta sökte vi svar på genom att diskutera frågan Hur ser ett samhälle ut där klimatanpassningen fungerar och genererar önskvärda resultat? Som riktlinje fick deltagarna förhålla sig till år 2040, varifrån vi sedan spårade oss bakåt i tiden mot nuläge (så kallad backcastingmetod) för att identifiera såväl prioriterade frågor som risker med nuvarande sätt att arbeta med klimatanpassning. Vision för klimatanpassning år 2040 - hur ser ett önskvärt läge ut? En viktig utgångspunkt i deltagarnas vision av klimatanpassning är tillgången till insti-tutionellt stöd och ledarskap, bättre kunskapsunderlag samt att klimatanpassning behandlas som en prioriterad fråga, politiskt, i samhällsdebatten samt i den egna organisationen. I deltagarnas vision är klimatanpassningen mer flexibel och proaktiv, samtidigt som det finns en tydligare ansvarsfördelning mellan samhällets olika aktörer och nivåer. Helhetssyn och långsiktighet präglar arbetet där globalt samarbete och rättviseaspekter har en självklar plats. Några deltagare lyfter även vikten av att existentiella frågor kopplade till klimatanpassning och klimatförändring diskuteras och ges mer utrymme än idag. Bärande för och underliggande visionen är en pågående samhällsomställning och transformation, eller strukturell förändring, av olika samhällssektorer. Förutsättningarna för klimatanpassning är avhängigt samhällsutvecklingen i stort och i visionen hanteras inte klimatanpassning längre som en enskild fråga. Frågor att fokusera på redan nu Deltagarnas övergripande vision, tillsammans med de nyckelområden och risker som vi identifierade i efterföljande diskussion, ger en viktig fingervisning om vilka frågor som är centrala att fokusera på och utveckla i klimatanpassningsarbetet redan nu. Politiskt mod, eller tydligt klimatledarskap, på alla nivåer identifierades i workshopen som helt centralt för framgångsrikt arbete med klimatanpassning. Baksidan av samma mynt är deltagarnas uttryck för en rädsla bland enskilda tjänstemän och myndigheter att göra "fel" vilket riskerar att skapa passivitet i klimatanpassningsarbetet. Därför krävs olika former av stöd såsom tydligare vägledning och målstyrning som kan underlätta myndigheternas avvägningar. En annan aspekt som pekas ut som viktig för klimatarbetet är möjligheter till gemensamt utforskande av svåra frågor där det saknas enkla svar eller stöd av tidigare erfarenheter. Kontinuerliga reflektionsprocesser inom nätverket och dess olika organisationer menar vi kan vara ett sätt att bidra till att skapa detta utrymme och samtidigt skapa förutsättningar för institutionaliserat lärande. Myndighetsnätverkets medlemmar poängterar särskilt vikten av tydligare ansvarsfördelning. Även om ansvarsfrågan lyfts tidigare och varit föremål för statliga utredningar, menar nätverket att många oklarheter består. Därför vill vi understryka att frågan om ansvar för och ledarskap i samverkan kring klimatanpassning bör ges större vikt. Ett helhetsgrepp är en förutsättning för att kunna nå önskvärda förutsättningar för fungerande klimatanpassning. Lärdomar och framåtblickar Lärdomar från denna process är att ett medvetet visionärt fokus och förhållningssätt kan skapa viktiga diskussionsytor för att angripa klimatanpassningsfrågans mer komplexa aspekter. Att göra som vi gjorde i projektet, formulera en vision i en halvt avlägsen framtid - tillräckligt långt borta för att inte uppfattas som låst av nuläget, men tillräckligt nära för att vara relevant för redan pågående beslut och processer - möjliggjorde för deltagarna att röra sig bortom sakfrågor och fragmenterade perspektiv till att ta ett bredare grepp på klimatanpassning. Vi ser en stor potential i myndighetsnätverket att fortsatt arbeta på detta sätt. Precis som deltagare framhåller under workshopen, bör nätverket värna rollen som ett öppet forum där frågor kan dryftas på ett prestigelöst sätt. Vi föreslår också att nätverket fortsätter att utforska möjligheterna att institutionalisera processer och skapa verktyg för olika former av återkommande reflektion och övergripande dialog som kan bidra till att utveckla och utnyttja nätverkets potential. Rapportens upplägg Den första delen i rapporten ger en inblick i forskningsprojektet MASA. Vi beskriver kortfattat projektets ansats, sammanfattar vad vi sett så här långt samt ger en bakgrund till workshopens inriktning. Del två återger upplägget på och resultaten av workshopen uppdelat i deltagarnas vision samt identifierade nyckelfrågor, riskområden och behov kopplat till klimatanpassningsarbetet. Del tre blickar framåt och fokuserar på myndighetsnätverkets nuvarande och framtida roll och potential.

The object of this thesis is to describe, analyze and understand the terms and meanings of the public information and the political communication for local democracy, in today´s media landscape, out of the interaction between the main parties of the local society in Sjöbo and Ystad and from the stand point of earlier research and theories. The study has analyzed the actions performed by citizens, politicians, employees and journalists as well as the scenes for this information and communication. The interplay is a never ending power struggle between the three parties, concerning the accessibility of information and communication, especially to the kind that is given and takes place in informal, nonofficial rooms and channels which are not publicly accessible. Theories by M Weber, E Goffman, Z Bauman, M Foucault, J Habermas etc are being used. Case study method has given rise to three themes. The first describes how the increasing demands of rationalization, are displayed in the everyday practice, how it manifests in the interaction between the three parties, where processes of rationalization undermine the possibilities of dialogue. The second theme describes how the three parties use different strategies in order to obtain or keep the power of the information and the communication and thus the power of the politics, how the definitions of the main parties can be deconstructed and how the power can shift from one actor to another, depending on available power positions. Those in power withdraw themselves from communication with the citizens in different ways,by the use of different power techniques, which leads to a dynamic resistance where both journalists and citizens work out counter strategies. The public speech about the need to revitalize the civic sphere has been prominent for a long time. The third theme thus describes this promising speech of the public information and the political communication, how it has been handled and what the consequences are. The empirical material displays that the holders of the traditional power positions, tend to polish this visible side. The cosmetic considerations have proved to be the most significant ones in the studied practice and do play a significant part in the contemporary discursive practice as well as it terms the public information and the political communication. Those in power try to project the cosmetic democracy and the speech of new opportunities, on democracy, on the importance of communication and information and of participating, have become necessary ingredients in the cosmetic democracy, which is increasing. This does not mean that all democracy being exercised is cosmetic. Nevertheless, the surface and the speech of democracy become more distant from the content, by all the talk of its splendid qualities.

This study takes as its point of departure the theorizing on citizenship and globalization. Today it is common to discuss a "flexible" citizenship beyond the paradigm of the nationstate, which, besides its legal aspects of rights and obligations, also includes identification with and participation in various communities, primarily political ones. "Politics", in this context, is considered to be constituted on the micro-level, discursively between individuals (e.g. Laclau and Mouffe 1985). The aim of the study is to, through the study of collective meaning making, contribute to the theory building about citizenship and globalization. The study consists of three cases, each of which attracted much media attention, with varying degrees of proximity and distance. The construction of political community, on various levels on the globalization scale (subnational, national, transnational) within the collective meaning making, is studied. The aim of the study also includes the analysis of the discursive resources that are used for the making of meaning. "External" discourses such as media messages and interpersonal communication are analyzed as well as "internal" ones: e.g. values, norms, identifications and experiences. In addition, the study aims at localizing the construction of meaning and community within the structural context , and relating it to current structures of power. The thesis is concluded with a suggestion of how to relate the discursive construction of political identity to deliberative democracy theory. The empirical material is collected by means of focus-groups interviews, including 2–5 people, with a total of 133 respondents. The transcribed material is analyzed by means of critical discourse analysis, CDA. The study identifies two different types of identity constructions: processes of nationalization, where the experienced Swedish identity and community function normatively in the making of meaning, and processes of subnationalization, among those groups that somehow felt excluded from and mistreated by the national (Swedish) environment. The thesis concludes that the collective making of meaning within an assumed national community contains ideological elements and works to a large extent in the service of power. However, the subnationally compressed communities create meaning in an oppositional manner, compared with the nationalized community and in relation to structures of power. Active citizenship is thus best located in conflict, among groups that experience exclusion and oppression in different situations (Mouffe 1995b). If this is right, the focus must shift from consensus to communication, efforts to open up discursive bridges between the hegemonic community and dissident voices should be made (c.f. Aronowitz 1995). An important space for transgressing communication is of course the media. However, the study shows that the media must deal with some problems before they are ready to serve as discursive bridges, for instance the tendency to make the factual antagonisms subordinate to homogenizing emotional reporting. In addition, there seems to exist a need for the political institutions to move beyond the paradigm of the nation-state, and find other frameworks for the democratic processes, not least at the subnational level. Thus, instead of discussing either a global or a national citizenship one could, with Habermas (2001), reflect on a postnational citizenship relating to the reflexive transformation of national civic sovereignty into subnational and supranational citizenship.

High hopes for democracy and sustainability are placed on participatory planning. Policy makers and scholars argue that broad participation can revitalise democracy and tackle sustainability challenges. Yet, critics claim that power asymmetries stand in the way of realising the potential of participatory planning. In the everyday practices of planning, this controversy comes to a head. Here, planners interact with citizens, politicians and developers around making choices about places and societies. Planners' practices are contested and they are challenged by the complexity of power relations. They need conceptual tools to critically reflect on what power is and when it is legitimate. Reflective practice is a prerequisite for making situated judgements under conditions of contestation. Yet, the planning theories, which are most influential in practice, have not been developed with the intention of conceptualising power. Rational planning theory, which still is influential in practice, largely reduces planning into a technical power-free activity. Communicative planning theory, which underpins participatory practices, instead suggests that expert power ought to be complemented by inclusive dialogue. This theory criticises hierarchical power relations as domination, without providing elaborated understanding of other facets of power. Hence, the conceptual support for reflective practice is too reductive. The aim of this thesis is to rethink power in participatory planning by developing concepts that can enable reflective practice. I draw on power theory and explore the utility of treating power as a family resemblance concept in participatory planning. Applying this plural view, I develop a family of power concepts, which signifies different ideas of what power is. The usefulness of this "power family" is tested through frame analysis of communicative planning theory and Swedish participatory planning policy and practice. The result of the research is a family of power concepts that can enable reflective practice. 'Power to' signifies a dispositional ability to act, which planning actors derive from social order. This ability can be exercised as consensual 'power with' or as conflictual 'power over'. The latter is conceptualised as an empirical process which, on a basic level, can be normatively appraised as illegitimate or legitimate. This thesis contributes to planning theory and environmental communication by problematising reductive notions of power and, as an alternative, rethinking power as a family resemblance concept. This theoretical contribution matters to planning practice as it can enable planners to develop their ability to be sensitive to what a situation requires, i.e. to acquire practical wisdom (phronesis).

Mediatization and Power: An Analysis of the Media's Political Influence. During the last few decades it has become increasingly common to characterize modern politics as mediated and mediatized. Problematic, though, is that both concepts are referred to more often than they are properly defined, and that there is a deficit in systematic empirical studies on the degree to which politics has become mediatized. Against this background, the purpose of this article is to analyze the concepts of "mediated" and "mediatized" politics, and to empirically investigate how Swedish members of parliament and political journalists perceive the media's political influence. The theoretical analysis suggests that the mediatization of politics should be understood as a multidimensional concept, whereas the empirical results show that both members of parliament and political journalists believe that the media do have extensive influence over politics as well as the general public.

It may be challenging to see how illegal hunting, a crime that ostensibly proceeds as shoot, shovel and shut up in remote rural communities, at all communicates with the regime. Examining the socio-legal interplay between hunters and state regulation, however, clarifies illegal hunting to be part of a politically motivated pattern of dissent that signals hunters' disenfranchisement from the polity. While few contemporary illegal hunters cut conscientious figures like Robin Hood, their violation of illegitimate law may likewise testify to a profound disjuncture between legality and legitimacy. This is the premise taken in the following research. Here it is observed contemporary Swedish hunters experience the deliberative system pertaining to wildlife and wolf conservation to be systematically stacked against them and unable to serve as a site for critical law-making that provides equal uptake of all voices. One manifestation of their growing disenfranchisement is the establishment of a counterpublic mobilised on the basis of shared semantics for the sorts of deliberative deficits they argue befall them in the present. Within the remit of their counterpublic, hunters undertake and justify illegal hunting along with other forms of disengaging dissent like abstentions, non-compliance, boycotts and conscientious refusals with state agencies. The research captures hunters' dissent in Smith's deliberative disobedience, a deliberative and Habermasian grounded reinterpretation of the more familiar classical theory of civil disobedience. On this perspective, illegal hunting signals a deficit in the deliberative system, which hunters both bypass by taking an alternative conduit for contestation, and draw attention to when they undertake dissent. The dissent in this case study is deconstructed in terms of its grammar—as simultaneously engaging and disengaging with the premises of power—and in terms of its communicative content. Set within the field of Environmental Communication, the dissertation is intended as an empirical and theoretical contribution to a discussion on the boundaries of political dialogue in the context of civic disenfranchisement: it asks whether some of hunters' dissent may be parsed as a call for a more inclusive debate, or as dialogic acts in themselves. Finally, it presents ways toward short-term and longer-term reconciliation of hunters with the deliberative system, drawing on the work of contestatory citizen mini-publics from the third wave of deliberative democracy.

Society and Identity- Developments and Challenges in Swedish Youth Politics in the 1990´s. There are many ways to describe and value young people's interest and engagement in politics. While some defend extraparliamentarian activism as an important road to political engagement, others stress the need for young people to become familiar with the political system. These two contradictory views express a common concern for the importance of involving the young in the political process – this is an issue that the system has to deal with. Should the established political system affirm the youths' active participation and desire to make a change? Is it possible to do this without a loss of respect for democracy? Is it possible to develop democracy without changing it radically Behind these questions, lies the deeper question about how the established democratic system, in practice in the state and municipalities, handle a) the political involvement of youths and b) the transmission of democratic values to new generations. Furthermore, these questions are based on the fundamental assumption that a democratic culture can only be communicated and upheld through processes of political socialization, where norms, knowledge and values are passed on from one generation to the next. In order for this particular kind of communication to succeed, it is crucial that people see their citizenship in a democratic society as an important part of their identity. One of the main functions of the democratic political system is to create and uphold identities and attitudes that are intimately connected to the system itself. Therefore, the political institutions are central actors in the communication process of political socialization. Communication is a paradoxical concept. It is a human activity that everyone is involved in, but few can define unambiguously. Professor James Carey, who analyses the concept in Communication as culture, essays on media and society (1989), introduced the idea of communication as ritual. Although broad in meaning, this definition highlights communication as central in the construction of both society and identity. Society exists and works through the communication between people and because we learn the codes of interaction that exist in the societal context: But, whatever the details of the production and reproduction of social life, it is through communication, through the intergraded relations of symbols and social structure, that societies, or at least those with we are most familiar, are created, maintained, and transformed. In this dissertation, the notion that communication is pivotal in the formation of both society and identities, is fundamental. Communication is the core of democratic development and the passing on of democratic values from one generation to the next. Political socialization is a question of communication processes. Objective and research questions The objective of this dissertation is to investigate how the main actors in the Swedish political system; the state and the municipalities, deal with processes of society- and identity formation. This is achieved through an analysis of the perspectives on political socialization that are expressed by these actors in youth politics in the 1990's. Three main research questions are central in this dissertation: Do the state and the municipalities understand their role in the process of political socialization as mainly hierachical or interactive? How is the role of the youth construed by these actors? Are they seen as active or passive in the process of political socialization? Do these actors regard political socialization chiefly as a matter of continuation or as development? Over the years, political socialization research has generated different views on the youth, democracy development and the political system. Early research tended to regard the youth as a passive group in a hierarchical political system that acted mainly on behalf of it's own preservation. This perspective saw political socialization as a matter of teaching the young to assimilate to the existing political system. Later research has shown that the process is more interactive than was previously thought: youths are influenced, but at the same time they also influence others. This shift in perspective raises questions of how the political system construes the process of political socialization, it's own role in this process, the role the youth and ultimately; how democracy best can be developed. Conclusion The findings of the different studies in this dissertation show an overwhelmingly hierarchical construal of political socialization by the state and the municipalities. The idea of interactivity and development, advocated by later research, is only visible in some of the municipalities. Furthermore, youths are considered as having some political awareness, but this awareness needs to be cultivated through teaching. Therefore, youths are seen as passive receivers in the communicative process of political socialization – and not as active participants. At the same time, –on a rhetorical level–both the state and the municipalities express an ambition to create possibilities for youths to take responsibility and to find their own organizational solutions for political engagement. However, this dissertation also shows that this ambition is nowhere matched by any willingness to change the existing system, if that is what is required in order for the youth to develop own organizational solutions. The state regards the process of political socialization from a perspective of continuation and conservation. Youths are therefore mainly seen as a problem until they have reached a level of political awareness that allows them to function within the existing political system. The municipalities wants to get involved in the political socialization of youths through their "youth-councils", but it is obvious that the main perspective is one of socialization into the existing political system. In order to be able to participate and have influence on decision-making, youths have to learn the form and the language required by the existing political system. It is not, according to the municipalities, the system that needs to change. The state and the municipalities consider youths as mouldable object that also have the ability to participate and shape society. When the states and municipalities' assumptions about the youth's political interests and enthusiasm do not correlate to the youth's, the process of identity-formation becomes paradoxical. A hierarchical system meets young people who do not want to interact with the system. A system aimed at its own continuation and preservation of the existing order, that mainly aims to teach youths to fit into the system, will meet youths who want to create new forms of organizations. Therefore, when the state and municipalities in the ambition of socializing youths into the political system, shut the door to real participation and influence that would mean actual change and development, it is perhaps not so surprising that some youths canalize their political commitment through extraparliamentary activism. On a rhetorical level everyone applauds ideas of development of the political system. But in reality, the state and the municipalities regard this development as challenging when the suggested changes threatens the established order.

New policies in Sweden about intensive forestry and functional green infrastructure require involvement of different sectors for planning of landscapes and regions. However, Sweden has no territorial land-use planning at these spatial scales. Landowners, municipalities and regional governments work separately to implement policies about sustainability. There is thus a growing need for integrated spatial planning, and thus assessments of sustainability at local to regional levels by comparing monitoring results with norms expressed in policies. The aim of this thesis is to analyse and visualise such data using Geographic Information Systems (GIS) to enhance comprehensive spatial planning approaches for cooperation between different planning sectors. In paper I, habitat functionality was modelled for area-demanding focal species' requirements in five coarse forest types. Also clear-felling rates within and outside functional habitats for each of four forest owner categories were measured. The differences among landowner categories concerning planning for ecological values were linked to how biodiversity-friendly their policies were. Papers II and III analyses how forest management affects two endangered species, and show that GIS-based proxy variables can be used to predict occurrence of both terrestrial and aquatic focal species. Paper IV assesses how Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) contributes to biodiversity conservation in Sweden and Russia. Analyses of structural connectivity and habitat functionality show that the minimum standard in FSC set-asides is not compatible with higher levels of ambition to maintain biodiversity. Paper V explores how planners, locals and tourists perceive landscape values, and how these can be interpreted and used in spatial planning. Paper VI demonstrates a zoning approach to identify green infrastructures and areas suitable for intensive forestry. In paper VII indicators for ecological, economical and socio-cultural values were summarised to compare municipalities' sustainability. To conclude, there are large opportunities for analysing and visualising data to support integrated spatial planning about sustainability using GIS. However, there is a need for new education programs including all dimensions of sustainability in combination with use of GIS.

The study examines the European coverage in four leading Nordic newspapers during two periods in 1993 and in 1996. During the first period, three countries were negotiating for membership in the European Union. During the second period, work on a new European Constitution was ongoing, to be negotiated by the Intergovernmental Conference at the end of the period. Two of the applicant countries, Finland and Sweden, were then members of the union since Jan 1, 1995. Voters in the third country, Norway, opted to stay outside the union. Norway is, however closely linked to the union by the previous EEA agreement. Finally, the fourth country, Denmark, had limited its longstanding membership in four important areas. Results of the main study in 1993 indicate a great difference in the degree of Europeanness of the coverage of European affairs, as indicated by the share of European issues, sources, players, institutions etc. The Danish paper, the Politiken, was on all counts genuinely European in its coverage. This could, to begin with, be understood in terms of a relational context - Denmark was a member of the European Community, the other countries were not. In 1996, as could be expected, the Norwegian paper, the Aftenposten, reduced its coverage of European affairs to about half the previous volume, the Finnish and Swedish papers, the Hufvudstadsbladet and the Dagens Nyheter, increased their volumes to new highs. The Danish paper maintained its previously comparatively high volume of European coverage, and was still distinctly more European in its outlook on transnational politics. This could be understood in terms of a new Maturity proposition - it may take a long time for the national media to come to terms with a new political environment. The study also puts forward the proposition that Danish political culture requires a different coverage of European affairs, and also requires an opportunity to discuss and evaluate European politics. On a theoretical level, the study supports the idea that national experience, historical and relational contexts influence media content. National agendas powerfully determine the orientation of transnational political communication . Three in-depth studies by and large confirm results from the content analysis. A separate exercise inspired by Grounded Theory gives rise to three theoretical concepts that seem to be fundamental dimensions of European political communication: Legitimacy (media coverage contributes to status conferral and encourages deliberation of cooperation as an idea), Participation (media coverage as expressions of intrinsical and instrumental motives for joining and taking responsibility towards European cooperation), and Mondialization/Universalism (media coverage of Europe's efforts in the global arena) ; digitalisering@umu

This thesis focuses primarily on the question "why is freedom of speech valuable in a democratic context?" I argue that it is problematic that free-dom of speech takes for granted and that the main question therefore is absent in current political science research, in legal texts, and in public discourse. I also argue that in democratic states the focus, regarding freedom of speech, is often on its boundaries and limits rather than on its justification. But it is highly problematic to find and establish its limits without dis-cussion why freedom of speech is desirable in the first place. The thesis poses two questions. The first concerns how freedom of speech is justified by the five strongest available arguments. I analyze the arguments and conclude that they justify freedom of speech differently but that they are similar in one aspect. Freedom of speech is not primarily justified as an individual right. It is rather justified in terms of the public good. The second question asks if we can reach a better understanding of the central arguments. I argue that the arguments have something in common; all of them justify freedom of speech with reference to a common value. I argue that this common value is what I call, a "reliable communication process". All five arguments claim that freedom of speech is valuable because it promotes a reliable communication process. This process is reliable in terms of its capacity to create a pluralistic public discourse that exposes citizens to ideas and perspectives that they would not have chosen in advance. This study results in the following findings. First, that freedom of speech is valuable in a democratic context because the reliable communication process supports the central democratic value of the enlightened understanding of the democratic citizen. Secondly, that I can give a principled reason for the boundaries of freedom of speech. This means that, according to the arguments, there are reasons to abolish or limit freedom of speech if the reliable communication process is damaged or absent, for example in case of war, anarchy, or violent circumstances. Third, that there are strong reasons in support of a public service media, and greater state intervention in media politics. One strong reason for that conclusion is that a public service media can ensure a pluralistic communication in society and counteract information conformity and intolerance among the members of society.

This thesis investigates the deliberative potential in two communicative initiatives resulting from the 2001 government policy in Swedish nature conservation, A coherent nature conservation policy. The two initiatives, which constitute the empirical material in the thesis are, (1) a national competence development programme that the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency ran 2008-2011, Dialogue for nature conservation, and (2) the nature interpretation at naturum, visitor centres at national parks and nature reserves. Data was generated through qualitative interviews with nature conservation administrators at county administrative boards; participant observation at dialogue courses and workshops with researchers and nature interpreters; video analysis of recorded nature interpretation sessions at naturums; documentation from naturum exhibitions; and document and literature studies. The thesis draws from critical theory and clarifies rationales behind communicative practices in nature conservation. The analysis shows that the communicative initiatives are dominated by the instrumental state rationality, circumscribing space for communicative rationality. The 2001 nature conservation policy emphasised communication, but the communicative initiatives did not sufficiently integrate democratic aspects. By identifying the role of meaning-making as a central phenomenon in a communicative process, the thesis indicates how to include democratic dimensions in communicative work. The theoretical contribution of the thesis draws from an analysis of modernity, nature alienation and reconciliation. In the thesis, naturum is identified as a communicative forum with an underdeveloped potential for reconciliatory activities, more precisely deliberations on nature in nature. The thesis contributes to the field of environmental communication through highlighting how communicative practices of nature conservation depend on both communication and materiality.

At the centre of this study lies one of the critical questions faced by (late-)modern society, namely that of taking care of the long-lived radioactive waste from nuclear power production. The problems of nuclear waste management are pictured as embracing a complex web of essential issues for society today, in terms of both its capacities and its shortcomings – so called core issues. The principal aim of the thesis is to examine the nuclear waste discourse in Malå, Västerbotten, from a critical discourse analytical perspective, through applying the approach developed by Michel Foucault in The Order of Discourse. During the 1990s, the municipality of Malå played a prominent role as a candidate site for the geological disposal of Sweden's spent nuclear fuel. A five-year process culminated in a local referendum on whether detailed site investigations should be permitted within the community. Following the result no further investigations have been undertaken. The discourse analysis is carried out through a study of opinion formation in the municipality during the period October 1992 to October 1997. Two main types of empirical material have been collected: interviews with opinion leaders (politicians, activists, journalists, information professionals, etc.) and contemporaneous mass media content (the local newspaper and regional television news). In the empirical analysis, a review is made of the workings of the external and internal control mechanisms within the discourse; that is to say, how they serve to set limits on the content and form of the sense-making process concerning nuclear waste management. Important themes in the opinion forming process in Malå include information and expertise, opposition and legitimacy, the centre/periphery relationship and the themes of mistrust, partitioning and rejection. Among other themes identified as being marginalised or absent, one example is the Samish citizens' views on the nuclear question. Four actors play a prominent role as authors of the discourse, namely the nuclear industry, the experts, Greenpeace and the mass media. The voices of resistance groups are also significant. Representatives from authorities and civil servants were most likely to take the commentary role in the discourse, along with journalists. In the concluding analysis of the nuclear waste discourse in Malå, two main types of desire for truth, which form the discourse's main order, are identified. The stronger concerns the will to know, which places the expert with a scientific background as the principal truth-teller. The other is 'ordinary' people's desire, which influences the content and form of the opinion formation. It is also concluded that the mass media institutions play a significant role in this context, not least as mediators. Reflections on contemporary 'core issues' to which the analysis bears witness, such as the crisis of democracy, are also included. In addition, the implications of applying the Foucaultian research programme to a study of the nuclear question have been considered.

In this paper, we discuss the bridging potential of "interspecies" solidarity between the often incommensurable ethics of care and justice. Indeed, we show that the Environmental Communication literature emphasizes feelings of care and compassion as vectors of responsibility taking for animals. But we also show that a growing field of Political Animal Rights suggest that such responsibility taking should instead be grounded in universalizable terms of justice. Our argument is that a dual conception of solidarity can bridge this divide: On the one hand, solidarity as a pre-political relation with animals and, on the other hand, as a political practice based on open public deliberation of universalizable claims to justice; that is, claims to justice advanced by human proxy representatives of vulnerable non-humans. Such a dual conception can both challenge and validate NGOs' claims to "speak on behalf of animals" in policy following the Aarhus Convention, indeed underwriting the Convention by insights from internatural communication in solidarity as relation, and by subjecting it to rational scrutiny in mini-publics in solidary as practice.

Posters have been used in political communication for more than a century, and are still an important element in the election campaigns. However, few studies have been devoted to the way in which text and image work together in order to obtain the rhetorical goal of making voters vote for a specific party. In this study, election posters in the 2002 general election in Sweden from all parties represented in the Swedish parliament are analysed. The context of this specific sample of political communication is described through a sociological approach inspired by Pierre Bourdieu, and through theories of political marketing. The model for analysis of the posters combine semiotics and rhetoric in order to present a model capable of analysing both text and image, and the way in which they are used in order to influence and persuade voters. The conclusions are that Swedish parties favour textual messages and not visual elements, and that when visual elements are used, these are mostly portraits of candidates. So apparently, the predominance of visual elements in advertising does not show in election posters. Neither can one claim that personalisation is a predominant element, as the total percentage of posters depicting candidates is quite low. The tendency towards negative campaigning seen in earlier elections is not present in the 2002 posters, and the rhetoric is mostly epideictic and thus aimed at keeping already convinced voters rather than attracting new ones. This might indicate that the posters have lost their role as means of attracting new voters and have become more of an "internal" affair, telling the party's voters, in a way which presupposes shared points of view, that the party is there to be voted for as always. The posters thus fulfil a symbolic function of binding together adherents rather than attracting newcomers.