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The author analyzes the meaning of the phase "sovereignty of constitutions" & wonders whether "constitutional democracy" should be understood as a combination of a good political order in the Aristotelian meaning of taxis. The author looks into the different traditions in the evolution of constitutionalism using the examples of France, GB, & North America. In the case of North America, he refers to the idea of creating a mixed form of constitution or constitutional democracy, which allows for the democratic legitimation of power as well as for its constitutional restriction. The evolution of constitutionalism shows that constitutions now occupy the position that first belonged only to sovereign monarchs & later to sovereign peoples in democracy. Basically, normative constitutionalism leads to the situation in which constitutional courts give authoritative interpretation of constitutions that transforms a democratic/parliamentary state into a constitutional-court jurisdiction state. The author concludes that the sacralization of constitutions & constitutional courts does not necessarily stimulate the political process, a fact that opens new controversies. Adapted from the source document.

Ukidanjem ureda državne uprave u siječnju 2020., poslovi koje su obavljali uredi kao prvostupanjska tijela državne uprave povjereni su na obavljanje županijama u njihov preneseni djelokrug čime je model dekoncentriranog obavljanja poslova državne uprave u Hrvatskoj zamijenjen modelom upravne decentralizacije. U radu se stoga prikazuju obilježja prenesenog djelokruga kao modela organizacije obavljanja poslova državne uprave u teritorijalnim jedinicama te upravne decentralizacije čiji je preneseni djelokrug institucijski rezultat. Pregled znanstvene literature o prenesenom djelokrugu i efektima provođenja upravne decentralizacije dopunjen je komparativnim prikazom efekata primjene prenesenog djelokruga u češkoj i njemačkoj lokalnoj samoupravi. Na temelju teorijskih razmatranja i komparativnih iskustava, raspravlja se o mogućim učincima primjene prenesenog djelokruga u hrvatskim županijama na njihov institucionalni razvoj i obavljanje prenesenih poslova. ; After the abolition of the county administrative offices in January 2020, the tasks performed by the county administrative offices as first-instance state administration bodies were delegated to the counties, as the second level self-government units in Croatia. By this organizational change, the model of deconcentrated performance of state administration tasks was replaced by the model of administrative decentralization. In this context, the paper presents the features of the delegated scope of competence as an organizational performance model of state administration tasks in territorial units and administrative decentralization with a delegated scope of competence as an institutional result. The review of the scholarly literature on the delegated scope of competence and the effects of administrative decentralization is supported by a comparative review of the delegated scope of competence in the Czech and German local self-government. Based on theoretical considerations and comparative practices, the paper discusses the possible effects of the application of the delegated scope of competence in Croatian counties on their institutional development and performance of the delegated tasks.

After the abolition of the county administrative offices in January 2020, the tasks performed by the county administrative offices as first-instance state administration bodies were delegated to the counties, as the second level self-government units in Croatia. By this organizational change, the model of deconcentrated performance of state administration tasks was replaced by the model of administrative decentralization. In this context, the paper presents the features of the delegated scope of competence as an organizational performance model of state administration tasks in territorial units and administrative decentralization with a delegated scope of competence as an institutional result. The review of the scholarly literature on the delegated scope of competence and the effects of administrative decentralization is supported by a comparative review of the delegated scope of competence in the Czech and German local self-government. Based on theoretical considerations and comparative practices, the paper discusses the possible effects of the application of the delegated scope of competence in Croatian counties on their institutional development and performance of the delegated tasks. ; Ukidanjem ureda državne uprave u siječnju 2020., poslovi koje su obavljali uredi kao prvostupanjska tijela državne uprave povjereni su na obavljanje županijama u njihov preneseni djelokrug čime je model dekoncentriranog obavljanja poslova državne uprave u Hrvatskoj zamijenjen modelom upravne decentralizacije. U radu se stoga prikazuju obilježja prenesenog djelokruga kao modela organizacije obavljanja poslova državne uprave u teritorijalnim jedinicama te upravne decentralizacije čiji je preneseni djelokrug institucijski rezultat. Pregled znanstvene literature o prenesenom djelokrugu i efektima provođenja upravne decentralizacije dopunjen je komparativnim prikazom efekata primjene prenesenog djelokruga u češkoj i njemačkoj lokalnoj samoupravi. Na temelju teorijskih razmatranja i komparativnih iskustava, raspravlja se o mogućim učincima primjene prenesenog djelokruga u hrvatskim županijama na njihov institucionalni razvoj i obavljanje prenesenih poslova.

Jedan od praktično i teorijski najvažnijih problema teritorijalne organizacije lokalne samouprave svodi se na dilemu uspostave jednog stupnja ili više stupnjeva lokalnih samoupravnih jedinica. Stupnjevanjem se odgovara na problem i potrebu integracije sustava lokalne samouprave te na potrebu povezivanja tog sustava sa širom državnom organizacijom. Nakon opće rasprave o prednostima i nedostacima stupnjevanja, opsežno je komparativno analizirano stanje u 39 zemalja, 23 razvijene i 16 tranzicijskih. Ustanovljena su četiri tipa teritorijalnih okvira za integraciju sustava lokalne samouprave, jednostupanjski, mješoviti ili segmentirani, dvostupanjski i trostupanjski. Kao glavni faktori koji uvjetuju izbor jednog od tih okvira u pojedinoj zemlji utvrđeni su: veličina lokalnih jedinica, njihovo monotipsko ili politipsko uređenje, veličina države izražena brojem stanovnika te oblik društvenog uređenja (federacije, unitarne države). ; The dilemma about the establishment of one or more levels of local self-government units is one of the most important problems of territorial organisation of local self-government. Levelling is structural answer to the problem and needs to integrate local self-government system itself and to integrate that system into a wider organisation of a state as a whole. At the beginning, the paper deals with general discussion about the advantages and disadvantages of levelling. The situation in almost forty countries has been analysed, including two groups of countries: developed democracies (Austria, Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Ireland, Island, Italia, Japan, Luxemburg, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and the USA) and transition countries (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, and Serbia). Four different types of territorial frames for local self-govern mentsystem integration have been identified: one-tier, mixed or segmented, two-tier, and three-tier systems. Decision to select one of them is conditioned by the average size of local units, monotypic or polytypic design of territorial division of a country, the size of a country in terms of the number of inhabitants, and form of political organisation (federation or unitary state).

This note considers the continuing viability of the state as a political community & a people's republic, a leading theme of a scientific symposium on the future of the state, held in Zagreb, 10-11 May 2002. The successes & failures of the state are pointed out: it has promoted modern democracy & social & economic developments but has also given rise to totalitarian regimes. The failure of some regions to develop state formations (eg, sub-Saharan Africa) is contrasted with state development in Western Europe, where the state now appears to be in the final stages of evolution, dissolving into the suprastate organization of the European Union. The question of the future of the state as a political body & territorially defined national unit is addressed, noting the erosion of state powers & prerogatives in the era of globalization & the threats to its legitimacy in light of the recognition that the legal foundation & financial resources of the state are limited. The principles of democracy & nationalism on which the raison d'etre of the state was always founded are ambivalent in providing a legitimacy for this institution. For the time being, however, the state has a future because there seems to be no better alternative. Z. Dubiel

Nezadovoljstvo građana političkim institucijama rezultiralo je sve izraženijim udaljavanjem demokratskih institucija od građana koje one zastupaju, ali i proporcionalnim porastom građanskih inicijativa usmjerenih prema zadobivanju većeg stupnja participacije u javnom životu. Zbog neravnoteže koja se javlja u okviru predstavničke demokracije pojavila se potreba za poboljšanjem načina na koji institucije komuniciraju. Cilj je ovoga istraživanja ocijeniti lokalnu komunikaciju u regijama Murcia i Navarre kroz analizu razine transparentnosti mrežnih stranica njihovih institucija. Primijenit će se ukupno 41 indikator, temeljen na španjolskoj platformi Mapa Infoparticip@ (www.mapainfoparticipa.com), kako bi se u te dvije autonomne zajednice, koje imaju svaka po jednu provinciju, utvrdile sličnosti i razlike na temelju kriterija transparentnosti i participacije. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju deficit u implementaciji normativa transparentnosti, što utječe na ulogu tih institucija kao izvora javnih informacija, kao i na građansku participaciju, što je osobito vidljivo u općinama s manjim brojem stanovništva. ; Citizens' disaffection with political institutions has resulted in an ever more pronounced distancing between the represented and their representative democratic institutions, with a commensurate increase in citizens' initiatives aimed at obtaining a higher degree of participation in public life. The imbalance experienced by representative democracy in this respect accounts for the need to improve the way in which institutions communicate. This study aims to assess local communication in the regions of Murcia and Navarre by analysing the level of transparency of their institutional websites. The 41 indicators that underpin Mapa Infoparticip@ (www.mapainfoparticipa.com) in Spain are used to see what similarities and differences can be identified when applying the criteria of transparency and participation in these two single-province Autonomous Communities. The findings show a deficit in implementing norms of transparency. This fact affects the role these institutions play as sources of public information and citizen participation, and it appears in a clearer way in municipalities with a smaller population.

U ovom radu tvrdim kako je za istočnu Europu istovremeno prisustvo slabih država i slabih društava ključna prepreka s kojom se analitičari i reformatori moraju suočiti. Razumijevanje drugih normativno važnih procesa bit će nepotpuno bez osviještenog razmišljanja o ovom problemu i njegovim implikacijama. Ovaj rad pokušava artikulirati "relacijski" pristup državi i društvu. Uz to rad daje tipologiju mogućih obrazaca odnosa između države i društva ovisno o tome je li država slaba ili jaka i je li društvo slabo ili jako. Predstavljaju se komparativni podaci kako bi se dala empirijska podrška tezama. Na kraju rad skicira dva reformska pristupa koja bi mogla omogućiti razbijanje začaranog kruga koji nastaje u kontekstu slabih država i slabih društava. ; This paper argues that, for Eastern Europe, the simultaneous presence of weak governments and weak societies is a crucial obstacle which must be faced by analysts and reformers. The understanding of other normatively significant processes will be deficient without a consciousness-raising deliberation on this problem and its implications. This paper seeks to articulate the "relational" approach to state and society. In addition, the paper lays out a typology of possible patterns of relationship between state and society, dependent on whether the state is weak or strong and whether society is weak or strong. Comparative data are presented in order to provide an empirical support for the theses. Finally, the paper outlines two reform approaches which could enable breaking the vicious circle emerging in the context of weak governments and weak societies.

Temeljno pitanje na koje ovaj rad pokušava dati odgovor jest zašto je demokratska transformacija bila uspješna u Tunisu, a u Egiptu i Alžiru nije. Istraživanju je primarno pristupljeno sa stajališta deskriptivno-empirijskih teorija aktera, iako su korištene i kulturalističke teorije kako bi se bolje razumjele političke ideje i stavovi islamističkih aktera. Strategija istraživanja je fokusirana komparativna studija triju slučajeva – Tunisa, Egipta i Alžira – odnosno intraregionalna komparativna studija, budući da je riječ o zemljama koje pripadaju podregiji Sjeverne Afrike kao podsustavu regije Bliskog istoka. Komparativna studija ima različite ishode na ovisnoj varijabli kako bi se izbjegla neprirodna selekcijska pristranost te postigao kvazieksperimentalan efekt. Hipoteza koja je ponuđena glasi da je Tunis imao mekši civilni autoritarni režim koji je dopuštao interakciju i suradnju oporbenih i režimskih elita, a što je rezultiralo političkim dogovorom te, posljedično, uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U slučaju Egipta i Alžira interakcija oporbenih i režimskih elita imala je prvenstveno oblik sukoba te je izostao politički dogovor, a time i demokratska tranzicija. Neovisne varijable koje su izolirane u teorijskoj raspravi jesu: karakter prethodnog autoritarnog režima, uloga vojske, tip opozicije i vlasti, obrasci interakcije opozicije i vlasti, obrasci tranzicije u demokraciju. Uz te varijable, analiza obuhvaća i kolonijalno razdoblje koje je bitno zato što pokazuje jesu li te zemlje imale neko prethodno demokratsko iskustvo, je li ono imalo neki utjecaj na kasniju demokratizaciju, kakve su političke elite nastale u tom razdoblju i, konzekventno, kakav su oblik autoritarnog sustava kasnije izgradile. Iz analize proizlazi zaključak da je glavna hipoteza potvrđena. Tunis je bio "mekši" autoritarni režim, što je omogućilo suradnju starih i novih elita koja je rezultirala političkim dogovorom, a time i uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U Egiptu i Alžiru je sukob starih i novih elita onemogućio uspješnu demokratizaciju. ; The main question this thesis tries to provide an answer to is why democratic transformation was successful in Tunisia, but not in Egypt and Algeria. The research approach is primarily rooted in descriptive-empirical actor theories, although culturalist theories were used as well, as to better understand the political ideas and stances of Islamist actors. The research strategy is a focused comparative three-case-study – comprising Tunisia, Egypt, and Algeria – i.e. an intra-regional comparative study since these countries belong to the subregion of North Africa, which is a subsystem of the Middle Eastern region. The comparative study has different outcomes on the dependent variable, in order to avoid unnatural selection bias and achieve a quasi-experimental effect. The proposed hypothesis claims that Tunisia had a softer civilian authoritarian regime which permitted interaction and cooperation of opposition and regime elites, which resulted in a political agreement and, subsequently, a successful democratic transition. In the cases of Egypt and Algeria, the interaction of opposition and regime elites primarily took the form of conflict, with a lack of a political agreement, and thus democratic transition. The independent variables which were isolated in the theoretical discussion were the following: the character of the previous authoritarian regime, the role of the army, opposition and government type, patterns of opposition-government interaction, patterns of transition to democracy. In addition, the analysis encompasses the colonial period as well, which is important because it demonstrates whether these countries had the previous democratic experience, whether it had some influence on later democratization, what kinds of political elites emerged in that period and, consequently, what form of an authoritarian regime they later established. The analysis provides the conclusion that the main hypothesis was confirmed. Tunisia was a "softer" authoritarian regime, which had enabled the cooperation of old and new elites, which resulted in a political agreement, and thus a successful democratic transition. In Egypt and Algeria, the conflict of old and new elites prevented successful democratization.

Europski upravni prostor leži na dvjema skupinama ljudskih prava. Prva promoviraju demokratsku otvorenost i participaciju građana te jačaju ulaznu legitimnost javne uprave, dok se druga odnose na dobro javno upravljanje i jačaju izlaznu legitimnost uprave. Povelja o temeljnim pravima koja je sastavni dio Lisabonskog ugovora na snazi od 2009. daje nužnu pravnu osnovu obiju skupina ljudskih prava. Rad se bavi pitanjem uloge mjesne samouprave u jačanju EU-standarda otvorenosti, participacije i dobrog upravljanja. Obrađuju se dva istraživačka pitanja: a) koja je pravna, a koja stvarna uloga mjesne samouprave u Hrvatskoj, b) može li ona doprinijeti jačanju ulazne ili izlazne legitimnosti poretka. Analiziraju se opći akti izabranih gradova o mjesnoj samoupravi te sadržaj internetskih stranica mjesnih odbora svih hrvatskih gradova. Slijedeći kategorizaciju koju su postavili Hlepas i drugi (2018.), uz nadopunu u skladu s hrvatskim okolnostima, analiziraju se uloge hrvatske mjesne samouprave. Na osnovi nalaza i odabranih komparativnih iskustava interpretira se trenutačno stanje hrvatske mjesne samouprave te se formuliraju preporuke za unaprjeđenje. ; The European administrative space is based on two groups of human rights. The first promotes democratic openness and citizen participation, and strengthens the input legitimacy of public administration, while the other relates to good public governance and strengthens the output legitimacy of public administration. The Charter of Fundamental Rights, which forms an integral part of the Lisbon Treaty in force since 2009, provides the necessary legal basis for both groups of human rights. The paper deals with the question of the role of sub-municipal government in strengthening the EU's standards of openness, participation and good governance. Two research questions are analyzed: a) what is the legal and actual role of sub-municipal government in Croatia; and b) can it contribute to strengthening the input or output legitimacy of public administration? The general acts of sub-municipal government in selected cities and the contents of the websites of the sub-municipal governments of all Croatian cities are analyzed. Following the categorization by Hlepas et al. (2018), adapted to the Croatian circumstances, the role of the Croatian sub-municipal government is analyzed. Based on the findings and selected comparative insights, the current state of Croatian sub-municipal government is interpreted and recommendations for improvement are formulated.

U radu se izlaže prvi dio prijedloga analitičkog okvira za opće razmatranje teritorijalne osnove lokalne samouprave. Obrađene su dvije sastavnice tog okvira: 1. opća načela na kojima se treba zasnivati podjela teritorijana lokalne samoupravne jedinice i 2. uvjeti koji ograničavaju odnosno faktori koji utječu na teritorijalnu podjelu. Valjanost analitičkog instrumentarija provjerava se na komparativnom materijalu. ; The paper contains the first part of the analytical framework for theoretical analysis of the territorial basis of local self-government. Two components of the framework have been dealt with: 1) general principles on which territorial organisation should be based in any developed local self-government system, and 2) conditions that limit and factors that influence any territorial organisation. With regard to general principles, the author differentiates between the principles of the territorial basis of the whole local self-government system and the principles related to the determination of the territory of individual local self-government units, i.e., parts of local self-government system. The principles related to the whole local self-government system are coverage, stability, rationality, and organisational adequacy of the territorial division, while the principles on which the territory of local self-government units should be based are the wholeness of a self-government unit, uniformity of local selfgovernment units, financial capacity and independence, democratic quality of local governance, and accessibility of local services. Each principle has been analysed with regard to its limitations and problems concerning its implementation. The author points out contradictory implications that may arise from the implementation of certain principles related to territorial determination of local self-government units. The second component of the analytical framework deals with objective conditions and subjective factors that determine and influence territorial organisation. These conditions and factors have been grouped and systematised into eight groups according to the degree of their invariance: natural characteristics of the territory; network and types of settlements; population characteristics; administrative-territorial tradition; level of economic development; transport and communication networks; efficiency and effectiveness of local services; and political aims and interests. The validity of analytical tools has been corroborated by the examples from comparative local self-government. The second part of the analytical framework containing the main problems of any territorial division to local self-government units and their possible solutions is forthcoming.

U radu se izlaže prvi dio prijedloga analitičkog okvira za opće razmatranje teritorijalne osnove lokalne samouprave. Obrađene su dvije sastavnice tog okvira: 1. opća načela na kojima se treba zasnivati podjela teritorija na lokalne samoupravne jedinice i 2. uvjeti koji ograničavaju odnosno faktori koji utječu na teritorijalnu podjelu. Valjanost analitičkog instrumentarija provjerava se na komparativnom materijalu. ; The paper contains the first pan of the analytical framework for theoretical analysis of the territorial basis of local self-government. Two components of the framework have been dealt with: 1 ) general principles on which territorial organisation should be based in any developed local self-government System, and 2) conditions that limit and factors that influence any territorial organisation. With regard to general principles, the author differentiates between the principles of the territorial basis of the whole local self-government System and the principles related to the determination of the territory of individual local self-government units, i.e., parts of local self-government System, The principles related to the whole local self-government System are coverage, stabïlity, rationality, and organisational adequacy of the territorial division, whïle the principles on which the territory of local self-government units should be based are the wholeness of a self-government unit, uniformity of local self- government units, financial capacity and independence, démocratie quality of local governance, and accessïbïlity of local services. Each principle has been analysed with regard to its limitations and Problems concerning its implémentation. The author points out contradictory implications that may arise from the implémentation of certain principles related to territorial détermination of local self-government units. The second component of the analytical framework deals with objective conditions and subjective factors that determine and influence territorial organisation. These conditions and factors have been grouped and systematised into eight groups according to the degree of their invariance: natural characteristics of the territory; network and types of settlements; population characteristics; administrative-territorial tradition; level of economic development; transport and communication networks; efficiency and effectiveness of local services; and political aims and interests. The validity of analytical tools has been corroborated by the examples from comparative local self-government, The second part of the analytical framework containing the main Problems of any territorial division to local self-government units and their possible solutions is forthcoming.

The first part of the article is a review of contemporary comparative politics research in Qennany. The conclusion of the first part is that serious attempts to-overcome the structural weaknesses of this political science sub discipline are made only from the 1990's on. The biggest credit for it goes to the research on political & social transformation that has also contributed substantially to the development of regional comparative studies. In the second part, the author shows both the structural weaknesses & the new positive developments by reviewing five recently published comparative studies. The most important among the weaknesses is the "lockedness" into the traditional framework of studying systems of government, as well as a lack of methodological consciousness, theoretical eclecticism, strong descriptive normativism & a bias in the selection of study cases. References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper looks into the institutional features of regulating the 2005 campaign for the election of the president of the Republic of Croatia. The role of the regulative institutions is analyzed within a broader context of the regulation of political funding in Croatia. The paper offers the arguments concerning the non-transparency of the system of party & election funding in Croatia based on a comparison of the principles of good practice in political financing. Nassmacher's approach to the regulation of political finances is used as the analytical framework for the analysis of financing the 2005 presidential campaign in Croatia. It is based on four options: the autonomy option, the transparency option, the advocacy option & the diversified regulation option. & finally, the paper includes a brief overview of the funding budgets of the election campaigns of the 2005 presidential candidates. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The article brings up the basic issues of comparative public policy, a separate research orientation in contemporary political science. First, the principal works that have defined this research discipline are looked into. The contributions of two subdisciplines of contemporary political science -- public policy & political economy -- are highlighted. The second part of the article investigates the fundamental methodological issues, synthesized into two basic dilemmas: what should be understood under the term government activity, & how it is possible to measure this performance. The author is of the opinion that most works from the field of comparative public policy are largely devoted to the comparison of governments' financial activities, which are the easiest to measure due to a broad accessibility of the data on public expenditure, public sector growth, unemployment, etc. Referring to the Canadian author Louis Imbeau, the author stresses the need for a broader understanding of comparative public policy that would include those comparisons that do not exclusively rely on governments' financial activities. 2 Tables, 34 References. Adapted from the source document.