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From the introduction: Based on the findings of the correlation analysis described in chapter 7.1, factors of influence and variables statistically not related to financial B2C e-commerce can now be distinguished. While the focus of this part of the analysis lies on factors showing significant correlation coefficients in relation to the research topic, this does not mean that the non-correlated factors are not of importance or somewhat connected. The statistical measurements may not be suitable for this type of analysis, survey results may be misleading or the situation will have changed in the last two years after the investigation. On the other hand, the observed correlations do not necessarily equal a causal relationship and the high complex matter can not be explained by single variables as influence factors. The conducted correlation analysis only serves as an indicator for potential influence factors or accelerators and has to be carefully evaluated. Keeping these considerations in mind, the statistical analysis within the scope of this masters dissertation will support the following conclusions and interpretations. First of all, computer usage and skills as well as internet usage and skills need to be on a high level in a country to facilitate financial B2C e-commerce. Residents of countries with higher levels for the subject of examination will probably already have gained adequate skills, as indicated by a medium strong negative relation to computer courses taken in the last three months and other online activities such as online information search and online banking positively correlated. While online banking is partially included in the variable e_comm representing financial B2C e-commerce through customer's usage of online financial services, this particular result may not be totally conclusive. However, it seems logical that consumers with good computer and internet skills also spending a lot of time with advanced activities on the internet may also engage in financial B2C e-commerce. This assumption narrows down the target group and excludes a certain clientele from online product offers of financial institutions - banks will need to adapt their web portals accordingly, set up initiatives improving computer and web skills of their consumers and meet their consumers on the internet, e.g. with advertising while they are using search engines. Practical evidence supporting these interpretations can be found in several examples of the past, e.g. extensive usability evaluations for UK banks by the press and specialised agencies, internet courses for seniors offered with German Postbank or online marketing success stories of financial enterprises. Similar to skills and frequency of use, basic technical availability of infrastructure such as computer system and internet access is required for the realisation of the research issue. Since mobile ownership and high-speed broadband access are also highly correlated, it can be assumed that countries with a generally higher technological development will have higher levels of financial B2C e-commerce. It can be expected that almost all European countries will reach digital maturity in the next few years and will be implicit, which will automatically accommodate the matter of examination. Structural factors of the finance sector do not show linkages to financial B2C e-commerce, only countries' GDP show a certain positive correlation, which is in line with findings on online banking. E-government seems to be in a similar state like the research topic, but does not seem to be of direct influence. General e-commerce in a country seems to have a positive relationship with financial e-commerce, especially in countries with a low rate of encountered problems on customer side. This makes sense as customers will possibly have good experiences with this business practice and will therefore not limit their e-commerce activity to certain business sectors. One could also infer that banks in countries with a high rate of general e-commerce will have better opportunities to market their online product sales. Going further, banks should actively support e-commerce business models of all sectors, for example though offering electronic, credit card or e-commerce shop payment systems. Whereas most cross-border e-commerce variables examined would not show high correlation coefficients, concerns about varying consumer protection in other countries seem to be important for consumers actively involved in financial B2C e-commerce. Even more interestingly, countries with a high level of financial B2 e-commerce would also show a high readiness of their consumers to participate in cross-border e-commerce, especially if prices in foreign countries are lower. Obviously, customers using domestic online services could easily expand their buying habits to other European countries, if suitable products offers and legal frameworks are available. Through cross-border financial B2C e-commerce, there is a potential danger to lose customers to foreign banks - domestic banks observing critical tendencies need to act accordingly. First of all, marketing research is needed to define current consumer buying habits and problems related. Banks with the necessary market power could adapt their product offers to target consumers prone to switch to foreign competitors, smaller local banks need to differentiate and exploit local advantages. Examples can be found in the German market with Commerzbank and its direct bank subsidiary comdirect directly competing with INGDiBa of the Dutch ING group or with Kreissparkasse Köln using local affiliates like sports clubs for their product sales, promoting high-interest deposit account in local Cologne dialect and offering a loyalty card for a local business partner network to their customers. Trust in online financial transactions and their security as well as a positive perception of consumer rights protection seems to be necessarily interwoven with financial B2C e-commerce. It is therefore crucial for financial institutions to ensure secure transactions according to the latest industry standards, provide valid information on internet security to customers and offer practical customer support concerning virus protection and internet fraud prevention. Banks should also value the importance of consumer rights highly, e.g. through using complaint management, support of nation or European wide legal initiatives and positive attitude towards consumer action groups. Most banks will have implemented security facilities, consumer rights are usually not explicitly mentioned and outlined on private customer webpages of commercial banks. The formal possibility to make complaints and enquiries should be largely improved by financial institutions in the EU. While the European Commision has for example established the Financial Services Consumer Group to promote this matter, which now tragically appears in public in connection with the Financial crisis, illiquid banks and frozen consumer accounts. Payment types preferred in a country are of interest for the level of financial B2C e-commerce - logically, countries with a high adoption of bank transfers are likely to have a higher rate of e-commerce in place, while countries using traditional methods such as cheques or cash show lower adoption rates. This may be explained by a general lack of a necessity and willingness to use modern instruments such as online financial transactions. Promoting bank transfers, especially through self-service terminals and online channels, may therefore help banks to promote their e-commerce activities.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: 1.Research Context1 1.1Introduction and Theoretical Background of the Research1 1.2Professional and Academic Significance of the Research3 2.Research Problem, Objectives and Scope5 2.1Research Problem Statement and Research Questions5 2.2Research Hypothesis6 2.3Research Aims and Objectives6 2.4Scope of the Research7 3.Literature Review8 3.1Overview Literature Review8 3.2Introduction to the Current EU Financial Sector9 3.3Developments and Forces of Change in the EU Banking Environment10 3.4Strategic Reactions and Major Trends in EU Banking10 3.5Recent Developments and the Current State of the EU Retail Banking Market10 3.6Recent Developments and Current State of Online Banking and Financial E-Commerce in the EU12 3.6.1E-Business Potential of the EU Banking Industry12 3.6.2Online Banking in EU countries12 3.6.3Financial E-Commerce in EU countries14 3.6.4Cross-border financial e-commerce16 3.6.5Advantages, Problems and Future Prospects of Financial E-Commerce in the European Union18 3.6.6Potential Influence Factors on Financial E-Commerce in the EU20 3.7Reflective Summary, Key Findings and Relation to Research Topic24 4.Research Methodology32 4.1Research Design32 4.2Research Strategy32 4.3Research Methods33 4.4Data Sources34 4.4.1Primary Data34 4.4.2Secondary Data35 4.5Data Analysis for Research Questions38 4.5.1Research Question 138 4.5.2Research Question 239 4.5.3Research Question 341 4.5.4Research Question 443 5.Research Question 1: Current State and Extent of B2C E-Commerce in the EU Banking Sector44 5.1Research Results and Findings for Research Question 144 5.1.1Basic Prerequisites for Provision of Financial Services Online44 5.1.2Provision of Financial Services Online and Financial E-Commerce45 5.1.3Consumer Adoption of Financial Services Online / Fin. E-Commerce47 5.1.4Cross-Country Financial E-Commerce50 5.2Research Analysis and Interpretation for Research Question 152 5.2.1Basic Prerequisites for Provision of Financial Services Online52 5.2.2Provision of Financial Services Online / Financial E-Commerce54 5.2.3ConsumerAdoption of Financial Services Online / Fin. E-Commerce55 5.2.4Analysis and Interpretation for Cross-Country Financial E-Commerce57 5.2.5Analysis and Interpretation Conclusion58 6.Research Question 2: Country Cluster Analysis for B2CE-Commerce in the EU Banking Sector59 6.1Research Results and Findings for Research Question 259 6.2Research Analysis and Interpretation for Research Question 262 7.Research Question 3: Influence Factors on B2C E-Commerce in the EU Banking Sector66 7.1Research Results and Findings for Research Question 366 7.2Research Analysis and Interpretation for Research Question 370 7.2.1Quantifiable Factors of Influence70 7.2.2Other Factors of Influence75 8.Research Question 4: The Case of Sparkasse Langen-Seligenstadt and B2C E-Commerce77 8.1Research Results and Findings for Research Question 477 8.2Research Analysis and Interpretation for Research Question 477 9.Reflections on the Current Financial Crisis and its Relation to the Research Topic83 10.Conclusion, Policy Recommendations and Future Research85Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 4.1, Research Design: Providing the framework for collection and analysis of data, the research design of the planned study can be best described as a cross-sectional design with comparative, cross-cultural and international research elements. Quantitative or quantifiable data (extent and potential influence factors of B2C e-commerce in the banking sector) is gathered for a range of cases (EU countries) at a single point in time to detect patterns of association. This approach seems suitable as it allows for a systematic and standardised method to examine relationships between the variables - financial e-commerce and its key influence factors - within the European sample. However, since the proposed design approach has no elements of an experimental design, problems of internal validity, credibility and uncertain causal relationships may occur. As already indicated in the research objectives, another research design in the form of a case study will additionally be used to apply conclusions and recommendations derived from the analysis to an exemplary mid-sized bank in Germany. The case study approach seems particularly interesting as the researcher is working for the examined company, will have access to internal resources and have opportunities to gather instant feedback on suggested improvements. Research Strategy: The research strategy chosen reflects the nature of the examined variables – some examined influence factors will be of quantitative character whereas others are rather difficult to quantify. Since the focus of this dissertation lies on the quantitative analysis of the extent and current state as well as on measurable relationships and possible dependencies between e-commerce adoption and several other factors, quantitative research serves as an appropriate research strategy. Having established this fact, it is equally important to realise that a well-balanced and complete appraisal of financial B2B e-commerce will involve qualitative factors and business case examples. Building on the complementarity of both groups of factors, elements of mixed methods research need to be taken into account as well. Research Methods: The research methods used are directly linked to the stated aims and objectives and are supposed to help achieve them in the most effective and meaningful manner. Almost all research objectives can be analysed with quantitative data analysis building on a relevant data set. However, due to the expected nature of the influence factors examined, qualitative document analysis of secondary research and an exemplary case study based on primary research will supplement the quantitative analysis. The reasons for choosing these research methods can be described as follows: first of all, the availability of current official statistics on this topic. Secondly, studies already conducted in the similar field of online banking with informative results and the connection with a company for a case study (see primary data) were seen as an excellent starting point. A number of reasons would even exclude other research methods such as surveys, interviewing techniques or the triangulation approach, which is commonly used for researching internet adoption. The European scope of the research as well as the highly confidential banking sector would not enable the researcher to conduct a survey research or interviews of representative nature. To enquire about the state of European B2C e-commerce in the financial sector, impact on domestic banks and its influence factors, it seems justified to use general statistical information available in the public domain together with secondary data for non-quantitative information as well as a case example thematically linked to the day-to-day business of local banks. Data Sources - Primary Data: Primary research was conducted first to determine the interest, level of support, requirements and wants of the sponsoring company Sparkasse Langen-Seligenstadt, Frankfurt, Germany, (see case study in appendix B) to facilitate and support dissertation on this particular topic. During the process of writing the dissertation several presentations and feedback sessions were arranged with the department of electronic media. Interim and final results were also discussed in an informal manner at the Conference on Innovation in the Banking Industry and at various other events. Most importantly, the case study employed was set up with the help of the electronic media department at Sparkasse Langen-Seligenstadt. In several interview sessions and group discussions, employees with different functions within the company, e.g. product managers, web designers, marketing experts, customer support agents, provided their insights and opinions on the reality of online product sales as conducted by Sparkasse Langen-Seligenstadt. From a future perspective, it may be possible to introduce the findings to a group of experts from different banks and discuss the results and implications, since the company is part of a larger network of German savings banks. The excellent availability of primary data and information from inside the company due to personal involvement of the researcher is highly beneficial for the reflective examination of B2C e-commerce in the financial sector. Data Sources - Secondary Data: For the thorough investigation into the extent of financial e-commerce and level of adoption by consumers, related information and data to be used had to meet the following criteria: a recent publishing date, highly relevant research topics and questions, multinational scope as well as high quality of the data set and its underlying questionnaires. The quantitative research parts of this dissertation were therefore largely based on the data set of the Eurostat Community Survey on ICT usage and e-Commerce in Enterprises in the Financial Sector, the analogue survey research for all kinds of enterprises and ICT Household survey, as shown in figure 9 at the end of this chapter. These sources of data were considered to be most appropriate for several reasons. Probably the most extensive and current data source on this issue, these sources covered the entire European Union (EU27 plus partially Norway and Iceland) and a number of e-commerce related questions in the year 2006. The quality and density of data seemed to be of high quality, with a representative sample of more than 100,000 enterprises in total for all sectors, more than 10,000 enterprises for the financial sector and 1000 to 6000 households in every country. The data sets were freely available as a working database, to be used with statistical tools such as SPSS or Microsoft Excel. Problems of validity seemed to be fairly low as standards and sample questionnaires were set up by the European Commission for the agencies conducting the analysis within the particular country. Several problems and limitations were identified in connection with the usage of these data sets. First of all, a general limitation to official statistics including this data set is the usage of aggregate data in some cases, so a potential for ecological fallacy as well as generalisation exists. Next, the pan-European sample incorporating highly different cases may not be equally as representative for all cases (see % of sampled enterprises in appendix D 2). Single missing values weakened the explanatory power for some parts of the analysis. It was also the case that data on certain issues, e.g. consumer satisfaction with product offers in this field, was not available for the entire sample at this point in time. Due to a lack of alternatives, following other examples of research using a similar approach as well as with reliance on the reputation of Eurostat, the extensive documentation) and the quality assurance of the OECD and other high profile institutions in this case, the decision to use the sources described seemed justified and a sound basis for the proposed research. Additionally, several Eurobarometer studies were used and considered for the data analysis of the third research question. Since they contained valuable information on public opinion regarding issues related to the research topic, it had to be accepted that the reference year varied in a few cases. For the qualitative part of the research and the literature review, other secondary resources such journals and reports available through the LSBU E-resources, Reuters Insight and the Business Source Premier database were used to start. Later on, materials from business school libraries in Germany amended prior findings. For particular parts of the research, e.g. regulatory issues or web usability, specific web resources were employed.

This essay continues with a discussion concerning the intersection between indigenous technological adoption/adaptation and the range of perspectives with respect to local communities' use of technology in general. Analytical instruments will be presented at the end of this article. First, however, the reader will have the opportunity to examine the 'views' of outsiders with respect to the debate surrounding sustainability, environmental management and territorial ordering. Responses to an on-line survey concerning the above issues together with my own comments, will add to the discussion. ; Gestión ambiental; Ordenamiento Territorial; Sostenibilidad; TIC; Usos ; 1 TECHNOLOGY IN NORTHWEST AMAZONIA (NWA) VIEWS OF VIEWS: SUSTAINABILITY, ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT AND TERRITORIAL ORDERING A contribution to a Political Ecology for Northwest Amazonia1 This essay continues with a discussion concerning the intersection between indigenous technological adoption/adaptation and the range of perspectives with respect to local communities' use of technology in general2. Analytical instruments will be presented at the end of this article. First, however, the reader will have the opportunity to examine the 'views' of outsiders with respect to the debate surrounding sustainability, environmental management and territorial ordering. Responses to an on-line survey concerning the above issues together with my own comments, will add to the discussion. Aims Initially there were two aims behind the construction of a website. One of was to overcome impediments to my personal mobility and direct access3. ICT facilitated communications with other interested people and helped solicit their views on indigenous management of the forest and their opinions with respect to the process of territorial ordering in Amazonia. The other aim was to serve the process of opening up political opportunities for NWA's inhabitants. Grassroots organisations all around the globe were (and are) establishing links through ICT. The indigenous peoples of Amazonia may attempt the same and this experience could, in the future, be an instrument of education for NWA. The introduction of such technology among indigenous peoples, if possible, will have impacts, which will to be judged as positive or negative, depending of the political interests of the observer and the moment of observation. It is argued here, that despite there being no indisputable positive or negative effects of technological transfer, it would be contrary to indigenous people's rights to self-determination to prevent the promotion of ICT among them. We wish to question conservative forces: if governments, corporations, NGOs and even international drug dealers and terrorist groups are using ICT to fortify their political positions, why should indigenous peoples be denied access to it? The access (or lack of it) of grassroots organisations to ICT facilitates (or impedes) the 1 The author wishes to thank: Jim Connor and Mark Bennett of Imperial College, the former for his advice on the use of Arcview-GIS and the latter for helping to write the cgi-script form for the website. Thanks are also due to: Stuart Peters from the University of Surrey for training in Web- Page design; Adriana Rico from Páginas.Net for valuable advice during the design process and Alvaro Ocampo for a detailed critique of Kumoro.com before it went live. I also wish to thank the Board of Puerto Rastrojo Foundation, which gave me permission to use their vegetation map as a base for the Yaigojé vegetation map that appears on the web-site. Finally thanks to all the people that took the time to fill out the on-line survey. Their contributions made this chapter possible. 2 This discussion was introduced in "Technology in Northwest Amazonia: Sketches from Inside" (Forero 2002b). 3 A restriction of one of the scholarships the author was granted as well as guerrilla incursions at the time, prevented the author from going back to NWA. 2 development of their rights to be informed (and educated) in accordance with the actual historical context of a globalising corporate economy and cultural hybridisation. For indigenous peoples, as well as for other ethnic minorities, financial resources to set up ICT are extremely limited compared to those of corporations, governments and even NGOs. The establishment of an ICT network for indigenous peoples' organisations in NWA remains a Utopia. But without a Utopian vision there is no aim for social mobilisation; this is something that was underlined by responses to the on-line survey. Fieldwork in NWA involved the author in the territorial ordering process, helping with the formation of indigenous people's organisations, and getting involved in communities' economic and educational projects. My work in NWA can thus be characterised as participatory action research (PAR) and one way of continuing to engage in PAR without going back to the field was to set up a website, wait for an opportunity to share my experience with the people of NWA and promote projects that would allow them to take over the website and use it for their own projects4. Deconstruction of an Internet generated discourse Elsewhere the author has dealt with descriptions and deconstructions of discourses of indigenous and institutional organisations, be they NGOs, churches, governmental or international. This process of deconstruction has included the author's own work among indigenous organisations and NGOs, which was one of the aims of "Indigenous knowledge and the scientific mind: activism or colonialism?" (Forero 2002a). I wish to explain the inclusion of governmental and non-governmental organisations within the category 'institutional'. There are great differences as well as important coincidences in governmental actions and the work of NGOs in developing countries due to the limited nature and poor quality of State-driven action in such nations. E.g. in Colombia, COAMA, the largest NGO network in NWA, has been involved in the political administrative reforms, and served as a consultant in matters of education, health and sustainable production. Furthermore, COAMA staff accompanied indigenous peoples in all these processes and without their intervention it is doubtful that many of the indigenous political organisations of Amazonia would ever have succeeded in their quest for legal recognition5. NGOs and governmental institutions may pursue similar political aims and share administrative structures. Inasmuch as small organisations are successful, (and usually this success is a result of strong personal commitment to a cause and personal knowledge of all members of the organisation), they tend to obtain more funds, which in turn forces them to become increasingly bureaucratic. As 4 At the time of writing (May 2002) the author was preparing to visit NWA at the invitation of indigenous leaders, including the Co-ordinator of an education committee who wanted to discuss the roll of ICT in education. 5 See Forero, Laborde et al. 1998 and the interview with the director of COAMA Martín von Hildebrand, in The Ecologist 2002 (Vol. 32 No.1-February). 3 organisations grow, individual members have fewer opportunities to get to know each other personally and maintain an accordance of principles, aims and political means. This is not to say that NGOs are condemned to be inefficient bureaucratic institutions, (which is not uncommon among developing countries' governmental institutions). But it is important to draw attention to the risk that when resources are pumping in and recruitment is growing there is more chance of becoming detached from grassroots sensibilities with respect to issues and less chance of correctly interpreting local developmental idioms. Views of Indigenous Environmental Management The design, production and publishing of a website on the development of a political ecology for NWA, taking the Yaigojé Resguardo as a study case, may seem a very simple task with little impact. But it proved to be a very delicate matter that involved exhausting work. The production of a map of the Yaigojé Resguardo, (which was to be included on the website) has been explained elsewhere, although it is worth mentioning something about the methodology involved. The author accompanied shamans (who were selected by indigenous leaders from the Apaporis) on several trips in which all the recognised sacred places of the Apaporis River and some of its tributaries where identified. The shamans learn the names of the places during their training. These names are recited in myths, chants and spells. The shamans carry, as they say, the map within themselves. It is impressive to see these men point to a place and give its name without hesitation. It is like this even when they have never been in that place before. It is impressive that this orally transmitted geography corresponds so precisely to the physical aspects that start to become relevant for people who, like the author, have different epistemological instruments for their interpretations of the world. While visiting the sacred places shamans spoke of trips they had made previously. In the case of shamanistic trips, visits did not actually involve physical journeys, but what were referred to as trips en pensamiento, en espíritu (in thought, in spirit). While accompanying them I recorded the geographical co-ordinates using a satellite guided geographical positioning system (GPS). The geographical co-ordinates thus generated were converted to plane co-ordinates and a map was generated using AUTOCAD software. Translations, drawings and reflections about this map-making process are included in a MSc thesis of the University of Warwick (Forero 1999). The work I will describe now, although partially derived from my work with the shamans is distinct in character and intention from that reported in Forero (1999). The use of technological gadgetry allowed me partially to reflect the Tukano world in a way that non-indigenous people could understand. And although this was a significant and, I believe, useful undertaking the real knowledge of the territory lies within the shamans with whom I worked. The fact that the 'indigenous territorial' aspects of the website are illustrated with maps is a by-product of the technology. A more significant value of the work (and the reason behind the shamans' wish to become involved in mapping) is that the maps were going to provide evidence for the legal process through which the ACIYA 4 indigenous organisation would claim rights over lands outside the recognised Resguardo Indigenous Reserve (Forero, Laborde et al. 1998). This work was successful and an extension to the Resguardo was indeed granted. Work on the website began by making a provisional outline of the desired end product. The original plan included six pages: Introduction (Home), vegetation map, traditional territorial map, discussion (an introduction to the political ecology of the Yaigojé Resguardo), bibliography (for those looking for references to NWA and the Yaigojé in particular), and a questionnaire that would generate the information from which this chapter has been developed6. The contrasting discourses obtained from the questionnaires Although I shall refer to percentages in this section, there is no intention of making any predictions based on statistical analyses. Neither is it suggested that the analysis of questionnaires can provide an objective account of outsiders' opinions with respect to the politics of the environment and people of NWA. The following notes are not representative in that sense and such was never the intention of the exercise. What is intended is that the reader gets an insight into the perceptions of survey respondents. What is important in a qualitative data analysis, like this, is to present differential tendencies. If discourses are constituents of reality then the confusing scenario of political confrontation in NWA should be linked to the visions and perspectives of all of us, including the views of people that have never been in Amazonia but nonetheless hold an opinion. And, if there is a marked difference between indigenous and exogenous perspectives with respect to sustainability and environmental management in Amazonia, which relates to whether people have visited NWA or not, this should be reflected in the answers to the surveys. The information generated from the on-line survey was collected between May and December of 2001. Eight hundred invitations were sent through e-mail. They were sent mainly to academics and organisations working on indigenous issues, conservation or sustainable development in NWA. One of these invitations reached COLNODO7 and the ICT network asked if we wished to submit the website in a weekly contest for the best new website, which we did and subsequently won! This meant that COLNODO subscribers were notified and invited to visit the site. But we have no idea how many hits were derived from COLNODO invitation. What we know is that during these 8 months we received 51 completed survey forms. This is a 6.4% response rate to the original 800 invitations8. 6 The survey form is in Appendix 1and, a summary of the technical work involved in the construction of the web-site is in Appendix 2. 7 "COLNODO is a Colombian communications network serving organizations dedicated to community development. It is operated by the non-profit organization called Colombian Association of Non-Governmental Organizations for Email Communication" (http://www.colnodo.org.co/summary_english.html). For a critical review of COLNODO work the interested reader could consult Gómez, R. 1998. 8 This response rate is rather low relative to postal questionnaire surveys, but we are unable to assess it relative other on-line surveys. 5 For the purposes of the analysis respondents (R) were divided into two groups: those claiming to have visited NWA (VA – 29% of R) and those claiming not to have visited the region (NVA – 71% of R). With respect to occupation, 68% of R come from the academic sector, including five anthropologists (almost 10% of R) all of whom had visited NWA. In contrast, although there were the same number of environmental managers as anthropologists answering the questionnaire, none had visited NWA. With respect to gender, the percentage of male (53%) and female (47%) respondents is similar across both VA and NVA groups. In terms of age, there were four groups: 1) 18 to 24, 2) 25 to 34, 3) 35 to 50, and 4) over 50. For R the percentages were: 8%, 47%, 35% and 10% respectively. The majority of respondents belong to the second group, between 25 to 34 years of age. However with respect to age groups the composition of VA and NVA groups differs: 56% of the NVA group belong to this second age cohort (25-34), while the majority of the VA group (47%) is between 35 and 50. Additionally, 13% of the VA group are over 50. 61% of the NVA group are between 18 and 34 years of age, while 60% of those that have visited Amazonia are over 35. A comparison of age among the survey respondents thus shows that those that have visited Amazonia (VA) tend to be older than those that have not (NVA). To distinguish among the views held by survey respondents we have to present the responses to each of the questions of the survey. We have made some associations of responses with the intention of outlining the different tendencies that we identify, but the reader might identify others. Before we do so a word about the view of respondents with respect to the website itself should be said. Website evaluation An evaluation of the web-site made by users was included in the questionnaire. Respondents were asked to rate the site between four categories: poor, fair, good and excellent. These categories were chosen as follows: 0, 2, 32 and 15 respectively. Two of the respondents did not offer a rating for the site. Additionally, respondents had the opportunity to suggest improvements. Some respondents suggested changes in design: modification of fonts and colours (some changes had already taken place). There were those who asked for more pictures, a photo album, more links and the construction of a chat room. With respect to the content, some wanted more ethnographic data, another more on political ecology, others asked for better visibility of the maps, while others called for additional links to related sites, and/or more information in general. One suggestion was to make the website less personalised, while another expressed interest in knowing more about the author's research project. Others asked for an enhanced bibliography. Some changes had already taken place by the time these comments were analysed but further changes are still being undertaken at the time of writing. With respect to the questionnaire, two people suggested larger windows to facilitate vision and to be able to comment largely, in contrast, another suggested encouraging more 'yes/no' responses. An important suggestion was: "Perhaps it is now appropriate to include some questions on communication 6 and information flows" (S52). Although not sought explicitly, information was gathered with respect to the use of ICT in the territorial ordering process of Amazonia. One of the respondents suggested that in future the website should be used by indigenous peoples of the Yaigojé. This has been the intention of the author, which has made a visit to Yaigojé (summer 2002) with intention to advance in that direction. Access to ICT for the indigenous peoples of the Yaigojé Resguardo is very limited but present. Future modification of the site will respond to indigenous peoples' feedback. During the visit few indigenous people gave their opinions on the website but several discussions on the roll of ICT in developmental processes took place9. Q1 - Are development and sustainability compatible? A clear response to Question 1 was that this depends on the definition of both terms: "It is impossible to answer this question as it is, as both terms are open to interpretation… " (S26). The question could have been and was read as: Is sustainable development attainable? Respondent S26 continued: "I think sustainable development is possible but hard to achieve in an environment of often conflicting interests and values (economic vs. environmental vs. cultural.)… " One respondent (S22) did not answer this particular question, and two others seemed to be confused (S38 and S41). Forty respondents (78% of R) answered that they were or could be compatible, although there are differences in the way they perceived this compatibility. Development first There were few respondents that failed to question the meaning of 'development' as concept or practice: the developmental project. These responses somehow postulated that certain environmental concerns should be acknowledged and dealt with in order for the development processes to continue: "Yes… . Development as the integration of western technologies or increase of income per capita, can be carefully done by implementing appropriate technologies into the productive activities of the communities. Sustainability defined as a continuous productivity level over the long term." (S2); "Yes. It is only a question of integration of environmental considerations in all we do and adjustment of behaviours accordingly." (S12); "Yes, because there can never be sustainability without development. People have, first to develop for them to have a sense of sustainability." (S13); "Yes, I do. The point is how you can reach a determinate "state" of development without undermining financial, ecological and human capacities in a determinate site (or taking into account their characteristics)." (S40) SD: human - environmental security There were others that perceived the compatibility or the possibility of sustainable development as the chance to diminish human/environmental security risks: "Yes of course in the long run - otherwise life is not possible." (S18); 9 The author is currently preparing a report that will summarise some of these discussions. 7 "Yes. Both are necessary for the survival of the area." (S21); "Si. Solo las acciones en el hoy nos pueden garantizar acciones en el mañana. (Yes. Only by taking action now we can guarantee we could act tomorrow)." (S23); "Yes, development should always be sustainable otherwise there are costs that are not taken into account. i.e. cost of pollution" (S39); "We don't have any choice. We have to make development and sustainability compatible as it's the only way we can survive and at the same time preserve the earth for future generations." (S42) Pessimism, in the sense that without SD life will no longer be possible, was to be repeated in the responses to all of the survey questions. Sustainability is an aim The majority of the respondents that believed development and sustainability to be compatible or capable of becoming compatible, were also of the opinion that the goal of sustainable development had not yet been achieved. Some of them discussed requisite conditions for achieving sustainability. They either underlined the importance of accepting sustainability as a guiding principle for development policy and interventions or/(and) exemplified ways in which sustainable practices might be instituted: "They have to be. I think they are because they have to be. I am optimistic that eventually it will be seen as natural to have sustainable development, but the problem is when this attitude kicks in." (S3) "Depends on how you define the two terms. If you mean that human quality of life can improve while maintaining the natural resource base, I think this is possible but very difficult to achieve." (S5) "Yes, but development in qualitative and not in quantitative terms." (S8) "Yes… there can be sustainable development in an ecological sense of the word - which means installing 'best ecological practice' in planning development." (S24) "No solo lo creo sino que estoy seguro que ambos pueden ser compatibles. Un desarrollo sin considerar ciertos indicadores de sustentabilidad/ sotenibilidad no es posible o viceversa. Uno y otro deberan de ir al parejo tratando de limar los conflictos que a menudo surgen cuando se pretende no un desarrollo pero un crecimiento economico sin considerar la parte social/cultural o ecologica. (Not only I believe that the two can be compatible, I am certain. Development without considering certain indicators of sustainability is impossible or vice versa. Both should go hand in hand, trying to solve the social, cultural and ecological problems that often arise when economic growth rather than sustainable development is the goal)." (S 25) "Sim, no alto rio Negro onde trabalho a ideia e essa: implementar um programa regional de desenvolvimento indedgena sustentado. (Yes, in the Upper Black River, where I work, the idea is precisely to implement a regional programme for sustainable indigenous development)" (S29) "Yes they are. The problem is with the material and energy growth and its compatibility with some environmental standards, like critical thresholds and so on." (S35) "Yes. The only way is by avoiding rapid over-development and having good planning."(S37) ".El concepto de desarrollo sostenible lo veo mucho mas como algo a lo que se quiere llegar, es una nocion implementada por parte de las politicas gubernamentales y ong's donde lo que se 8 procura con estos es el aprovechamiento al maximo de los recursos con un minimo impacto ambiental y social. (I see the concept of sustainable development as goal towards which we heading. It is an idea implemented through governmental and non-governmental policies which aim at maximum exploitation of resources with a minimum of environmental and social impacts)." (S48) "Yes, because they represent the best option to keep for human life." (S51) The need for local definitions Among the respondents that considered sustainability and development compatible if certain conditions were met, there is group of responses that emphasised the need for local definitions of 'sustainability' and 'development', or 'sustainable development': "They can be compatible providing that development is targeted at the right level i.e. small scale and in-keeping with the natural resources and environment." (S5) "Depende de las condiciones y del desarrollo para quién? Por lo tanto el desarrollo es sostenible si es buscado y logrado por la misma comunidad local (It depends on the conditions and on the question 'Development for whom'? Development can only be sustainable if it is sought and implemented by the local community itself)" (S20) "Yes but mainly if made through indigenous methodologies in their territories in Amazonia" (S27) "Yes. There is work done in northern Scandinavia where the "sammi" (lapps) have been given economical support and encouraged to create their own parliament. They have programs protecting their way of life, language and customs. The Norwegian broadcasting company NRK sends news in the language and coastal dialects. All this, at least for Norwegian sammi (lapps) has been key factors in late developments where communities have developed economically achieving great sustainability, contributing, not only to their well being, but to the sustainability of the inhospitable sub-artic regions." (S31) "Yes - but only if there is an 'appropriate' deployment of tools, techniques and processes of development in line with local community needs." (S52) Semantics and the economic imperative Interestingly, one respondent was very pessimistic about the possibilities for sustainable development even when it was sought and pursued at the local level. This respondent brought into the equation the idea that people are driven by monetary benefits to deplete their environment, even though they know that such practices are unsustainable: "To a certain degree, yes. I think that monetary considerations will always outweigh humanitarian concerns and it is very hard to convince people who are seeking a living from sometimes-meagre resources that it is in their own good to give consideration to long-term sustainable use of their resources. It is usually easier and cheaper to move on to the next area when one area has been depleted." (S17) This last argument derives from a rationality that considers poor people to be collaborators in their own misery. In this particular response there was no questioning of the developmental project or the social structures within which people are stimulated to act regardless of the future; but it did address 'monetary considerations' as the driving force. 9 Those responses that argued that the concepts are incompatible claimed an intrinsic contradiction in "sustainable development": "Development of any kind cannot sustain anything." (S4). Instead of blaming the people (needy or not), the proponents of incompatibility pointed their fingers at 'the system'; contemporary capitalist structures, the current developmental project and the prevailing economic model are seen as unavoidably contrary to sustainable practices: "No because development is premised upon economic gain, and capitalism is inherently unsustainable" (S10); "The problem with sustainability is that the economic model is not compatible with social, economic and ecological aspects at the same time and proportion. The neo-liberal model promotes the economic aspect leaving as secondary the social and ecological." (S19); "No, because development does not imply a recognition of limits or the necessity to preserve the natural and human resources used to achieve it. It is an economic concept, which has bases in the apparently unlimited uses of resources… " (S47); "… Si lo entemos [desarrollo] como crecimiento economico, por supuesto que no son compatibles. Ya que el crecimiento economico, tal y como lo plantean los economistas, excluye de raiz criterios sociales, culturales y ambientales requeridos para la sustentabilidad." (If we understand development as economic growth, of course they [sustainability and development] are not compatible. This is because economic growth, as economist have brought it up, excludes from its bases the environmental, cultural and social requirements of sustainability)" (S34) S.D. inconsistent with the present There are less radical rejections of the compatibility, which do not portray sustainable development as a contradiction itself but rather as inconsistent with current economic and ecological trends. The point such respondents make is that the necessary conditions for sustainable development are currently, rather than inherently unattainable: "… The current model of industrial development, where 'development' means material economic growth, is unlikely to be sustainable on a long term basis for the majority of the world population." (S1) "Present development of our world is clearly not sustainable" (S33) "Yes, they are compatible. But in a different social and economic order, not in the one the world is living now… " (S36) "Yes, if we change the way development is understood, for instance, development is associated to living styles resembling to those Europe and USA have, which are a lot related to consumption. But we could live in a healthier and more compatible way with our environment if we change our pattern of consumption and the generalised idea of development nowadays, it would be turning it into "only use what I need and get from nature, exclusively this, not until I just can't get anymore from it", 'cause I over pressed the place, to obtain more benefits. So, at last, this could be possible but in the long term, I hope not when there's nothing left to do." (S45) 10 Greening politics Some responses expressed doubts about the compatibility of sustainability and development. These doubts arise from the apparent use of "sustainability" as a green rhetoric, the aim of which is the continuation of projects that degrade the environment or human rights: ". usually development translates into cutting down natural habitats without regard to "sustaining" cultures" (S32); "In theory 'yes' but much depends on the definition of the terms and societies' acceptance of equal human rights and obligations to others." (S7) "Los conceptos de desarrollo y de sostenibilidad resultan ser bastantes amplios y ambiguos. En la mayoria de los casos cuando se plantean proyectos de desarrollo se trata de relacionarlos directamente con proyectos que resulten ser favorables para el medio ambiente. Como si un concepto llevara implicito otro, sin embargo creo que lo que se esta haciendo desde hace algunos años es precisamente disfrazar los proyectos de desarrollo para que sean aprobados bajo el nombre de mantenimiento del medio ambiente." (The concepts of sustainability and development are very ambiguous. In the majority of cases, there is an attempt to portray development projects as environmentally friendly[, a]s if one concept implied the other. However, I believe that what has been happening for the last few years is a camouflaging of development projects, in order to get them approved under the heading of environmental management) (S48). Reflections on responses to Q110: If "all development is not 'absolute' but will have a beginning and an end" (S24) then, "[d]evelopment of any kind cannot sustain anything." (S4). The impossibility of re-establishing high quality energy after it has been transform into low quality energy (or entropy) is a characteristic feature of closed systems, this would leave us with a world in decline where there is no possibility of sustaining anything. It could be argued that this is the case, as we cannot even guarantee perpetual solar energy flow. But this is perhaps taking the concept of sustainability too far, leaving us with no possibility for discussion. The central political discussion arising from the different responses revolves around the contradiction between those arguments of compatibility that leave the development project unquestioned and those that reject any possibility of compatibility because of a profound questioning of development. Between the two, the picture is blurred, undefined, open and elusive. There does not appear to be any significant correspondence between the two opposite groups of respondents in relation to whether they have been in Amazonia or not. Three out of five of the respondents claiming that there is absolutely no compatibility between development and sustainability have been in Amazonia; but so have two out of four of the respondents that left the development project unquestioned. However, it may be of some significance that none of those that accepted 'sustainable development' are related to social sciences. Those respondents with academic backgrounds in the social sciences all fit into groups 10 A schematic summary can be found in Table 1, Appendix 3. 11 that see sustainable development as a principle, something to be defined locally or as a reformist greening of politics. None of them were found in the group arguing for absolute incompatibility. The middle ground, where the picture is most blurred, came from the majority of respondents by whom it was argued that sustainable development may be possible but that they were unsure about how it might be achieved. Although these responses varied from those expressing suspiciousness (those pointing out the rhetoric of sustainability) to hope: "They have to be. I think they are because they have to be". This acceptance of a possibility of sustainable development, despite the semantic contradiction and current political rhetorical manipulation of the term, reflects a process of thinking and acting that is deeply rooted in Utopian beliefs. This 'sustainability' will happen in the future, in another time, when local communities take control of their lives and their resources, when environmental protection is taken seriously, when today's actions reflect our responsibility toward the future, etc. According to one of the respondents even continuous increases in productivity will be possible, when the proper technology has been developed. Q2 - Is there a relationship between indigenous reserves (IR) and protected areas (PA)? In Colombia IR are called "Resguardos Indígenas" or "Resguardos de Tierras". The term resguardo, literally means protection. Its meaning is not too different from that given to natural conservation areas of different grades: áreas protegidas, protected areas (PA). Both, IR and PA, emphasise the need for an area to be specially protected. Some of the respondents of this question pointed out an implicit relationship between IR and PA perhaps departing of this meaning: "… In a general sense, indigenous reserves are protected areas; they are protected from outside influence for the benefit of the indigenous people… " (S1); "Yes there are relationships. Both have natural systems and environmental quality that requires some level of conservation and protection" (S9); "Yes , for obvious reason. Because the protected reserves are a birth child of indigenous reserves and because we do not want to lose the nature environment the relationship should be maintained." (S13); "Yes, indigenous reserves are protected areas" (S28) As in the case of Q1 (Do you think that development and sustainability are compatible?) some respondents pointed out that it would depend on what we understand by the two terms: "Depends on the sort of protected area or what we mean with protected area… " (S25). "There could be" (S38); "It could be, but I am not sure" (S46); "… this has to be context specific" (S1). Five respondents simply said "yes" (S37, S18, S22, S43, S50) and one simply said "no" (S15). However many of the respondents did go on to qualify the relationship in some way. 12 Harmony or the need for it Some of the affirmative responses portrayed indigenous peoples as the guardians of the environment while others offered concrete examples of this viewpoint: "Si. Las culturas indigenas han demostrado que sus culturas han vivido armonicamente con su entorno durante miles de años" (Yes. Indigenous peoples have demonstrated that their cultures have lived in harmony with their environment during millennia). (S23); "Empirical evidence through statistical analysis has shown (particularly in Colombia in the north west region of the Sierra Nevada) that there is a direct relation between conservation and indigenous reserves. So, the answer is "yes, I do think so". (S40) There were those that referred to the need for a harmonic relationship because: 1) the environment should be protected for the benefit of indigenous peoples: "… indigenous reserves are related with spaces or areas that the government leaves for indigenous people and protected areas are where the local authorities or government provide the ($) resources in order to protect them" (S19); "Existe una relación, historica y cultural, respecto a su territorio, esto debe ser respetado y protegido para las mismas comunidades indigenas" (There is an historic and cultural relationship with respect to their territories. This should be respected and protected by indigenous communities for their own sake (S20). 2) the protection is fundamental for biodiversity conservation: "… Podria ser que se proteja un area porque existe cierta flora o fauna que esta en peligro de extincion. Por ejemplo, muchos animales que viven en la selva solo se aparean una vez al año en cierta temporada y si estos son interrumpidos por presencia humana su decendencia podria verse aun mas en peligro de extincion… " (It may be that an area is protected because there are endangered flora or fauna. For example, there are many rainforest animals that mate once a year or seasonally; if they are interrupted by human activities their progeny could be further endangered) (S25); "… development there should be restricted for the sake of conservation" (S33) 3) sustainable practices could be developed based on indigenous peoples' experiences: "Yes. By protecting areas where almost all indigenous people are more and more confined, there will be a way to preserve indigenous experiences in order for these experiences to contribute to a sustainable development." (S11). Utopia There were also those sorts of answers that reflected a feeling of hope or a sense of Utopia, in which a harmonic, positive relationship was acknowledged as desirable but not yet achieved: "I imagine IR to equate with PA in some way. Perhaps naively. IR is implicitly protected from external development forces, but not necessarily internal." (S3); "There can be. If people are continuing a way of life that has been sustainable in the past and are able to develop sustainably (… ) there is no reason why both should not coexist." (S6); "Most indigenous reserves must be also protected areas. How to effectively do it? I don't know." (S36); "In countries with mindless and irresponsible politicians and business people, it should be mandatory that 'indigenous reserves' must be synonymous with 'protected areas'. (S42) 13 Contamination and cultural imposition Some respondents signalled the risk of contamination, this is of indigenous peoples being influenced by a mestizo culture and therefore driven to break the presumed harmonic relationship with the natural environment. This may be seen as a lost opportunity, that of the rest of humanity to learn from indigenous experiences or, that of given indigenous people to assert managerial control: "Yes, as indigenous populations tend to live in harmony with nature these areas tend to require protection from the outside world. (S12); "… I also think it is difficult to put it into practice since indigenous people want to be part of the economic system and therefore there is a risk of depletion. Anyway who is better to protect certain areas than the people who have lived there for hundred of years!!!" (S39); "Yes, in fact, so far as I know, many of our indigenous people live in these protected areas, where most of them have been able to live in a sustainable way, I say most of them, because others are affected by the mestizo men that live nearby or want to get something from that place due to its economic importance, affecting these natural areas." (S45) It was pointed out that both types of jurisdiction, IR and PA, derived from a cultural-historical process, in which self-determination was not accounted for: "Yes, a very imperialistic one - especially in the Americas (including Canada). It is an old regressive link between the two, in the 60s and 70s this paternalistic viewpoint saw indigenous culture as static --which is wrong!" (S24); "Yes, they both seem to be defined by the ruling 'white' government." (S26) A respondent that had visited Amazonia (VA) added that there is resistance to this imposition, at least as far as indigenous peoples of Colombia are concerned: "yes-especially when indigenous management systems are practised in spite of the models of dominant society in Colombia" (S27). Similarly, another VA respondent suggested that in Colombia there are no friendly relationships between IR and PA: "It depends from country to country, but in Colombia no" (S10)! Analytical responses The analysis provided by some of the respondents tended to localise the relationship: to put it into the historical process. The analysis underlined the main problem for a "non-confrontational" relationship between IR and PA regimes. As they are designations that came about without public participation and from a rationality that is especially alien to indigenous peoples, when IRs and PAs overlap, competition for management arises. These type of answers either acknowledged that the relationship happens through overlap, or mentioned the difficulties of hitting indigenous rights and conservation target simultaneously: "Freedom of choice for all people, in terms of lifestyle, cultural heritage can translate into giving management control to indigenous people in protected areas. However the balance between sustainable economic development for indigenous people and at the same time protecting the environment is a difficult topic to discuss at a macro level. Individual environmental and socio-cultural circumstances need to be fully accounted for and explicitly articulated." (S7) "Yo creo que existe una relacion estrecha entre reservas indigenas y areas protegidas alrededor del mundo. Ya que estas dos figuras juridicas en muchos casos (p.e. Colombia) se encuentran translapadas." (I believe there is a close relationship between indigenous reserves and protected areas around the world. It derives from the fact that in many cases these two jurisdictions overlap) (S34). 14 "There is a relationship when they overlap, which I think happens often." (S44) "Los resguardos y las reservas indigenas han tenido la tendencia a considerarse y definirse como areas protegidas, sin embargo me parece importante tener en cuenta que al establecer los limites territoriales entre los resguardos quedan zonas intermedias que no pertenecen necesariamente a algun resguardo, y esto hace de un modo u otro que tambien se presenten roces con diferentes actores. Por la misma razon que al no estar circunscrito en un resguardo aparentemente se consideraría como un area no protegida… " (It has been the tendency to consider the resguardos and indigenous reserves as protected areas. However, I think it is worth considering that when the resguardo boundaries are established, there are zones in-between not ascribed to any resguardo. And this makes it somehow possible for different [political] actors to get confrontational. This happens as a consequence of the non-ascription of the in-between zone, which is not considered as protected area… ) (S48) However it came about and assuming that both jurisdictions are somehow competing, some respondents argued that IR should be more effective, as it gives responsibility to the people for their own lives: "Yes, although I think indigenous reserves serve to protect the environment/area better. This is because they are protected by local people who value the resources and use them in a traditional and more sustainable way. Protected areas can be designated/run by Governments and this can remove the responsibility from the indigenous peoples." (S5); "Yes. I think that indigenous reserves do offer more protection than protected areas because it gives local people more incentive to use sustainable practices. They can see it being in their own interests" (S17) In contrast, one respondent argued: "Maybe there is, but I don't believe in reserves" (S35). And a second respondent (VA) added that poverty have driven indigenous peoples to behave unsustainably: "I think it is possible. However, some indigenous areas are completely degraded because they are selling their natural resources to survive." (S53). This response (S53) is related to one of those made to Q1: "To a certain degree, yes. I think that monetary considerations will always outweigh humanitarian concerns and it is very hard to convince people who are seeking a living from sometimes meagre resources that it is in their own good to give consideration to long-term sustainable use of their resources. It is usually easier and cheaper to move on to the next area when one area has been depleted." (S17) Both answers (Q1-S17, Q2-S53) echo a neo-Malthusian argument. It implies that a 'tragedy of the commons' is happening in Amazonia and elsewhere as result of overpopulation. The politics involved "No. Indigenous reserves and protected areas (for nature conservation) are two different political land use strategies. If the government is assigning an Indian reserve then they should respect the use the indigenous people are making of the terrain according to traditional use or to improved technologies. Areas for Nature conservation must be treated separately and with a different priority. We cannot make the indians responsible for the disappearing of the diversity. The government has to be responsible by applying appropriate conservation and management regimes" (S2) This response makes an argument for the need to differentiate between IR and PA as diverse political strategies that pursue different aims. The first would aim to 15 comply with Indigenous Peoples Rights, particularly that of self-determination. The second political strategy would aim at biodiversity conservation. The respondent acknowledges indigenous social change as indigenous management depends on both, tradition and technological improvement. Interestingly, the analysis provided does not try to conceal the confrontational nature of the relationship; nor does it neither place much hope in conciliation. On the contrary, it advocates for a distinction. If there is some hope or sense of utopia in the response it comes from solutions provided by technological improvement. Which is something this particular respondent had already stressed in Q1: "… . Development as the integration of western technologies or increase of income per capita, can be carefully done by implementing appropriate technologies into the productive activities of the communities. Sustainability defined as a continuous productivity level in the long term." (S2) Non-conclusive comment-Q211 Nowadays, the establishment or enlargement of IRs (Resguardos in Colombia) and PAs requires the interested proponents to follow long protocols, the fulfilment of precise administrative procedures and of legal conditions. One aim of the process is to allow different stakeholders to participate and to assure the fulfilment of fundamental rights to all citizens in equal conditions. In Colombia, like in many other parts of the developing world, when the "juridical figures" were established these procedures were not necessary, therefore, many IRs and PAs were established without participation of all interested parties. It is not surprising that some of the respondents refer to the confrontation or competition of regimes that began with their imposition. It could be of some significance that none of the respondents that claimed the need to harmonise IR and PA have been in Amazonia. In contrast, the two respondents that pointed out that these two regimes are conflicting in Colombia have been there. The analytical response that called for clear differentiation between the two also came from the group of people that had visited Amazonia (VA). From the set of answers given to Q2 it is clear that different and contrasting narratives ascribed to with respect to environmental management. For some of the respondents indigenous peoples are guardians of the environment, victims of colonialism or in risk of a cultural contamination that will force them to adopt maladaptive strategies that would threaten conservation strategies. For others, indigenous reserves are untrustworthy designations: the environment should be preserved against development and human intervention, be it indigenous or otherwise. Therefore indigenous peoples should not be in charge of environmental management. Yet, another political perspective is derived from hopes of compatibility between the two regimes, which although pursuing different aims are seen as relevant for environmental and human security at the same time. Thus, the third perspective could be characterised as dialectic or iterative. From this (last) perspective indigenous experience could help the development of conservation strategies; and, 11 Schematic summary: Table 2, Appendix 3. 16 at the same time, the revision of environmental and conservation management strategies could be vital for the survival of indigenous peoples. Hope or Utopian visions also have a place here: the development of technology is seen as a key component for adequate environmental management. Technological improvement would allow both compliance with indigenous peoples' rights and biodiversity conservation. We are sketching a continuum from our comment on Q1, suggesting that the narrative of conciliation 'reflects a process of thinking and acting that is deeply rooted in utopia'. Q3 - Do you think that the concepts of protected areas (PA), indigenous reserves (IR) and sustainable development (SD) are useful for environmental management today? Two respondents say that the concepts should be context specific: "Yes, but which of them is useful depends on context… " (S1). "As I said before, all these terms have to be defined properly in the first place before they can be applied." (S2). There were two respondents that simply said 'yes' (S14, S22), while one answered: "yes, if it works" (S4). S4's response suggests that concepts are instruments, and not surprisingly many answers referred to the "applicability" of these three concepts. Environmental indians and contamination risk Some respondents reiterated the idea, already expressed in Q1 and Q2, that indigenous peoples are practitioners of SD or conservation managers: "… Indigenous reserves are important because they allow the preservation of a way of living in sympathy with the environment long gone in most areas… " (S12); "Claro que si. Las culturas indigenas son un ejemplo de convivencia y explotacion sostenible del entorno en que viven" (Yes of course. Indigenous cultures are an example of coexistence with the environment they live in and of sustainable exploitation.) (S23); "Yes because indigenous people are the 'shepherds' of the landscape and they have a first-hand understanding and experience (handed down from previous generations) of ecosystem processes. Sometimes indigenous customs and habits reflect an understanding of nature's processes that can be exemplary in the planning of management plans… "(S41) One response re-enforced an idea presented in Q2, that indigenous sustainable practices are in risk as the younger generations begin to adopt western lifestyles: "… , but this knowledge is also in danger [endangered],… , shamanism is related in many cases to the management of the natural resources, but I have listened to the indigenous people from the community that I'm working in, that they're not interested in receiving this knowledge from their parents, and day by they they're a lot like us in their agricultural practices." (S45) Principles as instruments Various responses made reference to certain conditions that would have to be fulfilled in order for the concepts to be useful. This perspective, where the concepts are understood as political instruments, could be useful if a 'real' or 'truth-value' definition of them were accomplished. This truth-value would come from using the political instrumentality of a concept only if it were to reflect a set of principles such as intergenerational equity, empowerment, and participation. 17 And, in the case of participation, special emphasis were given to the incorporation of indigenous people, their knowledge and ways of dealing with the environment: "The concept of protected areas will only be successful if indigenous peoples are involved, therefore this would seem to indicate that indigenous reserves would be the best way forward of the two" (S5) "… indigenous reserves need to be redefined according to the wishes of the people who will be living in them,… (S6); "… If sustainable development means development with the means which exist and with the participation of the people concerned… " (S11); Yes. Exercising indigenous knowledge should not be limited to reserves but integrated into the management plans along with scientific knowledge more widely. (S26); "Yes… Any protected area, etc. must actively incorporate the participation of indigenous people" (S41) The idea of intergenerational equity is attached to that of resource reserve for the developmental process: "Yes… The sustainable development concept relating to the obligation of the present generation to leave enough natural assets and capital for future generations to enjoy at least the same quality of life we enjoy today must be at the heart of environmental management activities." (S12) "Yes, because the natural environment that we believe is endangered should be protected as a reference in future years to come and because of this a sense of environmental management is very important as the same environment becomes a resource for development" (S13) "Yes. We need to protect the area and its people and provide for sustainable development. (S21) "… pero estoy cierto que las areas protegidas independentemente del interes en prervarlas desempeñan un papel importante en el manejo de ambientes naturales para la captura de CO2, conservación de recursos biogenéticos/biodiversidad/ y como elementos de estudio para futuras generaciones… " (… but I am certain that, independently of the interest in preserving them, protected areas play a roll in the management of natural environment for CO2 sequestration, conservation of biodiversity/genetic resources and as study subjects for future generations (S25) "yes, otherwise development will go against our own endurance. I think we have to consider the possibility that we are not the most powerful force in this world." (S38) Risk and Protection Following this idea is that of concepts (as political instruments) being useful if they could provide and enforce protection (S13, S21 above). In this case either the environment is seen at risk (endangered species or ecosystems) or both indigenous peoples and their environments: "Yes. Protected areas are important as pools of natural resources not affected by human activity. Indigenous reserves are important because they allow the preservation of a way of living in sympathy [tune] with the environment long gone in most areas." (S12); "I think they are vital. Until everyone has a responsible attitude to environmental control certain protections have to be enforced." (S17) Some of the responses expressing a need for environmental protection have a sense of impending catastrophe: "Yes, but they are loaded concepts so we have to be careful in using them… sustainable development is the only way we will survive, but is usually glibly applied." (S6); "in a limited sense perhaps.but what we need to accomplish is protection of all that there is left, without cutting and taking land around the so called protected area. stop the modernisation process wherever it has not already reached into" (S32); "Yes, because they are the only source to preserve life on earth." (S51) 18 Protection but of cultural diversity: "… They may contribute to 'capturing' and saving fragile cultures and 'unknown' languages." (S31) Although acknowledging the need for protection, some respondents made it explicit that IRs were not effective, as the policies derived from such concepts (regimes) would increase risk instead of attenuating it: "… in terms of indigenous groups if they become circumscribed to a specific protected area then this will prevent persistence of nomadic lifestyles etc. and as a result the protected area may become 'unsustainable' as people are becoming circumscribed to a specific reserve. I guess this also answers the question on indigenous reserves, however, the indigenous reserves of N. America should be used as an example of the problems of tying people to such reserves,… " (S10) "… 'indigenous reserves' are not so useful - most of indigenous social problems have been caused by the colonisers, and are being reproduced through generations. Keeping indigenous people enclosed in such areas, and introducing paternalistic rules and laws is not healthy for any society. It instils racism in a society, and will not ensure that indigenous practices of environmental management will be maintained - that depends on the indigenous group and how they choose to manage their environment… " (S24) The need for integration and its impediments Some emphasis was put on the idea that there is or should be a link between the concepts (political instruments): "Yes all concepts are useful as they each permit different aspects of the economic/ecology debate to enter into the wider public arena. Ultimately for there to be sustainable solutions to environmental problems there needs to be a holistic approach adopted… " (S7) "… environmental development will not be meaningful without taking into account the interrelation between 'indigenous reserves' and 'sustainable development'" (S11) "Yes, because all areas are linked with each other very closely" (S18). "Yes. Exercising indigenous knowledge should not be limited to reserves but integrated into the management plans along with scientific knowledge more widely." (S26) "… Lo que creo es que tanto las reservas indigenas, como las areas protegidas deberian orientarse hacia un desarrollo sostenible. Bien sea que estas dos figuras se translapen o no. Si entendemos el desarrollo sostenible como un proceso que involucra criterios sociales, culturales, economicos, y ambientales." (… What I do believe is that indigenous reserves as well as protected areas should direct their attention towards sustainable development, whether or not the entities [juridical regimes] overlap. If we understand sustainable development as a process that involves social, cultural, economic and environmental criteria.) (S34) However, quiet a few responses pointed out the problems that prevent this integration from taking place: 1) Incompatibility of interests between IR and PA: "… Protected areas are useful, but they raise the debate as to whether one should protect an area and exclude people from it so that a certain species/ archaeological site/community can survive or whether people should have access… " (S10); "It is quite difficult to harmonies those concepts, specifically among indigenous people. They are convinced that 'sustainable development' is an imperialist concept, and the first idea they have -as far as they hear the concept- is that they are going to be exploited by others… " (S40) 2) The prevalence of economic efficiency and profit at the expense of anything else: 19 "… El desarrollo sustentable que ha sido cada vez mas un objetivo importante en varios paises del mundo. Pero encontrar los balances correctos ha sido y es dificil, particulrmente cuando las sociedades y gobiernos estan sometidos a un proceso de globalizacion y de efeicientizacion economica. He ahi los conflictos permanentes de lograr un desarrollo verdaderamente sustentable que considere no solo los aspectos economicos, pero politicos, cultrales, sociales y ecologicos o ambientales. (Sustainable development has become an increasingly important objective in several countries around the world. But to find the correct balances has been and continues to be difficult; in particular as a result of societies and governments being subjected to economic efficiency within the globalisation process. There are permanent conflicts in the way of obtaining a real sustainable development that involve not only the economic aspects, but also the social, cultural, ecological and environmental criteria " (S25). "… too many people think of 'sustainable' as meaning economic sustainability and not environmental sustainability." (S30). "… While protected areas and indigenous reserves serve to maintain environmental quality, the concept of sustainable development is often disregarded for the sake of profits and globalisation." (S33) 3) Political manipulation: "I think there have been problems with these concepts for two reasons: First, they mean different thing for different people, second, they have been used and to serve particular interests. There are several and opposite definitions of 'sustainable development' and it's a difficult concept. 'Indigenous reserve', used as a general concept does not describe usefully the complex realities and 'protected areas' have been used to serve particular interests over time so I think it is seen suspiciously by a lot of people." (S44) "I think so, but these concepts are used a lot by politicians, and then the meaning can be manipulated". (S46) "… The big problem is not related to the concepts alone, it is related to the way in which these are applied according with particular interests and purposes. Many times the terms are used by different groups or organisations in order to pretend to be environmental friendly or responsible, when the real purposes reveal an opposite target or interest." (S47) "… Muy seguaramente estos términos se manejan como deben ser en el plano académico teórico, mas no ocurre lo mismo en el ambito práctico donde lo que prevalece son los interese de los diferentes actores que trabajan en este campo, lo que lleva inevitablemente a que se presenten situaciones de tension entre estos y se deje de lado el objetivo primordial en cuanto a la conservación y le manejo ambiental" (For sure, theoretically and within the academic circles these concepts are managed as they should be. Although, in the practical scenario privilege is given to the particular interests of those different [political] actors who work in this field. Thus, it is unavoidable that tensions will arise between these [political actors], which leave aside the fundamental aim of environmental management and conservation) (S48) 4) Semantics, the concepts mean too many things to too many different political actors (S44 above): "… 'Sustainable development' is not so useful for environmental management, as the concept is too contested - it means too many different things to different people." (S24); "As I said, the problem is that there are many definitions of those terms and it makes it difficult to determine if they are useful in one place compared to other places" (S50) Dynamism The perspective of 'dynamism' reflects a perception of mutating meanings as an advantage. Under this perspective 'contested' means 'in change', which is seen as part of a learning process, which is in tune with the idea of local definition of concepts (emphasised above): "Ultimately for there to be sustainable solutions to environmental problems there needs to be a holistic approach adopted, where people can better appreciate that their lifestyle has much in 20 common with others - even if they are in an OECD country and cannot appreciate the day to day lifestyle of someone in a less developed country. … . Therefore the concepts listed can provide an opportunity to raise the awareness of the majority of the world's people." "Yes, there is plenty that can be learned from these three concepts and also applied" (S37) "A lot, I believe there are a lot of things we can learn from them, specially in this field of study,." (S45) "If these concepts are [understood or interpreted] under a dynamic and changing world (attached to contexts), which mean that there is not a unique definition or way to apply them, I think they are still useful for environmental management." [original: understanding or interpreting… ] (S47) The need for new concepts-Q3 Contradicting narratives can be appreciated through the reading of these responses. There is a group of respondents that are uncritical of the concepts or the policies derived from them (like S37, S45 above and): "Yes, they are important to efficient environmental management" (S28); "Yes. An understanding of the mechanism of these terminologies is essential for effective environmental management … " (S9). Another group could be made out of those responses that reflect suspicion or are definitely critical of the concepts (S10, S24, S25, S30, S33, S40, S44, S46, S47, S48, S50 above). And, besides the group of respondents that express conditionality or hope (see above), there is a group of responses that, while critical of the concepts, acknowledge that at present they are all we have: "… which of them is useful depends on context… If an ethnic group is to be allowed to determine the course of events within its own territory, then the territory must be reserved for them until such time as they develop complete autonomy or decide to integrate more closely with wider society. Sustainable development may seem a rather broad, unspecific term, but it does at least draw attention to the unsustainability of conventional development… " (S1) "… The concept of sustainable development is gradually getting better developed and, even if it is not strictly attainable, gives decision-makers something to work towards… (S5) "I don't agree with the concept of SD as it is a contradiction in terms, but at present there are few better alternatives… " (S10) One respondent actually moved forward in the critique, pointing out that the concepts were built on preconceptions and identifying the need to generate new concepts that would integrate the useless categorical divide of nature and society: "I think they are old fashioned, and generated by the Anglo-Saxon culture. We should move towards an increased compatibility between human activities and nature, making it therefore not necessary to talk about reserves, or natural areas." (S35) Non-conclusive comment-Q312: The majority if not the totality of respondents took 'concepts' as 'politics'. They discussed the history of these politics, their adequacy and sufficiency. It is very interesting that while the conduct through which political ideas become policies is supposed to be complex, it is obvious for the respondents that there is more than theoretical debate going on in the process of policy making. There is a prevailing, sometimes automatic or non-reflexive awareness that narratives pursue the aims that drive the policies and politics that are transforming the environment. 12 Schematic summary: table 3, Appendix 3. 21 In continuity with the results of Q2, only 1 out of five respondents of those who argued for the need to integrate the concepts had been in Amazon; while the two respondents that argued the case of 'incompatibility of interests' had been there. Of those which suggested that these concepts –political strategies- are useful for environmental protection or that this is the last chance –catastrophism- for life, none had visited Amazonia. It may be of some significance that none of the five respondents that suggested that IR might be a better strategy than PA have been in Amazonia, while one person of the two that argued that IRs are ineffective had been there. The responses correspond to several narratives that can be identified. One of them is that of 'confidence in science and trust in political instrumentality' derived from the (traditional definitions of) concepts outlined. Another narrative is that of 'natives as heroes and outsiders as villains', which is reflected in the suspiciousness of concepts based in untested assumptions and in mistrust of the governmental policies derived from them. In summary there is a status-quo narrative and a counter narrative. Yet a third type of narrative could be identified, that of 'critical understanding'. Q4 – Should environmental managers (EM) get involved in the territorial ordering process (TOP) of the Amazon? One of the respondents simply answered yes (S4). One was unsure (S52), perhaps suspicious? One considered the question was tricky (S32), and three of them put the question into question. Two of these responses asked for the term 'environmental manager' to be defined: "Difficult to answer. Define the roles, mandate and empowerment of the environmental manager… " (S31); "What do you mean by environmental managers?." (S6). The third one was more critical: "this sentence is colonialist as if indigenous peoples of Amazonia were not in fact environmental managers" (S27). With a similar intent, one respondent argued that indigenous people were better-qualified environmental mangers: "Las comunidades indigenas han sido las mejores administradoras del territorio ancestral, eso debe ser respetado y replicado en zonas donde la intervención humana 'civilizada' ha afectado las condiciones ambientales. (Indigenous communities have been the best managers of ancestral territories, this should be respected and should be replicated in areas where 'civilised' human intervention has affected environmental conditions) (S20)" The response of Indigenous peoples as better managers had been expressed in Q1, Q2 and Q3. Another three responses reinforced the ideas of catastrophism, the need for urgent environmental protection and to stop development (S32, S33, S42). Perspectives EMs are the ones: "Definitely" (S12); " … They have in many cases a better view for the long-run." (S18); 22 Yes. Who else is better suited to do so?" (S21); "Environmental Managers should get involved. They are best able to ensure protection of ecosystem" (S28); "Por supuesto que si. Ya que el ordenamiento territorial de un territorio (en este caso de la Amazonia) debe tener como objetivos el desarrollo sostenible." (Definitely. Territorial ordering (of the Amazon in this case) should have sustainable development as an objective) (S34); "Because they are the ones that can understand the balance that must exist between economic development, traditional culture and environment." (S36); " They should, how can they do whithout?" (S46) "Yes, because they can contribute to better territorial ordering in the region" (S53) EMs and scientists figure out the solutions and take the decisions: "Deben estar involucradas todas las personas del planeta, pero con mas razon los 'decision makers', que a fin de cuentas, toman las acciones concretas sobre nuestro futuro medioambiental. (All people from the planet should get involved, but the 'decision makers' have more reason to be there, after all they are the ones that take the concrete actions in respect to our environmental future) (S23); "Yes, but along with some other scientists, not only because of the importance of the Amazon from a global point of view, but specially for the importance for the people living there." (S35); "Yes, always considering multiple disciplines result in a better understanding and so better solutions." (S38) But taking into account the other opinions: "Yes, although indigenous peoples will also play a major part and without them any agreements between Governments and environmental managers will not work… " (S5); "Not always, because it is necessary to take into consideration lay people's opinions too." (53) Indigenous peoples direct EMs: "If they are asked to do so by indigenous peoples, I see no problem with this." (S1); "Territorial ordering should be primarily decided upon by the indigenous groups that inhabit them, … ultimately decisions need to come from the bottom upwards" (S10); "… The indigenous people should be in charge of the program at the ultimate level" (S14). " They should but they should make sure they respect the opinion of indigenous people and they should be very discreet in their approach and aim for cooperation." (S41) EMs have equal rights to participate as other stakeholders: " Of course. All actors should be involved in the process… It doesn't mean that they have to take decisions but they can evaluate the circumstances under different and also important perspectives." (S2); "What do you mean by environmental managers? But yes, I think they also have a stake in the fate of the Amazon, and have a right to make their voices heard. (S6); " Involvement - yes but only in collaboration and co-operation with the Amazonian people and those in the higher levels of bureaucracy and policy making … Environmental managers can make significant contributions in this area, given their depth of understanding of the issues (relative to the general public)" (S7); "Deveriam estar envolvidos no processo de re-ordenamento territorial, junto com edndios, ribeirinhos etc" (they should be involved in the territorial ordering process together with indigenous peoples, riverine inhabitants, etc." (S29); " I think they should be involved as advisors and technical support but I support the idea of a non-technical management, where decisions are taken by the different stakeholders based on the technical advice and the social, cultural and economic factors." (S44) 23 But this intervention should be avoided within indigenous territories: "Not in indigenous reserves or territories which historically have been managed by indigenous communities. In other areas, should be taking part in dialogue of knowledge between cultures, people, communities, scientists and decision makers from private and government sectors, to order process on the amazon area." [Original text:… historically has been management by… ](S47) The apolitical EM: "Yes, but not for political reasons. It should be for the cause of sustainable use of our natural environment which is our heritage." (S9); " … Generally though I think that environmentalists like missionaries before them should not get involved in political processes as this can have a very negative reaction within the local community." (S17) "Yes, their knowledge will hopefully be of use in the ordering process" (S37) The political participation of EMs: "Yes, to counteract the interference of other external actors but hopefully to work with the indigenous people respecting their values and practices, not independently." (S26) EMs as facilitators of the dialog between IK and WS: "… without them [indigenous peoples] any agreements between Governments and environmental managers will not work. Environmental Managers should facilitate discussion… " (S5); "Territorial ordering should be primarily decided upon by the indigenous groups that inhabit them, environmental managers roles here should be as referees to help in the co-ordination of the process, but ultimately decisions need to come from the bottom upwards." (S10); "It's necessary for people involved in this field of study, that had already gained a conscience, and that are able to understand that we have to work with indigenous, not from our usual management vision, but theirs, trying to see the world like they do. In this way could be easier, perhaps to understand and give convincing and why not scientific arguments to the authorities (or people in charge of handling these affairs) about the different way they have already distributed their territory, which [in] most of the case (if not all) doesn't have our political distribution. (I.E, those groups that live between Colombia and Brazil boundaries) they don't have the same division of territories, because of this, they must be managed in a way more in concordance to their political organisation." (S45) Capacity, ability and quality of EMs: "Depends who the environmental managers are - if they are from the area and have a passion for the area, then why not. If they are drafted in from outside, and seen as the 'outside experts' then probably not - it usually causes friction within the area."(S24) "Define the roles, mandate and empowerment of the environmental manager. They may fall into different categories, of which I may name at least 4: 1. The conflictive manager. Created by a lobbying body. A good example is the body (forget the name) that is in charge of the Everglades in Florida. Their work is tainted by conflict of interest: the provision of water to cities and sugar cane farmers, at the same time maintaining the 'wet lands' as an ecosystem and controlling flooding! 2. The romantic. Exemplified by rich Europeans or North-Americans. Wanting to keep habitats, they may buy some land and resort to eco-tourism in order to keep their sustainability. I believe there are some German managed 'eco' destinations in Ecuador. Driven by an alternative way of life, they may not 'manage' the environment as they should. 3. The bureaucrat. A member of a government agency or NGO that may not be aware of local needs, responding always to policies made from a distance. Current legislation may be a hinder. "Los paisas", developed and colonised what is today Risaralda, Quindio, Caldas and 24 parts of Choco in Colombia, by using legislation that enabled them to cut and clear big forest areas to be claimed afterwards, creating the concept of the "colono". A colonisation process I witnessed in Caquetá some years ago. 4. The "grass roots" manager. Perhaps, the type who knows best the ecosystem and the power relationships that develop around it by the people involved with it. Usually their voice is not heard, mainly because of the threat they represent to some landowners or 'colonos'. If the law regarding claiming land that has been cleared is still existing, managing the environment is going to be a great task. One shall not forget that the 'colono' phenomenon represents one of the many socio-economical problems a nation like Colombia faces. … Management work usually develops around a policy. Trust among all participants is primordial. There ought to be some kind of legal-economical framework that will ease management work. If this is in place and all conflicts of interest reduced, then the territorial ordering process of Amazonia may become real." (S 31) Political risks, EMs tough job: "Yes, however the pressures on the person might be extreme. It would be preferable to have both on-site environmental managers and use some respected external managers as reference." (S15); "Yes, but bearing in mind that you should work with politicians and many kinds of 'parasitic' people which are thinking every day in the short term. It means that environmental managers are not enough for sustainable management and use of natural resource: their analytical models as well as their technical capacity is necessary, but they cannot work isolated, they require to work with others, despite the fact that 'the others' could (and should) think in a different way." (S40) Summarising-Q413 Like in the responses to Q1, Q2 and Q3, we can identify different and often contradictory perspectives. There were those that argued that environmental managers14 are the best qualified for the task and appeared somewhat perplexed by the question. Within that group there were those responses that assumed that decisions were taken by environmental managers or should be taken by them, although two expressed that others' opinion should be considered to a lesser extent. In the other direction were the responses that questioned intervention by EMs and considered it useful only when the decision-making process was led by indigenous peoples themselves. Yet, a third group was of the opinion that EMs should get involve in the same conditions that other stakeholders, such as indigenous peoples but, one respondent suggested they should not intervene in the management of indigenous peoples' territories at all. 13 See also Table 4, Appendix 3. 14 Called EMs in the survey to differentiate them from other experts and indigenous peoples. As it has been explained elsewhere (See "The march of the Manikins: Agroforestry practices and Spiritual dancing in Northwest Amazonia) indigenous peoples management of the environment departs from a different rationality and uses different instruments. What indigenous people from Northwest Amazonia call "management of the world" is not only a set of shamanistic practices but a way of living that combines social aims, aesthetic values, religious believes, and economic practices in a distinctive manner. Although acknowledging indigenous peoples from Northwest Amazonia are in fact environmental managers, the author has stressed that their "management of the world" incorporates many things, some of them of tremendous importance for environmental management more generally. 25 The other contrasting perspectives concerned the character of the intervention. While one group of responses were of the opinion that EMs should not get involved in politics, but have a technical approach, others thought that they should get involved to contrast and balance the political interests of other groups. A third group emerged, which advocated the intervention of environmental managers as conciliators and facilitators. Related to this roll of managers as advisers there was a group of responses showing concern with the capacity, ability and quality of environmental managers and, the possible risks that they have to face. Non-conclusive comment-Q4: As in responses to questions one, two and three, we can trace arguments and contra-arguments. One set of respondents portrays EMs as heroes. In this scenario they face a tough job, they are well trained, better able and indispensable for the process of territorial ordering; their politically risky job in which they have to make the decisions would be fundamental for diminishing environmental risk and even saving life on earth. (As in Q2 and Q3 none of those arguing conservation/catastrophism had been in Amazonia). A counter narrative is that provided by respondents arguing that EMs' participation should be directed by indigenous peoples (IP) or that the projects should be led mainly by natives, and that EMs should not intervene in the management of indigenous territories: in this case the heroes are indigenous peoples. A second counter narrative seems to be reflected by some of the respondents. In this scenario, EMs like IP should have equal rights to participate as different stakeholders, in this case decisions would come from a rational process in which dialog between cultures would take place. The participation of EMs would not be limited by their status/power but by their capacity, ability and their roll as facilitators or conciliators. Discussion European colonisation of Africa, Asia, the Americas, and Australasia from the late fifteenth century onwards, gave a tremendous boost to the volume of global transactions involving natural resources. Over the long run, trade in these resources, and in an increasingly diverse array of environmental services, has been expanding ever since. However, much of what is called globalisation in the twenty first century has more to do with developments in information technology since the late 1900s. The increasing speed of communications media and information transfer have proved fundamental in economic restructuring and the transformation of the world into a largely urban space (Castells 1996). In the globalised, twenty first century, local political decisions have little chance of being autarchic; international policy advisors inform local stakeholders about what is considered adequate or legal in accordance with international treaties, foreign protocols and political compromises. The local politics of environmental management is the concern of everybody: corporations, governments, international, regional and national NGOs, all of which compete for access to information and expansion of their scope of power in the political arena (Ambrose-Oji, Allmark et al. 2002). During the 1990s, and especially after the Río Earth Summit in 1992, one of the main topics of discussion was management of the global environment (Sachs 26 1993). Global targets for sustainable development were established at Río and similar processes were set in train at regional, national and local scales all over the world, following the guidelines set out in one of the policy documents agreed at Río: "Agenda 21". The official discourse that emerged from the Río process was replicated and many of the assumptions that informed the original discourse have been accorded a quasi-factual status by many people all over the globe (Sevilla_Guzmán and Woodgate 1997). The official discourse on globalisation emphasised the need for environmental management at supranational levels. At the same time, counter-discourse or anti-globalisation narratives have emerged. These emphasise the rights of indigenous people and local political actors to manage natural resources independently, in ways that allow them to make their own livelihood decisions and establish resource-use regimes that can provide the environmental goods and services that people need15. The management of the environment has always motivated debate and often led to confrontation. One of the main arguments of conservative conservationists concerns the 'vulnerability' of rainforest environments, and thus the need for their protection. Since the 1980s the problem of deforestation of tropical rainforests has been a global issue with special emphasis in South East Asia, the Congo basin and Amazonia (Adger, Benjaminsen et al. 2001). In a 1998 analysis of 'rainforest' web-sites, Stott revealed four metawords within the conservation rhetoric: orientalism (the exotic other), climax (harmony), old age (ancient, undisturbed) and vulnerability (Stott 1999). Metawords such as these become key rhetorical devices so that even research and development project proposals tend to employ them, thus replicating assumptions that are no longer questioned. How is this metalanguage produced? What are the bases of its principal cannons? And why is it that semantic analysis tends to remain the preserve of scientists – or is it something that is also dealt with at a local level? Narratives can be traced back in time. Equilibrium disturbance (climax rupture) and environmental fragility (vulnerability) both played parts in Hardin's 1968 'tragedy of the commons' (Hardin 1998). The neo-Malthusian discourse of environmental catastrophe as a result of an increasing population (of 'poor people') lies at the heart of Hardin's tragedy. The conservative conservationist perspective on the management of the rainforest is based on mistrust of systems of environmental management in which property rights (over life and resources) are not yet marketable. From a conservative political perspective responsible environmental action can only be achieved through the clarification of property rights to allow the unfettered action of free markets for the negotiation of such rights. It is assumed that the tragedy of the commons is happening or will happen in rainforest contexts where private property rights are not yet the rule and where societies still practise communal environmental management regimes based on indigenous knowledge rationalities in which nature and society form an ontological continuum. For conservatives only free markets for environmental rights, good and services can guarantee sustainable development. Neo-Malthusian 15 The discourses that emphasise on the need of eco-efficiency, economic transnationalization and planetary ecological management, were named by Sachs as contest and astronauts' perspectives. And the counter-discourse arising from the desempowered communities of the South as the home perspective (Sachs 1977). 27 and neo-liberal assumptions are fundamental to this perspective on sustainable development. With the aim of promoting Agenda 21 at local, national and regional levels, a complex and sophisticated process of institutionalisation was embarked upon. Amazonia did not escape this process; governmental officials or conservationist NGOs replicated the dominant conservationist discourse at the local level in NWA16. This official discourse of deforestation with its main initiative of protection of the environment from people has been labelled 'hegemonic' (Stott and Dullivan 2000) or 'neo-Malthusian' and 'managerial' (Adger, Benjaminsen et al. 2001). It should come as no surprise then that counter narratives have developed in Amazonia (and elsewhere), for many of which the principal intention is to contradict the conservative policies derived from this hegemonic discourse. The rights of indigenous people to define the course of their lives: their rights to manage natural resources and the environmental services used or supplied by the Amazonian environment have been key issues in these significant counter-claims against the official Amazonian territorial ordering politics and policies, which have involved environmental management that has been designed elsewhere. This counter-narrative pursues the principle and right of self-determination against the interests of political initiatives for global environmental management. The counter-narrative was not just a reaction to neo-liberal, neo-Malthisian conservative politics and conservation policies during the 1980s and '90s, however. In Latin America, all indigenous peoples' rebellions against the European empires were motivated by a call to reconstruct pre-colonial socio-cultural orders returning to territorial orders where the management of 'agroforestry' was undifferentiated from the sacred (Varese 1996:124-25). In modern, post-colonial states, indigenous peoples continued to struggle for the recognition of their territories. In today's NWA this struggle is related to governmental and conservationists policies of environmental management and the presence of armed groups opposed to political resolution of territorial ordering. Many of the Protected Areas (PAs) of NWA were created at a time when no legal procedure was established for public intervention in the designation of such areas. The official titles of the PA or IR (Resguardos in Colombia) have not prevented non-native invasion of lands or the expansion of illegal crop production inside either PAs or IRs. Conservationists and indigenous peoples alike have vacillated between alliances with, and the rejection of, the armed groups in charge of illegal crop production, depending on the political gains to be made and the risks involved in rejecting the proposals or achieving an alliance. The armed groups, on their part, have sought political alliances when such co-operation could benefit their military capacity or improve the managerial efficiency of their enterprises.17 16 With respect to the territorial ordering process, the Colombian Amazon controversy is discussed in Forero 1999, 2000; Forero, Laborde et al. 1998. 17 See Forero 2000, "Territoriality and Governance in the Colombian Amazon". 28 As far as local inhabitants were concerned, rainforest conservation policies arrived in NWA from another space and time. The legal establishment of protected areas took no account of the opinions or desires of the peoples already inhabiting NWA. Indigenous agro-ecosystems and the livelihood strategies of more recent colonisers were both ignored. The ideology expressed through legal frameworks was that of protection of the environment from people. The villains were local inhabitants and the regulations to be enforced were those of expelling people from the 'conservation' areas and maintaining their exclusion. The dominant discourse made no distinction between complex indigenous agro-ecosystems and the less sophisticated livelihood strategies being developed by recent immigrants. All of them were labelled as "slash and burn" agriculture (Myers 1980). Yet it has become increasingly apparent over the last thirty years that slash and burn is just an aspect of indigenous environmental management in Amazonia, which combines agricultural production, fish and game management, ritual prescriptions, and aesthetic developments18. It has even been suggested that movement towards "short cropping/long-fallow" cultivation patterns within indigenous Amazonian agro-ecosystems was an strategic response to alien invasion of territories and the introduction of metal axes (Denevan 2001: 115-31). Today, most ethnoscientists find it self-evident that the concepts of "chagras" (gardens) and "rastrojos" (abandoned gardens) are far too simplified to reflect the structure of cultivations over the short-, medium- and long-terms, in accordance with local knowledge of agro-ecological variation. It is obvious that indigenous environmental management has transformed Amazonian ecosystems for millennia; this was already evident to many of the nineteenth century European explorers19. Even the most knowledgeable people in the industrialised world have no precise idea of how 'vulnerable' rainforest is and few have accurate knowledge about the political conditions facing indigenous peoples or other human inhabitants of the Amazonian rainforest. With respect to NWA, even the most determined researcher would have problems accessing this information. It is often said that the rainforests of Amazonia are the 'lungs of the planet' (S.33), a metaphor used to emphasise the region's role in the carbon cycle, especially the absorption of CO2. This is somewhat ironic given that our own lungs actually consume oxygen and release CO2 during respiration. Indigenous people have been portrayed as villains or victims depending on the observer and the moment of observation. When portrayed as victims the picture is something like this: the wise guardians of the rainforest are obliged by violence to sell their natural resources or abandon their noble environmental practices. The role of violence in the functioning of extractive economies has been well documented. Violent coercion has been the dominant system in NWA for more than a century. Although indigenous people are no longer sold, 'debt-peonage' systems still dominate and exploit poor indigenous and immigrant inhabitants of 18 See Forero 2001, " The march of the Manikins: Agroforestry Practices and Spiritual Dancing in Northwest Amazonia". 19 See Forero 2002a, " Indigenous Knowledge and the Scientific Mind: Activism or Colonialism". 29 NWA. These people are employed for the harvesting, transport and commercialisation of coca base, cocaine and, the functioning of 'extractive economies' in general (Gómez, A. 1999). But there has been an indigenous response. This has sometimes taken the form of open rebellion and sometimes that of making strategic and tactical alliances in an attempt to obtain or preserve political power, to secure the acquisition of merchandise or simply to survive20. The counter-hegemonic narratives that we mentioned above have been labelled 'populist discourse': making it explicit that the victims are the indians and the villains the international organisations, sometimes allied to transnational corporations (like oil drilling companies) and the dependent and often corrupted governments that collaborate with these international organisations (Adger, Benjaminsen et al. 2001: 687). For NWA there are reports that seem to corroborate these arguments; e.g. indigenous peoples and environmental campaigners have protested jointly in Ecuador and Brazil against the construction of massive pipelines planned to cross through both IRs and PAs in both countries. The pipeline construction projects in both countries have arisen following collaboration between national governments and international oil exploration companies and have provoked public feelings of outrage (Weinberg 2001)21 . " [In NWA] Governments, multilateral lenders, multinational corporations, private banks and other institutions may not be counting on the convenient disappearance of indigenous peoples who get in the way of their ambitious development plans, but they often act as if they are." (Rabben 1998:122) "We who live in indigenous communities are surviving in the midst of a war imposed upon us by different factions and by the very same Colombian state that historically abandoned the countryside and permitted our lands to be invaded by waves of colonizers. Today we are caught in the crossfire, menaced by killings and displacement, while the State manifests its presence in the air with planes that slowly kill our plants and animals, our subsistence crops, and our people." (Organizacion Zonal Indigena del Putumayo_ OZIP 2002) However, is it possible to claim that there is a policy of 'ethnic cleansing' for NWA? From one side the whole issue of national sovereignty has been put into question; the expansion of Plan Andino (formerly Plan Colombia), the USA's anti-drug strategy for Latin America, exemplifies the delicate situation in which some of the Latin American countries have entered the twenty first century. The military component Plan Andino is aimed to support economic measures, the famous and indeed infamous structural adjustment plans that have provoked strikes and rebellions22. Additionally, even if there were an official policy of ethnic cleansing, South American States, given their size and power, would find it difficult to implement 20 See "Indigenous Knowledge and the Scientific Mind: Activism or Colonialism" (Forero 2002a), and "Technology in Northwest Amazonia: Sketches from Inside" (Forero 2002b). 21 For recent (March 2002) press releases on this issue see www.amazonwatch.org and www.americas.org 22 See Forero and Woodgate 2002, "The semantics of 'Human Security' in Northwest Amazonia: between indigenous peoples''Management of the World' and the USA's State Security Policy for Latin America". 30 it. The poor, be they indigenous peoples or colonisers are in the middle of a territorial war linked to international networks of criminality; they have been displaced, kidnapped or killed regardless of their claims of neutrality. In the case of Colombia, although some military authorities have been linked to some of the worst of the paramilitaries' atrocities, it has not been proved that the State itself has a policy of ethnic cleansing. In the case of Brazil, in 1996 the national executive proclaimed Decree 1775, instructing a right to contravene which, contrary to 169 WTO international agreement on Indigenous Peoples' rights, gave other stakeholders the opportunity to challenge Indigenous property rights. Paramilitary groups associated with illegal evictions of indigenous peoples in Brazilian Amazonia have long sought such a 'charter'. At the same time, the decree left the definition of indigenous land rights to the will of the executive power itself (Ministry of Justice). But, as in the case of Colombia, it cannot be proved that there is a policy of ethnic cleansing. It has been suggested in the non-conclusive comments on the survey results, that many people's responses echoed hegemonic and populist narratives. Indigenous peoples were portrayed as heroes or victims, as well as scientists and environmental managers. However, quiet a few of responses cannot be associated with either populist or hegemonic narratives. There is a group of responses that reflect critical thinking and are willing to challenge such simplistic dichotomies. Thus, the concept of sustainable development has been questioned, suspiciousness of western, scientific and technological solutions was expressed, and there was little willingness to give environmental managers carte blanche to prescribe whatever measures they might see fit. Interestingly, this last group, while acknowledging the need for: new concepts and adequate guidelines for environmental management, and the difficulty of achieving conservation targets while complying with indigenous peoples rights, still consider the concepts of SD, PA and IR as useful or the politics derived from them as desirable. What is interesting is that the responses to this survey, which were made by outsiders (respondents were not inhabitants of Amazonia), reflect a tendency to picture the conflict over territory in ways that do not correspond to either of the two main narratives. We can say that inasmuch as outsiders see possibilities for political action outside hegemonic or populist approaches, so Amazonian insiders are organising and negotiating regardless of whether their political discourse echoes either conservative or counter-hegemonic politics of territorial ordering. As no significant statistical analysis could be derived from the survey it would be difficult to speak of tendencies. At first sight it seems that adherence to hegemonic, counter-hegemonic, utopic or conciliatory narratives reflects each respondent's intellectual background more than his or her witnessing of the situation of peoples and forests in Amazonia. However, certain coincidences among the responses to each question might be representative: - For Q1-SD, two out of four of the respondents that accepted the imperative of SD without question have been in Amazon, none of them is a social scientist (SS) though and the other two were environmental managers. None of the SSs 31 that had visited the region argued for complete incompatibility between sustainability and development. Instead, SSs were part of a third group acknowledging that the concept of SD might be of some use, given certain conditions. - For Q2 – the relationship between IRs and PAs, not one of those who argued for the need to harmonise the two concepts (5), or those that emphasised SD as a desirable aim that has not yet been reached (4), or those or that argued that IRs are better than PAs (2) had been to the Amazon (in total 21 % of respondents). Respondents that had visited Amazonia (VA) were among those that acknowledged a relationship between IRs and PAs and that the relationship can be both complementary and competitive. Two respondents from the VA group argued that a complementary relationship was not possible in Colombia and one of them pointed out that being political strategies with different aims they should be kept differentiated in order to avoid conflict. This result might indicate that people that have been in Amazonia are more aware of the problems of territorial ordering caused by the imposition of regimes based in alien concepts. - For Q3 – on the usefulness of the concepts, none the five respondents arguing that IRs might be better that PAs had been in Amazonia, while one of the two that argued that IRs are ineffective had visited. Only one out of five respondents that argued for the need to integrate the concepts had been in Amazonia, while both those that argued for an incompatibility of interests have. This result seems to confirm that people who have visited the area are more conscious of the problems caused when policies formulated elsewhere are imported to Amazonia. Conclusions All technological adoption/adaptation has diverse effects in the life and development of society. People living within the society that is adopting them, and the outsiders that are analysing cultural change perceive these effects in different ways. The assessments of 'usefulness' or 'risk' a society makes when adapting/adopting technologies are linked to the conscious and subconscious present and future scenarios into which the society places itself alongside other societies. If the rest of the world wishes to respect Amazonian indigenous peoples' rights of self-determination, they should not intervene in ordering processes of indigenous territories. The problem is that indigenous ways of dealing with the world might not be compatible with the ideas that foreigners have with respect to Amazonia, its peoples and its future. And, for good or bad, fairly or unfairly, each group has a way of intervening and exercising a certain amount of power to modify the global political agenda for the governance of Amazonia in function of their own particular interests. Replication of narratives is a common strategy used by all groups aiming to make alliances and enhance their power. However, the responses analysed here seem to indicate that a large group of people (at least from the academic sector) is 32 unhappy with the assumptions behind either populists or hegemonic discourses with respect to rainforest management, and seeking new ways of environmental policy making. This group of people acknowledged that political conflict has derived from policy formulated elsewhere, and derived from an epistemology alien to local inhabitants. There are varied political groups competing for the governance of Amazonia. Information and Communication Technology (ICT) facilitates analysis and political action. It is expected that better-informed indigenous peoples would be in a better position to make decisions with respect to the governance of Amazonia. At the present time, the indigenous peoples of Amazonia have very limited and precarious access to ICT. Thus, their perspectives on territorial ordering are less likely to be represented than those such as conservation agencies, multinational developers, insurgent and mafiosi groups, all of which have far superior access to ICT. 33 Appendix 1 PRIVACY POLICY: Email addresses will be used only to send out materials related to this survey. Aggregate survey results may be distributed, but all personal data will be kept strictly confidential. No information about individual users will be disclosed to third parties. 34 Appendix 2 Summary of Web-site technical work The most demanding work was designing the pages that would contain indigenous territorial maps. CAD versions of the map would have to be transformed into image files suitable for Web use. In order to do this ArcView- GIS (Geographical Information Systems) software was needed. A picture of the map could be easily generated in ArcView-GIS and to certain extent, editing and colouring could enhance some features. But such a map or, more precisely, such a picture of the bi-dimensional representation of the Tukano territory remained inadequate for publication in WebPages. "The pics were to heavy" (I would learn the ICT design jargon), meaning that the memory used to storage, loading and unloading of these pictures was vast. Besides dividing the map and generating pictures of several areas, these pictures needed transforming to make them 'lighter'. This meant that the pictures had to be edited and the storage format had to be changed in terms of the colour pallet and resolution (a maximum of 72 dpi). Most importantly, the pictures should look better! An early version of PhotoImpactTM was used to change the colours and other features as well as to design the icons that would be used to identify the hypertext links between pages. However, the software was not appropriate for the task and the 'pics' were still too heavy. The design was poor, too rigid, with inappropriate colours and, worst of all the 'weight' of the maps would not allow for easy loading of the images by potential users. To change the maps (pics) again, PhotoshopTM was used, while major design transformations were achieved using FireworksTM software. For the actual montage and edition of the whole web-site Dreamweaver3TM was used. A similar process was followed to generate the vegetation map, which was adapted from one of the Amazonian Vegetation maps generated by Puerto Rastrojo. The introduction to a political ecology taking as a case study the Yaigojé Resguardo, was originally a single text (like in the preliminary version) but following the advice of critical reviewers, this page was divided into six parts. 35 Appendix 3 Table 1 Q1- Do you think that 'development' and 'sustainability' are compatible? RESPONSE - ARGUMENT SURVEY No. NVA VA Profession Unquestioning the developmental project 2 1 PhD Student Biology 12 1 Environmental Engineer 13 1 Environmental Engineer 40 1 Project Co-ordinator (SD) Yes, to diminish environmental risk 18 1 Student 21 1 Taxation 23 1 Designer 39 1 Postgraduate Student 42 1 Biologist Sustainable Development is an aim to be 3 1 Epidemiologist reached 5 1 Civil Servant 8 1 Accountant 24 1 Student 25 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Development 29 1 Anthropologist 35 1 Lecturer 37 1 Postgraduate Student 48 1 Anthropologist 51 1 Postgraduate Student Compatible if defined locally 5 1 Civil Servant 20 1 Lecturer: Ecotourism 27 1 Anthropologist 31 1 Postgraduate Student 52 1 Lecturer: IT & Development Possible but risk of economic imperative 17 1 Unemployed Incompatible a) Contradiction in terms 24 1 Student 4 1 PhD St. Environmental genetics b) Financial economic imperative 10 1 Student 19 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Development 34 1 PhD Student: Environmental Manager 47 1 PhD Student SD inconsistent at present time 1 1 Lecturer: Env. Sociology 33 1 PhD Student 36 1 Research Engineer 45 1 EM SD is green rhetoric 7 1 Student 32 1 Teacher 48 1 Anthropologist 36 Table 2 Q2 - Do you think there is any relation between 'indigenous reserves' (IR) and 'protected areas' (PA)? RESPONSE - ARGUMENT SURVEY No. NVA VA Profession Yes 37 1 Postgraduate Student 18 1 Student 22 1 Anthropologist 43 1 Anthropologist 50 1 PhD Student No 15 1 Consultant: Health & Safety Need to harmonise IR and PA to protect a) For (IP) Indigenous Peoples' benefit 19 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Development 20 1 Lecturer: Ecoturism b) Protection of Biodiversity 25 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Development 33 1 PhD Student c) SD based on IP experiences 11 1 Consultant: Rural Development. SD as Utopia 3 1 Epidemiologist 6 1 Lecturer Ecology Env. Management 36 1 Research Engineer 42 1 Biologist IR and PA are different political strategies 2 1 PhD Student - Biologist IR and PA are colonisation strategies 10 1 Student 24 1 Student 26 1 Student Indigenous resistance to IR/PA strategies 48 1 Anthropologist IR and PA overlapped 7 1 Student 34 1 PhD St. Environmental Management 44 1 Postgraduate Student Environmental Indian 23 1 Designer 40 1 Project Co-ordinator (SD) Environmental Indians contaminated 12 1 Environmental Engineer by mestizo culture 39 1 Postgraduate Student 45 1 Environmental Manager IR are Inefficient 35 1 Lecturer 53 1 Journalist IR more effective that PA 5 1 Civil Servant 17 1 Unemployed 37 Table 3 Q3 - Do you think that the concepts of 'protected areas' (PA), 'indigenous reserves' (IR) and SD are useful for environmental management today? RESPONSE - ARGUMENT SURVEY No. NVA VA Profession Depends on the context 1 1 Lecturer: Env. Sociology 2 1 PhD St. Biologist Yes 4 1 PhD St. Env. Genetics 14 1 Economist 22 1 Anthropologist Indigenous Environmental 12 1 Environmental Engineer 23 1 Designer 41 1 PhD Student Indigenous Environmental in contamination risk 45 1 EM Concepts: Principles and instruments a) Participation: IR better than PA 5 1 Civil Servant 6 1 Lecturer Ecology EM 11 1 Consultant: Rural Development RD 26 1 Student 41 1 PhD Student b) Intergenerational Equity: resource reserve 12 1 Environmental Engineer for Development 13 1 Agriculturist 21 1 Taxation 25 1 PhD St. Agriculture & Dvnt. 38 1 Gardener (MSc) Risk and Protection a)Environmental Protection (EP) 12 1 Environmental Engineer 17 1 Unemployed EP and catastrophism 6 1 Lecturer Ecology EM 32 1 Teacher 51 1 Postgraduate Student b) Of cultural diversity 31 1 Postgraduate Student IR as ineffective 10 1 Student 24 1 Student Integration of concepts or the need for it 7 1 Student 11 1 Consultant RD 18 1 Student 26 1 Student 34 1 PhD Student Env. Mgment. Difficulties for integration a) Incompatibility of interests 10 1 Student 40 1 Project co-ordinator (SD) b) Financial economic effectiveness' imperative 25 1 PhD St. Agriculture Devent. 30 1 Postgraduate Student 33 1 PhD Student c) Political manipulation 44 1 Post. St. Environment 46 1 Lecturer 38 47 1 PhD Student 48 1 Anthropologist d) Semiotic blur 24 1 Student 50 1 PhD Student Education: Dynamism of the concepts 37 1 Postgraduate Student 45 1 Environmental Manager 47 1 PhD Student 39 Table 4 Q4 - Should or should not environmental managers (EM) get involved in territorial ordering process in Amazon? RESPONSE - ARGUMENT SURVEY No. NVA VA Profession Yes 4 1 PhD St. Evolutionary Genetics In fact they are 22 1 Anthropologist Unsure 52 1 Lecturer: IT & Development 32 1 Teacher Question into Question 6 1 Lecturer Ecology EM 31 1 Postgraduate St Indigenous Peoples as EM 27 1 Anthropologist Yes, for Env. protection (catastrophism) 32 1 Teacher 33 1 PhD Student 42 1 Biologist Yes, EM are the ones (better able that IP) 12 1 Environmental Engineer 18 1 Student 21 1 Taxation 28 1 Lecturer 34 1 PhD student 36 1 Research Engineer 46 1 Lecturer 53 1 Journalist EM provide solutions/ take decisions 23 1 Designer 35 1 Lecturer 38 1 Gardener Yes but listening to others 5 1 Civil Servant 53 1 Journalist If Indigenous Peoples direct EM or projects 1 1 Lecturer: Env. Sociology 10 1 Student 14 1 Economist 41 1 PhD Student EM have equal rights to other stakeholders 2 1 PhD St. Biology 6 1 Lecturer Ecology EM 7 1 Student 29 1 Anthropologist 44 1 Post. 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The Malaysian economy decelerated as solid domestic demand was not sufficient to offset a weakening external environment. Private consumption growth continued at a healthy pace. Favorable rubber and palm oil prices drove up incomes of smallholders while continued employment and wage growth supported urban incomes. In contrast, fixed investment was more volatile, with private investment showing signs of picking up while public investments lagged. Malaysia's overall balance of payments recorded a larger surplus in the first half of the year reflecting a widening current account surplus and substantial net financial inflows. Malaysia's open economy is expected to slow further in the remainder of 2011 and into early 2012 mainly due to the deterioration in the outlook for external demand. Cities are central to Malaysia's aspiration to become a high-income economy. Smart cities are skilled and innovative. They play a crucial role in catalyzing economic growth by generating productivity gains through agglomeration economies. Smart cities are green and sustainable. They ensure a high quality of life to all citizens and the sustainability of economic gains. Finally, smart cities are resilient.

The global financial roller coaster, with the Euro zone as its lead car, has hit economic prospects across the globe. The South African economy, with its close links to the world economy, has suffered, too, resulting in weakened growth prospects, lower fiscal revenues, lower and more volatile valuation of the rand, and dampened external financing. This further compounds the policy challenges facing the authorities, on top of their preoccupation with unyielding unemployment, which requires higher and more inclusive economic growth. Policymaking is also conditioned by a growing recognition that future growth needs to be less carbon-intensive. As elsewhere, opportunities in green economies are viewed with keen interest, as a way of simultaneously targeting a cleaner environment and stimulating innovation, growth, and job creation. While green policies can have large synergies and co-benefits with the growth and employment agenda, they are not a substitute for it. Indeed, such synergies are likely to be mutually enhancing and larger when the growth and environment objectives are being pursued by multiple, well-targeted and coordinated policies.

This study reports evidence from an unusual policy intervention- The Reaching Out of School Children (ROSC) project in Bangladesh where school grants and education allowances are offered to attract hard-to-reach children to schools comprised of a single teacher and a classroom. The operating unit cost of these schools is a fraction of that of formal primary schools. Panel data is used to investigate whether ROSC schools are effective in raising enrolment and learning outcomes. The findings suggest that there is a modest impact on school participation: ROSC schools increase enrolment probability between 9 and 18 percent for children in the two age cohorts 6 to 8 and 6 to 10. They perform as well as non-ROSC schools in terms of raising test scores, and even have positive impacts on academically stronger students. There is also strong evidence of positive externalities on non-ROSC schools in program areas. These results point to the effectiveness of a new model of non-formal primary schools that can be replicated in similar settings. This paper consists of following sections: section one gives introduction. The context for the country and the program description is provided in section two, and the data is described in section three. The impacts of the ROSC project on education outcomes as measured by student enrolment and test scores are discussed in section four and other program effects are considered in section five, with the empirical estimation frameworks being respectively detailed in each section. The relative efficiency of ROSC schools versus non-ROSC schools is discussed in section six and section seven gives conclusion.

This article presents estimates of the impact of China's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO). China is estimated to be the biggest beneficiary (US$31 billion a year from trade reforms in preparation for accession and additional gains of $10 billion a year from reforms after accession), followed by its major trading partners that also undertake liberalization, including the economies in North America, Western Europe, and Taiwan (China). Accession will boost manufacturing sectors in China, especially textiles and apparel, which will benefit directly from the removal of export quotas. Developing economies competing with China in third markets may suffer small losses. Accession will have important distributional consequences for China, with the wages of skilled and unskilled nonfarm workers rising in real terms and relative to those of farm workers. Possible policy changes, including reductions in barriers to labor mobility and improvements in rural education, could more than offset these negative impacts and facilitate the development of China's economy.

Theory Talk #75: Tarak Barkawi on IR after the West, and why the best work in IR is often found at its marginsIn this Talk, Tarak Barkawi discusses the importance of the archive and real-world experiences, at a time of growing institutional constraints. He reflects on the growing rationalization and "schoolification" of the academy, a disciplinary and epistemological politics institutionalized within a university audit culture, and the future of IR in a post-COVID world. He also discusses IR's contorted relationship to the archive, and explore future sites of critical innovation and inquiry, including the value of knowledge production outside of the academy. PDF version of this TalkSo what is, or should be, according to you, the biggest challenge, or principal debate in critical social sciences and history?Right now, despite thinking about it, I don't have an answer to that question. Had you asked me five years ago, I would have said, without hesitation, Eurocentrism. There's a line in Chakrabarty's Provincializing Europe where he remarks that Europe has already been provincialized by history, but we still needed to provincialize it intellectually in the social sciences. Both sides of this equation have intensified in recent years. Amid a pandemic, in the wreckage of neoliberalism, in the wake of financial crisis, the defeats in Iraq and Afghanistan, the events of the Trump Presidency, and the return of the far right, the West feels fundamentally reduced in stature. The academy, meanwhile, has moved on from the postcolonial to the decolonial with its focus on alternative epistemologies, about which I am more ambivalent intellectually and politically. Western states and societies are powerful and rich, their freedoms attractive, and most of them will rebound. But what does it mean for the social sciences and other Western intellectual traditions which trace their heritage to the European Enlightenments that the West may no longer be 'the West', no longer the metropole of a global order more or less controlled by its leading states? What kind of implications does the disassembling of the West in world history have for social and political inquiry? I don't have an answer to that. Speaking more specifically about IR, we are dealing now with conservative appropriations of Eurocentrism, with the rise of other civilizational IRs (Chinese, European, Indian). These kinds of moves, like the decolonial one, foreground ultimately incommensurable systems of knowing and valuing, at best, and at worst are Eurocentrism with the signs reversed, usually to China. I do not think what we should be doing right now in the academy is having Chinese social sciences, Islamic social sciences, Indian social sciences, and so on. But that's definitely one way in which the collapse of the West is playing out intellectually. How did you arrive at where you currently are in your thinking about International Relations?By the time you get to my age you have a lot of debt, mostly to students, to old teachers and supervisors, and to colleagues and friends. University scholars tend not to have very exciting lives, so I don't have much to offer in the way of events. But I can give you an experience that I do keep revisiting when I reflect on the directions I've taken and the things I've been interested in. When I was in high school, I took a university course taught by Daniel Ellsberg, of the Pentagon Papers. As many will know, before he became involved in the Vietnam War, and later in opposing it, he worked on game theory and nuclear strategy. I grew up in Southern California, in Orange County, and there was a program that let you take courses at the University of California, Irvine. I took one on the history of the Roman Empire and then a pair of courses on nuclear weapons that culminated with one taught by Ellsberg himself. I actually had no idea who he was but the topic interested me. Nuclear war was in the air in the early 1980s. Activist graduate students taught the preparatory course. They were good teachers and I learned all about the history and politics of nuclear weapons. But I also came to realize that these teachers were trying to shape (what I would now call) my political subjectivity. Sometimes they were ham handed, like the old ball bearings in the tin can trick: turn the lights out in the room, and put one ball bearing in the can for each nuclear warhead in the world, in 1945 this many; in 1955 this many; and so on. In retrospect, that's where I got hooked on the idea of graduate school. I was aware that Ellsberg was regarded as an important personage. He taught in a large lecture hall. At every session, a kind of loyal corps of new and old activists turned out, many in some version of '60s attire. The father of a high school friend was desperate to get Ellsberg's autograph, and sent his son along with me to the lecture one night to get it. It was political instruction of the first order to figure out that this suburban dad had been a physics PhD at Berkley in the late '60s and early '70s, demonstrating against the Vietnam War. But now he worked for a major aerospace defense contractor. He had a hot tub in his backyard. Meanwhile, Ellsberg cancelled class one week because he'd been arrested demonstrating at a major arms fair in Los Angeles. "We stopped the arms race for a few hours," he told the class after. I schooled myself on who Ellsberg was and Vietnam, the Cold War, and much else came into view. Meanwhile, he gave a master class in nuclear weapons and foreign policy, cheekily naming his course after Kissinger's book, I later came to appreciate. I learned about RAND, the utility of madness for making nuclear threats, and how close we'd come to nuclear war since 1945. My high school had actually been built to double as a fallout shelter, at a time when civil defense was taken seriously as an aspect of a credible threat of second strike. It was low slung, stoutly built, with high iron fences that could be closed to create a cantonment. We were not far from Seal Beach Naval Weapons Station and a range of other likely targets. All of this sank in as I progressed in these courses. Then one day at a strip mall bookstore, I discovered Noam Chomsky's US foreign policy books and never looked back. At Cambridge, I caught the tail end of the old Centre of International Studies, originally started by an intelligence historian and explicitly multi-disciplinary. It had, in my time, historians, lawyers, area studies, development studies, political theory and history of thought, and IR scholars and political scientists. Boundaries certainly existed out there in the disciplines. But there weren't substantial institutional obstacles to thinking across them, while interdisciplinary environments gave you lots of local resources (i.e. colleagues and students) for thinking and reading creatively. What would a student need to become a kind of specialist in your kind of area or field or to understand the world in a global way? Lots of history, especially other peoples' histories; to experience what it's like to see the world from a different place than where you grew up, so that the foreign is not an abstraction to you. I think another route that can create very interesting scholars is to have a practitioner career first, in development, the military, a diplomatic corps, NGOs, whatever. Even only five years doing something like that not only teaches people how the world works, it is intellectually fecund, creative. People just out of operational posts are often full of ideas, and can access interesting resources for research, like professional networks. How, in your view, should IR responding to the shifting geopolitical landscape?  The fate I think we want to avoid is carrying on with what Stanley Hoffmann called the "American social science": the IR invented out of imperial crisis and world war by Anglo-American officials, foundations and thinkers. Very broadly speaking, and with variations, this was a new world combination of realism and positivism. This discipline was intended as the intellectual counterpart to the American-centered world order, designed, among other things, to disappear the question of race in the century of the global color line. The way it conceived the national/international world obscured how US world power worked in practice. That power operated in and through formally sovereign, independent states—an empire by invitation, in the somewhat rosy view of Geir Lundestad—trialed in Latin America and well suited to a decolonizing world. It was an anti-colonial imperium. Political science divided up this world between IR and comparative politics. This kind of IR is cortically connected to the American-centered world fading away before our eyes. It is a kind of zombie discipline where we teach students about world politics as if we were still sitting with the great power peacemakers of 1919 and 1944-45. It is still studying how to make states cooperate under a hegemon or how to make credible deterrence threats in various circumstances. Interestingly, I think one of the ways the collapse of US power is shaping the discipline was identified by Walt and Mearsheimer in their 2013 article on the decline of theory in IR. In the US especially but not only, IR is increasingly indistinguishable from political science as a universal positivist enterprise mostly interested in applying highly evolved, quantitative or experimental approaches to more or less minor questions. Go too far down this road and IR disappears as a distinct disciplinary space, it becomes just a subject matter, a site of empiricist inquiry. Instead, the best work in IR mostly occurs on the edges of the discipline. IR often serves as cover for diverse and interdisciplinary work on transboundary relations. Those relations fall outside the core objects of analysis of the main social science and humanities disciplines but are IR's distinctive focus. The mainstream, inter-paradigm discipline, for me, has never been a convincing social science of the international and is not something I teach or think much about these days. But the classical inheritances of the discipline help IR retain significant historical, philosophical and normative dimensions. Add in a pluralist disposition towards methodology, and IR can be a unique intellectual space capable of producing scholars and scholarship that operate across disciplines. The new materialism, or political ecology, is one area in which this is really happening right now. IR is also a receptive home for debating the questions thrown up by the decolonial turn. These are two big themes in contemporary intellectual life, in and beyond the academy. IR potentially offers distinct perspectives on them which can push debates forward in unexpected ways, in part because we retain a focus on the political and the state, which too easily drop out of sight in global turns in other disciplines. In exchange, topics like the new materialism and the decolonial offer IR the chance to connect with world politics in these new times, after the American century. In my view, and it is not one that I think is widely shared, IR should become the "studies" discipline that centers on the transboundary. How do we re-imagine IR as the interdisciplinary site for the study of transboundary relations as a distinct social and political space? That's a question of general interest in a global world, but one which few traditions of thought are as well-equipped to reflect on and push forward as we are.That's an interesting and forceful critique which also brings us back to a common thread throughout your work: questions of power and knowledge and specifically the relation between power and knowledge in IR and social science. I'm interested in exploring this point further, because so much of your critique has been centered on how profoundly Eurocentric IR is and as a product of Western power. Well, IR's development as a discipline has been closely tied to Western state power. It would seem that it has to change, given the shifts underway in the world. It's like Wile E. Coyote in the Road Runner cartoons - he's run off the cliff. His legs are still moving, but he hasn't dropped, yet. That said, there's no singularly determinate relation between power and the historical development of intellectual traditions. Who knows what kind of new ideas and re-imagining of IR's concepts we might see? As I say, I think one reflection of these changes is that we're already seeing North American IR start to fade into universal quantitative social science. As Hoffmann observed, part of IR's appeal was that the Americans were running the world, that's why you started a social science concerned with things like bipolarity and deterrence, and with analyzing the foreign policy of a great power and its interests and conflicts around the world. Nowadays the Americans are at a late Roman stage of imperial decline. Thinking from the command posts of US foreign policy doesn't look so attractive or convincing when Emperor Nero is running the show, or something altogether darker is waiting in the wings. IR is supposed to be in command of world politics, analyzing them from on high. But what I've seen over the course of my education and career is the way world politics commands IR. The end of the Cold War torpedoed many careers and projects; the 1990s created corps of scholars concerned with development, civil war and humanitarian intervention; in the 2000s, we produced terrorism experts (and critical terrorism studies) and counterinsurgency specialists and critics, along with many scholars concerned in one way or another with Islam. What I have always found fascinating, and deeply indicative, about IR is the relative absence until relatively recently of serious inquiry into power/knowledge relations or the sociology of knowledge. In 1998 when Ole Waever goes to look at some of these questions, he notes how little there was to work from then, before Oren, Vitalis, Guilhot and others published. It's an astounding observation. In area studies, in anthropology, in the history of science, in development studies, in all of these areas of inquiry so closely entangled with imperial and state power, there are long-running, well developed traditions of inquiry into power/knowledge relations. It's a well-recognized area of inquiry, not some fringe activity, and it's heavily empirical, primary sourced based, as well as interesting conceptually. In recent decades you've seen really significant work come out about the role of the Second World War in the development of game theory, and its continuing entwinement with the nuclear contest of the Cold War. I'm thinking here of S.M. Amadae, Paul Erickson, and Philip Mirowski among others. The knowledge forms the American social science used to study world politics were part and parcel of world politics, they were internal to histories of geopolitics rather than in command of them. Of course, for a social science that models itself on natural science, with methodologies that produce so-called objective knowledge, the idea that scientific knowledge itself is historical and power-ridden, well, you can't really make sense of that. You'd be put in the incoherent position of studying it objectively, as it were, with the same tools. IR arises from the terminal crisis of the British Empire; its political presuppositions and much else were fundamentally shaped by the worldwide anti-communist project of the US Cold War state; and it removed race as a term of inquiry into world politics during the century of the global color line. All this, and but for Hoffmann's essay, IR has no tradition of power/knowledge inquiry into its own house until recently? It's not credible intellectually. Anthropologists should be brought in to teach us how to do this kind of thing. You've been at the forefront of the notion of historical IR, and in investigating the relationship between history and theory – why is history important for IR?Well, I think I'd start with the question of what do we mean when we say history? For mainstream social science, it means facts in the past against which to test theories and explanations. For critical IR scholars, it usually means historicism, as that term is understood in social theory: social phenomena are historical, shaped by time and place. Class, state, race, nation, empire, war, these are all different in different contexts. While I think this is a very significant insight and one that I agree with, on its own it tends to imply that historical knowledge is available, that it can be found by reading historians. In fact, for both empiricism and historicism there is a presumption that you can pretty reliably find out what happened in the past. For me, this ignores a second kind of historicism, the historicism of history writing itself, the historiographical. The questions historians ask, how they inquire into them, the particular archives they use, the ways in which they construct meaning and significance in their narratives, the questions they don't ask, that about which they are silent, all of these, shape history writing, the history that we know about. The upshot is that the past is not stable; it keeps changing as these two meanings of historicism intertwine. We understand the Haitian revolution now, or the indigenous peoples of the Americas, entirely differently than we did just a few decades ago.That raises another twist to this problem. Many IR scholars access history through reading historians or through synthetic accounts; they encounter history by and large through secondary sources. One consequence is that they are often a generation or more behind university historians. Think of how Gaddis, for instance, remains a go to authority on the history of the Cold War in IR. In other disciplines, from the 1980s on, there was a historical turn that took scholars into the archives. Anthropologists and literary scholars used historians' tools to answers their own questions. The result was not just a bunch of history books, but entirely new readings of core questions. The classic example is the historical Shakespeare that Stephen Greenblatt found in the archives, rather than the one whose texts had been read by generations of students in English departments. My point here is that working in archives was conceptually, theoretically significant for these disciplines and the subjects they studied. For example, historical anthropology has given us new perspectives on imperialism. While there is some archival work in IR of course, especially in disciplinary history, it is not central to disciplinary debates and the purpose is usually theory testing in which the past appears as merely a bag of facts. In sum, when I say history and theory, I don't just mean thinking historically. I mean actually doing history, being an historian—which means archives—and in so doing becoming a better theorist. Could you expand on these points by telling us about your recent work on military history? I think that military history is particularly interesting because it is a site where war is reproduced and shaped. Military history participates in that which it purports only to study. Popular military histories shape the identities of publics. Staff college versions are about learning lessons and fighting war better the next time. People who grow up wanting to be soldiers often read about them in history books. So our historical knowledge of war, and war as a social and historical process, are wrapped up together. I hope some sense of the promise of power/knowledge studies for larger questions comes through here. I'm saying that part of what war is as a social phenomenon is history writing about it. It's in this kind of context that the fact that a great deal of military history is actually written by veterans, often of the very campaigns of which they write, becomes interesting. Battle produces its own historians. This is a tradition that goes back to European antiquity, soldiers and commanders returning to write histories, the histories, of the wars they fought in. So this question of veterans' history writing is in constitutive relations with warfare, and with the West and its nations and armies. My shorthand for the particular area of this I want to look into is what I call "White men's military histories". That is, Western military history in the modern era is racialized, not just about enemies but about the White identities constructed in and through it. And I want to look at the way this is done in campaigns against racialized others, particularly situations where defeats and reverses were inflicted on the Westerners. How were such events and experiences made sense of historically? How were they mediated in and through military history? I think defeats are particularly productive, incitements to discourse and sense making. To think about these questions, I want to look at the place of veterans in the production of military histories, as authors, sources, communities of interpretation. My sandbox is the tumultuous first year of the Korean War, where US forces suffered publically-evident reverses and risked being pushed into the sea. In a variety of ways, veterans shape military history, through their questions, their grievances, their struggles over reputation, their memories. This happens at many different sites and scales, including official and popular histories, and the networks of veterans behind them as well as other, independently published works. Over the course of veterans' lives, their war throws up questions and issues that become the subject of sometimes dueling and contradictory accounts. Through their history writing, they connect their war experience to Western traditions of battle historiography. They make their war speak to other wars. This is what military history is, and how it can come to produce and reproduce practices of war-making, at least in Anglo-American context. Of course, much of this history writing, like narrations of experience generally, reflects dominant ideologies, in this case discourses of the US Cold War in Asia. But counter-historians are also to be found among soldiers. The shocks and tragic absurdities of any given war produce research questions of their own. At risk of mixing metaphors, the veterans know where the skeletons are buried. They bear resentments and grievances about how their war was conducted that become research topics, and they often have the networks and wherewithal to produce informed and systematic accounts. So as well as reproducing hegemonic discourses, soldier historians are also interesting as a new critical resource for understanding war.This shouldn't be that surprising. In other areas of inquiry, amateur and practitioner scholars have often been a source of critical innovation. LGBTQ history starts outside the academy, among activists who turned their apartments into archives. Much of what we now call postcolonial scholarship also began outside the academy, among colonized intellectuals involved in anti-imperial struggles. Let me close this off by going back to the archive. There are really rich sources for this kind of project. Military historians of all kinds leave behind papers full of their research materials and correspondence. The commanders and others they wrote about often waged extended epistolary campaigns concerned with correcting and shaping the historical record. But more than this, by situating archival sources alongside what later became researched and published histories, what drops out and what goes in to military history comes into view. What is silenced, and what is given voice? We can then see how the violent and forlorn episodes of war are turned into narrated events with military meaning. What is the process by which war experience becomes military history?Given the interdisciplinary nature of your work, what field you place yourself in? And are there any problems have you encountered when writing and thinking across scholarly boundaries?In my head I live in a kind of idealized interdisciplinary war studies, and my field is the intersection of war and empire. Sort of Michael Howard meets Critical Theory and Frantz Fanon. This has given me a particular voice in critical IR broadly conceived, and a distinctive place from which to engage the discipline. The mostly UK departments I've been in have been broadly hospitable places in practice for interdisciplinary scholarship and teaching, so long as you published rather than perished. Of course, interdisciplinary is a complicated word. It is one thing to be multi-disciplinary, to publish in the core journals of more than one discipline and to be recognized and read by scholars in more than one discipline. But work that falls between disciplinary centers, which takes up questions and offers answers recognized centrally by no discipline, that's something harder to deal with. I thought after Soldiers of Empire won prizes in two disciplines that I'd have an easier time getting funding for the project I described earlier in the interview. But I've gotten nowhere, despite years of applications to a variety of US, UK, and European funders. Of course, this may be because it is a bad project! My point, though, is that disciplines necessarily, and even rightly, privilege work that speaks to central questions; that's the work that naturally takes on significance in disciplinary contexts, as in many grant or scholarship panels. I think another point here is the nature of the times. Understandably, no one is particularly interested right now in White men's military histories. What I think has really empowered disciplines during my time in the UK academy has been the intersection with audit culture and university management. Repeated waves of rationalization have washed over the UK academy, which have emphasized discipline as a unit of measurement and management even as departments themselves were often "schoolified" into more or less odd combinations of disciplines. Schoolification helped to break down old solidarities and identities, while audit culture needed something on which to base its measures. The great victory of neoliberalism over the academy is evident in the way it is just accepted now that performance has to be assessed by various public criteria. This is where top disciplinary journals enter the picture, as unquestionable (and quantifiable) indicators of excellence. Interdisciplinary journals don't have the same recognition, constituency, or obvious significance. To put it in IR terms, Environment and Planning D or Comparative Studies in Society and History, to take two top journals that interdisciplinary IR types publish in, will never have the same weight as, say, ISQ or APSR. That that seems natural is an indicator of change—when I started, RIS—traditionally welcoming of interdisciplinary scholarship—was seen as just as good a place to publish as any US journal. Now RIS is perceived as merely a "national" journal while ISQ and APSR are "international" or world-class. This kind of thing has consequences for careers and the make-up of departments. What I'm drawing attention to is not so much an intellectual or academic debate; scholars always disagree on what good scholarship is, which is how it is supposed to be. It is rather the combination of discipline with the suffocating culture of petty management that pervades so much of British life. Get your disciplinary and epistemological politics institutionalized in an audit culture environment, and you can really expand. For example, the professionalization of methods training in the UK has worked as a kind of Trojan Horse for quantitative and positivist approaches within disciplines. In IR, in the potted geographic lingo we use, that has meant more US style work. Disappearing is the idea of IR as an "inter-discipline," where departments have multi-disciplinary identities like I described above. The US idea that IR is part of political science is much more the common sense now than it was in the UK. Another dimension of the eclipse of interdisciplinary IR has been the rise of quantitative European political science, boosted by large, multiyear grants from the ERC and national research councils. It's pretty crazy, strategically speaking, for the UK to establish a civilizational scale where you're always behind the US or its European counterparts. You'll never do North American IR as well as the North Americans do, especially given the disparity in resources. You'll always be trending second or third tier. The British do like to beat themselves up. Meanwhile, making US political science journals the practical standard for "international excellence" threatens to make the environment toxic for the very scholarship that has made British IR distinctive and attractive globally. The upshot of that will be another wave of émigré scholars, which the British academy's crises and reform initiatives produce from time to time. Think of the generation of UK IR scholars who decamped to Australia, an academy poised to prosper in the post-covid world (if the government there can get its vaccination program on track) and a major site right now of really innovative IR scholarship. To return to what you mentioned earlier regarding the hesitancy to go to the archives, this is also mirrored in a hesitancy to do serious ethnography, I think as well. Or there's this "doing ethnography" that involves a three-day field trip. This kind of sweet-shop 'pick and mix' has come to characterize some methodologies, because of these constraints that you highlight…A lot of what I'm talking about has happened within universities, it's not externally imposed or a direct consequence of the various government-run assessment exercises. Academics, eagerly assisted by university managers, have done a lot of this to themselves and their students. The implications can be far reaching for the kind of scholarship that departments foster, from PhDs on up. More and more of the UK PhD is taken up with research methods courses, largely oriented around positivism even if they have critical components. Already this gives a directionality to ideas. The advantage of the traditional UK PhD—working on your own with a supervisor to produce a piece of research—has been intellectual freedom, even when the supervisor wasn't doing their job properly. It's not great, but the possibility for creative, innovative, even field changing scholarship was retained. PhD students weren't disciplined, so to speak. What happens now is that PhD students are subject to a very strict four year deadline, often only partially funded, their universities caring mainly about timely completion not placement and preparation for a scholarly career, a classic case of the measurement displacing the substantive value. The formal coursework they get is methods driven. You can supervise interdisciplinary PhD research in this kind of environment, but it's not easy and poses real risks and creates myriad obstacles for the student. A strange consequence of this, as many of my master's students will tell you, is that I often advise them to consider US PhDs, just in other disciplines. That way, they get the benefit of rigorous PhD level coursework beyond methods. They can do so in disciplines like history or anthropology that are currently receptive both to the critical and the transnational/transboundary. That is not a great outcome for UK IR, even if it may be for critically-minded students. Outside of a very few institutions and scattered individuals, US political science, of course, has largely cleansed itself of the critical and alternative approaches that had started to flower in the glasnost era of the 1990s. That is not something we should be seeking to emulate in the UK.So yes, there's much to say here, about how the four year PhD has materially shaped scholarship in the UK. There is generally very little funding for field work. Universities worried about liability have put all kinds of obstacles in the way of students trying to get to field work sites. Requirements like insisting that students be in residence for their fourth year in order to write up and submit on time further limit the possibilities for field work. The upshot is to make the PhD dissertation more a library exercise or to favor the kind of quantitative, data science work that fits more easily into these time constraints and structures. Again, quite obviously, power sculpts knowledge. It becomes simply impossible, within the PhD, to do the kinds of things associated with serious qualitative scholarship, like learn languages, spend long time periods in field sites and to visit them more than once, to develop real networks there. Over time this shapes the academy, often in unintended ways. I think this is one of the reasons that IR in the UK has been so theoretic in character—what else can people do but read books, think and write in this kind of environment? As I say, the other kind of thing they can do is quantitative work, which takes us right back to the fate Walt and Mearsheimer sensed befalling IR as political science. Watch for IR and Data Science joint degrees as the next step in this evolution. Political Science in the US starts teaching methods at the freshman level. They get them young. We have discussed the rather grim state of affairs for the future of critical social science scholarship, at least in the UK and US. To conclude – what prospects for hope in the future are there?Well, if I had a public relations consultant pack, this is the point at which it would advise talking about children and the power of science to save us. I think the environment for universities, political, financial, and otherwise may get considerably more difficult. Little is untouchable in Western public life right now, it is only a question of when and in what ways they will come for us. The nationalist and far-right turns in Western politics feed off transgressing boundaries. There's no reason to suspect universities will be immune from this, and they haven't been. In the UK, as a consequence of Brexit, we are having to nationalise, and de-European-ise our scholarships and admissions processes. We are administratively enacting the surrender of cosmopolitan achievements in world politics and in academic life. This is not a plot but in no small measure the outcome of democratic will, registered in the large majority Boris Johnson's Conservatives won at the last general election. It will have far reaching consequences for UK university life. This is all pretty scary if you think, as I do, that we are nearer the beginning then the end of the rise of the right. Covid will supercharge some of these processes of de-globalization. I can already see an unholy alliance forming of university managers and introvert academics who will want to keep in place various dimensions of the online academic life that has taken shape since spring 2020. Often this will be justified by reference to environmental concerns and by the increased, if degraded, access that online events make possible. We are going to have a serious fight on our hands to retain our travel budgets at anywhere near pre-pandemic levels. I'm hoping that this generation of students, subjected to online education, will become warriors for in-person teaching. All of this said, it's hard to imagine a more interesting time to be teaching, thinking and writing about world politics. Politics quite evidently retains its capacity to turn the world upside down. Had you told US citizens where they would be on January 6th, 2021 in 2016, they would have called you alarmist if not outlandish. I think we're in for more moments like that. Tarak Barkawi is a professor of International Relations at LSE. He uses interdisciplinary approaches to imperial and military archives to re-imagine relations between war, armed forces and society in modern times. He has written on the pivotal place of armed force in globalization, imperialism, and modernization, and on the neglected significance of war in social and political theory and in histories of empire. His most recent book, Soldiers of Empire, examined the multicultural armies of British Asia in the Second World War, reconceiving Indian and British soldiers in cosmopolitan rather than national terms. Currently, he is working on the Korean War and the American experience of military defeat at the hands of those regarded as racially inferior. This new project explores soldiers' history writing as a site for war's constitutive presence in society and politics.PDF version of this Talk

Overview and introduction "Which organizational forms produce science? Expansion, diversity, and cooperation in Germany's higher education and science system embedded within the global context, 1900-2010". Already the title of my dissertation manifests an approach that examines the topic of the development of scientific productivity in the German higher education and science landscape from different perspectives: levels, dimensions, and an extensive timeframe. Deriving from and contributing to the international research project "Science Productivity, Higher Education, Research and Development, and the Knowledge Society" (SPHERE), my research focuses on the investigation of the influence of higher education development and science capacity-building on scientific knowledge production, globally, comparatively, and considerable depth for Germany, a key science producer for well over a century. Focusing mainly on the different structures and institutional settings of the German higher education and science system, the dissertations shows how these affected and contributed to the long-term development of scientific productivity worldwide. The historical, comparative, and in-depth analyses are especially important in light of advancing globalization and internationalization of science, stronger networks of scientists worldwide, and the emergence of the "knowledge society". The research design combines macro- and meso-level analyses: the institutionalized and organizational settings in which science is produced. Since information about single authors was limited in availability, extensive micro-level analyses were not possible here, yet the research articles analyzed were all written and published by individuals working in organizations, which are in the center of analysis here. By reference to the dimensions expansion, diversity, and cooperation, I elaborated the frame of my investigation, and sorted my research questions, including country, organizational field and form, and organizational levels. The structure of this work (see outline) addresses these themes and the observed timeframe spans the years from 1900 to 2010 – more than a century (see section 1.2). My main goal was to investigate how and why scientists publish their research results in peer-reviewed journal articles. The point is to emphasize the importance of scientific findings/discoveries, because non-published results are non-existent for the scientific community. From the ways and in which formats scientists publish their work, we can deduce how science is organized (within and across disciplines). My dissertation analyzes publications in peer-reviewed journals, because they are the most important format – alongside patents in applied fields – to disseminate new knowledge in science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and health (hereafter STEM+ fields). Articles not only record new knowledge, but also contribute to the reputation of researchers and their organizations. Journal publications in reputable journals with peer-review have become the "gold standard" measure of scientific productivity. Within the last several decades, the scientization of many dimensions of societal life proceeded, and the generation of new knowledge increasingly became the focus of political, economic, and social interests – and research policymaking. Therefore, it is important to identify the institutionalized settings (organizations/organizational forms) in which science can best be produced. Here, the diverse types of organizations that produce science – mainly universities, research institutes, companies, government agencies and hospitals – were identified and differences and similarities of these organizational forms were analyzed on the basis of their character, goals, tasks, and the kinds of research their members produce. In a first step, I show why I structured my work at the interface of higher education research, science studies, and bibliometrics (see chapters 2 and 5). Analyzing publications is still the key task of bibliometrics, but the results are used by many other actors as well: higher education managers, politicians, and scientists themselves to make claims about the quality of science, to compare each other, or to influence the structure, organization, and output of the higher education and science system. While it is difficult to make direct statements about the quality of research on the basis of simply counting the number of research articles a scientist publishes, the quality of journals is used as a proxy to compare across disciplines. To measure quality, other parameters are necessary. Thus, here statements focus on the quantity of science produced, not on the intrinsic quality of the analyzed research articles, the specific research achievements of individual scholars, organizations or organizational forms, or even countries. Nevertheless, output indicators elaborated here definitely show the huge expansion of scientific production and productivity, the stability of the research university over time as the most important science producer in Germany, but also rising differentiation and diversification of the organizational forms contributing to overall scientific output. Furthermore, the start of a considerable and on-going rise in national and international collaborations can be dated to the early 1990s. The chapter about the multidisciplinary context (see chapter 2) discusses the relationship between higher education research and science studies in Germany as well as the special position of scientific knowledge in comparison to other forms of knowledge. Scientific knowledge is generated, distributed, and consumed by the scientific community. To get an overview about the most important studies in the field, and to contextualize my work within the already existing empirical studies, I describe the current state of research in chapter 3. Research questions Section 1.2 provides a detailed description of my research questions: Which organizational forms produce science? 1. How has worldwide and European scientific productivity developed between 1900 and 2010 in comparison? 2. How has the German higher education and science system been embedded in the global developments of higher education and science over time? 3. How has scientific productivity in Germany developed between 1900 and 2010? 4. Among all science-producing organizational forms, what do the key organizational forms contribute to scientific productivity? 5. Which organizational forms provide the best conditions for scientific productivity? 6. Which single organizations produce the most research in Germany? 7. What is the impact of increasing internationalization of research on national and international cooperation, measured in publications in scientific journals? Theoretical framework Theoretically (see chapter 4), I apply a neo-institutional (NI) framework to explore and explain both the tremendous expansion of higher education and science across the world and considerable differences across time and space in the institutional settings, organizational forms, and organizations that produce scientific research in Germany. Sociological NI focuses on understanding institutions as important in guiding social action and shaping processes of social development. Such an approach emphasizes the development, functioning, and principles of institutions. Milestones in NI describe the nexus of organization and society supposing that organizational structures express myths and reflect ideals institutionalized in their environment. While capturing, copying, and asserting these, structural similarity (institutional isomorphism) between organizations in society will be established. The concept of "organizational field" emphasizes relationships between organizations within an environment. Organizational fields (communities) consist of all relevant organizations. In section 4.1.2 I discuss the differences between institutions and organizations and the difficulty of a distinction of the terms, especially in German-speaking sociology, which does not distinguish clearly between these terms. Fundamentally, NI approaches differ in the dimensions or pillars and levels of analysis they privilege (see figure 5, p. 80), but they share fundamental principles and the theoretical framework. Thus NI is particularly suitable for a multi-level analysis of scientific productivity across time and space. The historical development of the German higher education and science system must analyzed considering also global developments, because on the one hand it had an enormous impact on the development of other systems worldwide, and, on the other hand, global trends affect the on-going institutionalization and organization(s) of science in Germany. Intersectoral and international cooperation is growing and becoming increasingly important, leading to diverse networks within and between higher education and science systems worldwide. The classical, national case study is hardly longer possible, because macro units like countries are highly interdependent, embedded in global, regional and local relationships, such that borders between the global and the national dimension are increasingly blurred. Nevertheless, countries are units with clearly defined boundaries and structures, thus they can be handled as units to compare. The theoretical perspectives and different levels of analysis addressed here are displayed in Figure 5. I apply the "world polity" approach as a broader lense with which to make sense of the truly global arena of higher education and science (macro level). The focus of this perspective is on global and international structures and processes, which developed over time. Through this perspective, I explore global diffusion and formal structures of formal principles and practical applications. Combining historical and sociological institutionalism helps to focus on developments and processes over time on the meso level, to explain how institutions have developed and change(d). The concepts of "critical junctures" and path dependencies are useful to explain these processes over time. To describe the transformation of knowledge production over the entire twentieth century, and to analyze different organizational forms that produce science in Germany, two prevalent theoretical concepts are discussed: Mode 1 versus Mode 2 science, and the Triple-Helix model to describe the relationship between science, industry and state. In "The New Production of Knowledge" Michael Gibbons and his colleagues describe the transformation of knowledge from an academic, disciplinary, and autonomous – "traditional" – organization of science (Mode 1) with a focus on universities as the key organizational form, to a more applied, transdisciplinary, diverse, and reflexive organization of science (Mode 2) that features a more diverse organization of science, relying on a broader set of organizations producing knowledge. Within the literature, debates center on whether this new model has replaced the old, and which of these models best describes the contemporary organization of science (here: the STEM+ fields). In turn, the Triple-Helix model preserves the historical importance of the universities. This approach assumes that future innovations emerge from a relationship between universities (production of new knowledge), industry (generation of wealth), and state (control). Data and methods In these analyses, only peer reviewed journal publications were used – as the best indicator for measuring the most legitimated, authoritative produced science. This focus enabled an investigation of publications in-depth and over a 110 year timeframe. Research articles in the most reputable, peer-reviewed, and internationally reputable journals are the gold standard of scientific output in STEM+. The data I used is based on a stratified representative sample of published research articles in journals in STEM+-fields. My measure relies on the key global source for such data, the raw data from Thomson Reuters' Web of Science Science Citation Index Expanded (SCIE) (the other global database is Elsevier's Scopus, which also indexes tens of thousands of journals), which was extensively recoded. Methodologically, my approach is based on a combination of comparative institutional analysis across selected countries and historically of the German higher education and science system, and the systematic global evaluation of bibliometric publication data (see chapter 6). The SCIE includes more than 90 million entries (all types of research), mainly from STEM+-fields. I focus on original research articles, because this type of publication contains certified new knowledge. The SPHERE dataset covers published research articles from 1900 to 2010. From 1900 to 1970, we selected data in 5-year-steps in the form of a stratified representative sample. From 1975 onwards full data is available for every year. Depending on the research question, either five or ten-year steps were analyzed. A detailed description of the sampling and weighting of the data can be found in chapter 6. In consideration of the criteria above, I analyzed 17,568 different journals (42,963 journals were included into the database if we count the same journals in different years), and a total of 5,089,233 research articles. To prepare the data for this research, it had to be extensively cleaned and coded. Very often our international research team found missing information on the country level and/or on the level of organizations/organizational forms. From June 2013 to December 2015, research in the archives of university libraries was necessary to manually add missing information, particularly organization location and author affiliations. In the field of bibliometrics, we find different methods to count publications. In this work, I mainly apply the "whole count" approach (see table 1, p. 126). This decision is based on the assumption that every author, organization, or country contributed equally to a publication. An overestimation of publications can't be precluded, because research articles are counted multiple times, if a paper is produced in co-authorship, which has been rising worldwide over the past several decades. The absolute number of publications (worldwide, Europe, Germany) is based on a simple counting of research articles (without duplicates, in cases of co-authored articles). Summary of the most important results The empirical part of my work is divided into three parts. In the following sections, I will present the most important findings. The global picture – higher education and science systems in comparison The central question of my research project was "which organizational forms produce science"? For a better understanding and classification of the results of my case study, I embedded the German higher education and science system into the European and global context. I answered the questions "how did the worldwide and European scientific productivity developed between 1900 and 2010 in comparison", and "how was/is the German higher education and science system embedded in global developments of higher education and science over time" as follows: First, I show that the worldwide scientific growth followed a pure exponential curve between 1900 and 2010 (see figures 3 and 10; pp. 50, 147) – and we can assume that this strong upward trend continues today. The massive expansion of scientific production had and still has a tremendous influence on societal developments, beyond simply economic and technical developments, but rather transforming society. I show that higher education and science systems worldwide exhibit communalities, which have led to similar developments and expansion of scientific productivity. The comparison of important European countries (Germany in comparison with Great Britain, France, Belgium and Luxembourg) uncovered the contribution of the development and spread of modern research universities and the extraordinary and continued rise in publication output (see section 7.2; Powell, Dusdal 2016, 2017a, 2017b in press). Within the global field of science, three geographical centers of scientific productivity have emerged over the twentieth century: Europe, North America, and Asia. Their relative importance fluctuates over time, but today all three centers continue to be the key regions in the production of scientific research in STEM+ journals. Especially in Asia, the growth rates have risen massively in recent years (Powell et al. 2017 in press). Second, I investigated that all countries worldwide invest more into research and development (R&D) (figure 9, p. 140). These investments have a clear impact on the scientific productivity of nations, yet there are important differences between countries in absolute production and productivity rates. Alongside direct investments in R&D or the application of patents in STEM+-fields that influence the expansion of science, the capacity for producing more knowledge fundamentally depends on rising student enrolments, a growing number of researchers, the widening of research activities into various arenas of society, the development of products, and the (re-)foundation of universities (Powell, Baker, Fernandez 2017 in press). As part of the higher education expansion and massification during the 1960s and 70s, the numbers of researchers and students rose tremendously. The growth of scientific publications thus results from the on-going institutionalization of higher education and science systems worldwide. The growth of publications is also explained by the steady growth in the number of researchers working within these growing – and increasingly interconnected – systems. Third, I could reject the argument of Derek J. de Solla Price that the pure exponential growth of scientific literature has to flatten or would slow-down several decades after the advent of "big science" (see paragraph 2.4; figure 4 and 10; p. 53, 147). Although radical historical, political, economical, and technical events (see figure 11, p. 150) led to punctual short-term decreases in publication outputs, the long-term development of universities and other organizational forms producing science led to sustained growth of scientific publications, with the numbers of publications rising unchecked over the long twentieth century. In 2010, the worldwide scientific productivity in leading STEM+ journals was about one million articles annually. Fourth, I could show that the absolute numbers have to be put into perspective and standardized in relation to the investments in R&D, the size of the higher education and science systems, the number of inhabitants (see figure 12, p. 159), and the number of researchers (table 3, p. 162; figure 13, p. 164). The initial expansion of scientific publications in STEM+-fields is based on a general growth of higher education and science systems. The different institutional settings and organizational forms that produce science have an impact on scientific productivity. The selected country case studies – Germany, Great Britain, France, Belgium and Luxembourg – demonstrate that systems with strong research universities are highly productive; they seem to provide conditions necessary for science. As a result, not only the number and quality of researchers is important, but also the institutional and organizational settings in which they are employed. Fifth, in international comparison, Germany continues to contribute significantly to scientific productivity in STEM+ fields. With an annual growth rate of 3.35%, Germany follows the United States and Japan. In 2014, German governments invested €84.5 billion in R&D – 2.9% of overall GDP. The EU-target of 3% by 2020 was barely missed. In 2010, Germany produced 55,009 research articles (see table A5). In comparison to Great Britain, France, Belgium and Luxemburg, Germany still leads in scientific output in Europe –comparing just the absolute numbers. The size of the country itself and the institutionalization of the higher education and science systems influence publication outputs, of course, with these absolute numbers in relation to other key indicators showing a different picture. Standardized by the number of inhabitants, Germany published less articles per capita than Belgium and Great Britain. The number of researchers amounted to 327,997 (FTE) in 2010. The ratio of inhabitants to scientists was 1,000:4. Among these countries studied in-depth, Luxembourg and Great Britain had more researchers per capita than did Germany. The interplay of the organizational forms of science in Germany between 1900 and 2010 On the basis of the analysis of the global and European contexts, and development of worldwide scientific productivity over time in chapter 7, I started the in-depth case study of Germany. Bridging this overview and the following in-depth analyses is a chapter on the institutionalization of the German higher education and science system (see chapter 8). Here, I described the most important institutions and organizations and the organizational field – universities, extra-university research institutes and universities of applied sciences. Furthermore, I discussed the differences between West and East Germany during their division (1945–1990). Summarizing the most important results shows that the development of publications in Germany follows global and European trends (on a lower scale) (see figure 16, p. 208). Over time, Germany experienced pure exponential growth of scientific publications and a rising diversity of organizational forms that contribute to scientific productivity (see sections 9.1 and 9.3). I answered the following three research questions: "how has the scientific productivity in Germany developed between 1900 and 2010", "among all science producing organizational forms, what do the key organizational forms contribute to scientific productivity", "which organizational forms provide the best conditions for scientific productivity", and "which single organizations are the most research intense in Germany"? First, the growth curve of scientific publications in Germany turns out as expected – it shows pure exponential graph, comparable with the worldwide and European development of scientific productivity between 1900 and 2010. Here, too, cataclysmic events such as the two world wars and the Great Depression as well as reunification had only short-term (negative) impact (figure 11, p. 150) on scientific productivity, without even a medium-term slow-down or flattening of the curve. By 2010, the total number of publications in STEM+ fields by researchers in German organizations topped 55,000 in one year alone. Second, a detailed examination and comparison of the development of scientific productivity in West Germany and East Germany between 1950 and 1990 showed that the growth rate of Germany (altogether) was based mainly on steady growth of scientific publications in West Germany (see figure 17, p. 211). The growth curve of the former GDR was quite flat and proceeded on a very low level. As a result, I conclude that the GDR's higher education and science system, based on its academy model, did not provide conditions for scientific productivity as optimally as did the BRD. Third, a detailed analysis of the "key classical" organizational forms of science – universities and extra-university research institutes – show that universities were and are the main producers of scientific publications in STEM+ from 1975 to 2010 (see figure 18, p. 217). On average, university-based researchers produced 60% of all articles and defended their status against other organizational forms, which leads to the rejection of the Mode 2 hypothesis. Non-university publications reached an average of 40%. But that does not mean that other organizational forms were not producing science as well. The percentage share of articles is ultrastable and shows only marginal variations. The thesis that the proportion of university publications should decrease over time can be rejected for the period from 1975 to 2010. This suggests that scientific productivity of universities is actually rising, since despite decreasing financial support (R&D) in favor of extra-university research institutes, the universities produced more research articles with less resources over time. Fourth, although not only scientists within universities and research institutes publish their research in scientific journals, jointly these organizational forms have produced more than three-quarters of all research articles since 1980. Already in the earlier years, they produced a large number of scientific articles. Other organizational forms also generate scientific knowledge (for an extensive description of the organizational form matrix, see table 4, pp. 222f.). Especially scientists in firms, government agencies, and hospitals publish articles in peer-reviewed journals in STEM+ (see figures 19 and 20; pp. 220, 246). Indeed, the universities have been the driving force of scientific productivity for more than a century. With their specific orientation to basic research and their linkage of research and teaching, they provide conditions that facilitate the production of science. Universities are among the oldest institutions with a high degree of institutionalization. All other organizational forms (academies, associations, infrastructures, laboratories, military, museums and non-university education) were identified in the dataset played only a minor role and were summarized in the category "further types". Fifth, the analysis of the ten most research-intensive single organizations in Germany in the year 2010 confirmed the results. Only universities and institutes were part of this group. A summary of publications of single institutes under their umbrella organizations shows that the institutes of the Max Planck Society and of the Helmholtz Association are the leading science producers in Germany, outpacing the scientific productivity of universities, but only when aggregating the contributions of dozens of individual institutes (see table 5, p. 259f). An analysis of single institutes shows that these research institutes cannot compete with universities, because of their size and the number of researchers. The Charite – Universitätsmedizin Berlin, a hybrid organization, is another leading science producer in Germany. National and international cooperation of scientific research Finally, increasing internationalization of research has impacted on national and international cooperation. leading to collaboratively-written publications in scientific journals. Through advancing globalization, national and international scientific cooperation increased in volume and importance. International cooperation in STEM+ is facilitated by the reputation of the research organization and of the co-authors, higher visibility within the scientific community and more possibilities for interdisciplinary research as well as better or more specialized facilities. Today, more than a third of all research articles worldwide are produced in scientific collaboration; only around a quarter are single-authored articles. In contrast to Humboldt's principle "in Einsamkeit und Freiheit" (in loneliness and freedom), research is no longer done by one scientist, but is much more likely the result of collaboration. Research networks are increasingly important, and researchers share their common interests on a research question, publishing their results in joint publications. Researchers, organizations, and indeed countries differ in the ways they organize their research and thus how they enable research and collaboration. This depends on location, size, higher education and science system, the organizational field and organizations. Here, varying patterns of scientific cooperation were presented, showing a massive increase in scientific collaboration in (inter)national co-authorships over time. Until the 1990s, researchers in all investigated countries (France, Germany, Great Britain, USA, Japan, China, Belgium, Luxembourg) published their research articles mainly as single-authored papers. Only since the 1990s have co- and multi-authored publications risen (considerably): In 2000, only a third of all publications were published by one author. In 2010, the proportion reached its lowest level with only one-fifth of all papers single-authored (see table 6, pp. 279f). Countries differ considerably in their amount of collaboratively-written research articles. References Powell, J. J. W. & Dusdal, J. (2016). Europe's Center of Science: Science Productivity in Belgium, France, Germany, and Luxembourg. EuropeNow, 1(1). http://www.europenowjournal.org/2016/11/30/europes-center-of-science-science-productivity-in-belgium-france-germany-and-luxembourg/. Last access: 13.12.2016. Powell, J. J. W. & Dusdal, J. (2017a): Measuring Research Organizations' Contributions to Science Productivity in Science, Technology, Engineering and Math in Germany, France, Belgium, and Luxembourg. Minerva, (). Online first. DOI:10.1007/s11024-017-9327-z. Powell, J. J. W. & Dusdal, J. (2017b in press). The European Center of Science Productivity: Research Universities and Institutes in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom. IN Powell, J. J. W., Baker, D. P. & Fernandez, F. (Hg.) The Century of Science: The Worldwide Triumph of the Research University, International Perspectives on Education and Society Series. Bingley, UK, Emerald Publishing. Powell, J. J. W., Baker, D. P. & Fernandez, F. (2017 in press). The Century of Science: The Worldwide Triumph of the Research University, International Perspectives on Education and Society Series. Bingley, UK, Emerald Publishing. Powell, J. J. W., Fernandez, F., Crist, J. T., Dusdal, J., Zhang, L. & Baker, D. P. (2017 in press). The Worldwide Triumph of the Research University and Globalizing Science. IN Powell, J. W., Baker, D. P. & Fernandez, F. (Hg.) The Century of Science: The Worldwide Triumph of the Research University, International Perspectives on Education and Society Series. Bingley, UK, Emerald Publishing. ; Überblick und Einleitung Bereits der Titel meiner Dissertation "Welche Organisationsformen produzieren Wissenschaft? Expansion, Vielfalt und Kooperation im deutschen Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssystem im globalen Kontext, 1900-2010" verspricht, dass sich dem Thema der Entwicklung wissenschaftlicher Produktivität in Deutschland aus verschiedenen Perspektiven (Analyseebenen, Dimensionen und Zeitrahmen) genähert werden soll. Eingebettet in das international vergleichende Forschungsprojekt Science Productivity, Higher Education, Research and Development, and the Knowledge Society (SPHERE) rückt meine Dissertation die Analyse des Einflusses der Hochschulentwicklung und der wissenschaftlichen Kapazitätsbildung auf die wissenschaftliche Wissensproduktion in den Vordergrund. Es interessiert mich, wie die im deutschen Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssystem vorherrschenden Strukturen und institutionellen Settings die langfristige Entwicklung wissenschaftlicher Produktivität beeinflusst und verändert haben. Besonders vor dem Hintergrund einer voranschreitenden Globalisierung und Internationalisierung der Wissenschaft, einer weltweiten Vernetzung von Wissenschaftlern und der Herausbildung einer Wissensgesellschaft. Die Annäherung an den Forschungsgegentand erfolgt auf der Makro- und Mesoebene: den institutionalisierten und organisationalen Settings, in denen Wissenschaft produziert wurde und wird. Da Informationen zu einzelnen Autoren nicht zur Verfügung standen, können keine Aussagen auf der Mikroebene getroffen werden, wenngleich Publikationen natürlich immer von Individuen verfasst werden und nicht von den hier untersuchten Ländern oder Organisationsformen und Einzelorganisationen. Anhand der Dimensionen Expansion, Vielfalt und Kooperation wird der Untersuchungsrahmen abgesteckt und eine Ordnung der Fragestellung vorgenommen, an denen die Struktur der Arbeit ausgerichtet ist. Der Zeitrahmen der Arbeit umfasst die Jahre 1900 bis 2010, also mehr als ein Jahrhundert (siehe Abschnitt 1.2). Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es darzulegen, warum Wissenschaftler ihre Ergebnisse in Form von Zeitschriftenartikeln publizieren. Es geht unter anderem darum, die Wichtigkeit wissenschaftlicher Erkenntnisse hervorzuheben, da nicht publizierte Ergebnisse für die Wissenschaft nicht existieren und sich aus der Art und Weise, wie publiziert wird, die Organisation der Forschung innerhalb und übergreifend einer Disziplin oder eines Fachs ableiten lässt. In den in dieser Arbeit untersuchten Fächergruppen Mathematik, Ingenieur-, Natur- und Technikwissenschaften sowie Medizin (im Folgenden angelehnt an die englische Abkürzung STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics) plus Medicine als STEM+ bezeichnet) spielen Publikationen in peer reviewed Zeitschriften eine wichtige Rolle – neben Patenten in den angewandteren Fächergruppen sind sie heutzutage das wichtigste Publikationsformat. Sie dienen nicht nur der Dokumentation generierten Wissens, sondern sind auch ein Anzeiger für die Reputation eines Forschers und dienen der Messung wissenschaftlicher Produktivität. Zeitschriftenpublikationen in hochklassigen Zeitschriften, die einem peer review Verfahren unterliegen, können als gold standard zur Messung wissenschaftlicher Produktivität herangezogen werden. In den letzten Jahrzehnten kam es zu einer zunehmenden Verwissenschaftlichung vieler gesellschaftlichen Teilbereiche und die Generierung wissenschaftlichen Wissens rückte immer weiter ins Zentrum des politischen und wirtschaftlichen Interesses, unabhängig davon, wo es produziert wurde. Aus diesem Grund werden die Orte und institutionellen Settings (Organisationen, Organisationsformen) wissenschaftlicher Produktivität (hauptsächlich Universitäten, außeruniversitäre Forschungsinstitute, Unternehmen, Behörden und Ressortforschungseinrichtungen und Krankenhäuser) identifiziert und voneinander abgegrenzt. Indem ihre Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede anhand ihrer Aufgaben und Ziele sowie der Art der Forschung diskutiert werden. In einem ersten Schritt lege ich dar, warum ich diese Arbeit an der Schnittstelle zwischen Hochschul- und Wissenschaftsforschung und der Bibliometrie angelegt habe (siehe Kapitel 2 und 5). Publikationsanalysen werden zwar immer noch als Hauptaufgabe der Bibliometrie gesehen, aber ihre Ergebnisse werden auch von anderen Akteuren wie Hochschulmanagern, Politikern und Wissenschaftlern genutzt, um einerseits Aussagen über die Qualität der Wissenschaft zu treffen, aber auch um sich miteinander zu vergleichen oder steuernd in die Struktur und Organisation einzugreifen und Aussagen über den Output des Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssystems zu treffen. Direkte Aussagen über die Qualität der Forschung auf Basis der Anzahl an Zeitschriftenartikeln, die ein Wissenschaftler publiziert, können nicht getroffen werden, es kann aber über die Qualität einer Zeitschrift (Impactfactor) ein Proxi gebildet werden, mit dessen Hilfe Vergleiche zwischen Disziplinen getroffen werden können. Um wissenschaftliche Produktivität zu messen, müssten ergänzende Parameter hinzugezogen werden. Aus diesem Grund werden in dieser Arbeit lediglich Aussagen über die Quantität wissenschaftlicher Produktivität getroffen, nicht aber über die Qualität der untersuchten Zeitschriftenartikel, die Forschungsleistung einzelner Wissenschaftler, Organisationen oder Organisationsformen und einzelner Länder. Nichtdestotrotz zeigen Indikatoren zur Messung wissenschaftlichen Outputs eine große Expansion wissenschaftlicher Produktivität, eine Stabilität der Universitäten im Zeitverlauf und die Wichtigkeit Deutschlands als Wissensschaftsproduzent sowie eine steigende Differenzierung und Diversifizierung der Organisationsformen. Zudem können die 1990er Jahre als Startpunkt steigender nationaler und internationaler Kooperationen gesehen werden. In Kapitel 2 zum multidisziplinären Kontext der Arbeit zeige ich, in welcher Beziehung sich die Hochschul- und Wissenschaftsforschung in Deutschland zueinander befinden. Wissenschaftliches Wissen nimmt eine Sonderstellung im Vergleich zu anderen Wissensformen ein, da es unter bestimmten Bedingungen, die von der wissenschaftlichen Gemeinschaft selbst bestimmt werden, generiert und verbreitet wird. Um einen Überblick über die wichtigsten Studien innerhalb meines Feldes zu bekommen, und um meine Arbeit in den empirischen Kontext zu rücken, beschreibe ich in Kapitel 3 dieser Arbeit den aktuellen Forschungsstand. Forschungsfragen Abschnitt 1.2 stellt einen detaillierten Überblick über die dieser Arbeit zugrunde liegenden Forschungsfragen bereit: Welche Organisationsformen produzieren Wissenschaft? 1. Wie hat sich die wissenschaftliche Produktivität weltweit und im europäischen Vergleich zwischen 1900 und 2010 entwickelt? 2. Wie war/ist das deutsche Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssystem in die globalen Entwicklungen der Hochschulbildung und Wissenschaft im Zeitverlauf eingebettet? 3. Wie hat sich die wissenschaftliche Produktivität in Deutschland zwischen 1900 und 2010 entwickelt? 4. Unter allen Wissenschaft produzierenden Organisationsformen, was tragen die "klassischen" Formen zur wissenschaftlichen Produktivität bei? 5. Welche Organisationsformen stellen die besten Bedingungen für wissenschaftliche Produktivität bereit? 6. Welche Einzelorganisationen gehören zu den forschungsstärksten in Deutschland? 7. Welchen Einfluss hat die zunehmende Internationalisierung der Forschung auf nationale und internationale Kooperationen in Form von Publikationen in Zeitschriftenartikeln? Theoretischer Rahmen Theoretisch (siehe Kapitel 4) basiert meine Arbeit auf einem neu-institutionellen (NI) Ansatz zur Untersuchung und Erklärung der Expansion des Hochschulwesens und der Wissenschaft weltweit. Trotz des allgemeinen Wachstums wissenschaftlicher Produktivität bestehen beträchtliche Unterschiede zwischen den institutionellen Settings, Organisationsformen und einzelner Organisationen, die maßgeblich zur wissenschaftlichen Produktivität beitragen. Der soziologische NI konzentriert sich auf das Verständnis von Institutionen und Organisationen. Institutionen sind ein wichtiger Baustein, um soziales Handeln und Prozesse der Gesellschaftsentwicklung zu verstehen. Organisationen und Institutionen stehen in einer wechselseitigen Beziehung zueinander. Die zentralen Annahmen des NI wurden von Walter Powell, Paul DiMaggio und Richard Scott formuliert. Meilensteine: der Zusammenhang von Organisation und Gesellschaft und die Annahme, dass formale Organisationsstrukturen Mythen zum Ausdruck bringen, die in ihrer gesellschaftlichen Umwelt institutionalisiert sind. Indem Organisationen diese Mythen erfassen, kopieren und zeremoniell zur Geltung bringen, werden Strukturähnlichkeiten (Isomorphien) zwischen Organisationen und der Gesellschaft hergestellt. Das Konzept der "organisationalen Felder" dient der Beschreibung der Beziehung zwischen verschiedenen Organisationen und beinhaltet alle relevanten Organisationen, die sich mit ihrer gesellschaftlichen Umwelt auseinander setzen. In Abschnitt 4.1.2 werden die Unterschiede zwischen den Begriffen Institutionen und Organisationen diskutiert, da diese besonders in der deutschsprachigen Soziologie nicht trennscharf genutzt werden. Grundsätzlich unterscheiden sich Ansätze institutioneller Theorie in ihrer Anwendungsebene, sie sind aber durch ihren Überbau miteinander verschränkt. Folglich ist der NI als theoretische Basis besonders gut geeignet, um eine Mehrebenenanalyse der wissenschaftlichen Produktivität zeit- und ortsübergreifend durchzuführen. Die historische Entwicklung des deutschen Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssystems kann nicht ohne eine Berücksichtigung der globalen Entwicklungen durchgeführt werden, da es einerseits einen enormen Einfluss auf die Entwicklung anderer Systeme weltweit hatte/hat und andererseits globale Entwicklungen die Institutionalisierung und Organisation der Wissenschaft in Deutschland beeinflussen. Intersektorale und internationale Kooperationen sind im Zeitverlauf angewachsen, werden immer wichtiger und führen zu ausgeprägten Netzwerken innerhalb und zwischen Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssystemen weltweit. Aufgrund einer zunehmenden Verzahnung einzelner Länder und den damit einhergehenden Wechselwirkungen zwischen den unterschiedlichen Analyseebenen (makro, meso, mikro) ist eine klassische, nationalstaatliche Analyse nicht mehr zielführend. Nichtsdestotrotz können Länder als vergleichbare Einheiten gesehen werden, da sie über klar definierte Grenzen und Strukturen verfügen. Die unterschiedlichen theoretischen Perspektiven und Analyseebenen werden in Abbildung 5 genauer beschrieben. Der theoretische Ansatz der "Weltkultur" bietet eine breitere Linse des soziologischen NI auf die globale Arena. Der Fokus liegt auf globalen und internationalen Strukturen und Prozessen, die sich über lange Zeit entwickelt haben. Mit Hilfe dieser Perspektive können globale Diffusion und formale Strukturen der Entkopplung von formalen Grundsätzen und praktischer Anwendung erklärt werden. Zusammen nehmen der historische und soziologische Institutionalismus zeitliche Entwicklungen und Prozesse in den Blick, die erklären, wie Institutionen entstehen und sich verändern. Die Konzepte critical junctures und Pfadabhängigkeit sollen helfen diese Prozesse auf der Mesoebene zu verstehen. Um die Transformation der Wissensproduktion im Zeitverlauf des 20. Jahrhunderts zu verstehen und um zu analysieren, welche Organisationsformen an der Produktion wissenschaftlichen Wissens beteiligt waren, werden zwei theoretische Konzepte herangezogen: Modus 1 versus Modus 2 Wissenschaft und das Triple-Helix Modell zur Beschreibung der Beziehung zwischen Wissenschaft, Industrie und Staat. In The New Production of Knowledge beschreiben Michael Gibbons und seine Kollegen den Wandel der Wissenschaft von einer akademischen, disziplinären und autonomen, traditionellen, Organisation der Wissenschaft (Modus 1) mit einem Schwerpunkt auf Universitäten als wichtigste Organisationsform, hin zu einer anwendungsorientierteren, transdisziplinären, diversen und reflexiven Organisation der Wissenschaft (Modus 2), die eine diversere Organisation der Wissenschaft unterstützt und auf einem breiteren organisationalen Setting der Wissensproduktion beruht. Innerhalb der Literatur wird diskutiert, ob das neue Modell das alte ersetzen soll und welches der Modelle die gegenwärtige Organisation der Wissenschaft am besten beschreibt. Im Gegensatz hierzu bleibt beim Triple-Helix Modell die historische Rolle der Universitäten erhalten. Der Ansatz geht davon aus, dass zukünftige Innovationen aus einer Beziehung von Universitäten (Wissensproduktion), Industrie (Generierung von Wohlstand) und dem Staat (Kontrolle) resultieren. Daten und Methoden In dieser Arbeit werden ausschließlich Publikationen in peer reviewed Zeitschriften als Kennzeichen wissenschaftlicher Produktivität herangezogen. Dieser Schwerpunkt ermöglicht mir eine tiefgreifende Analyse von Publikationen über einen Zeitraum von mehr als einem Jahrhundert. Zeitschriftenartikel in hochklassigen und möglichst internationalen Journalen bilden den gold standard wissenschaftlichen Outputs in den hier untersuchten Mathematik, Ingenieur-, Natur- und Technikwissenschaften sowie der Medizin (STEM+). Meine Daten basieren auf einem stratifizierten, repräsentativen Sample (siehe ausführlich Kapitel 6) publizierter Zeitschriften, die als Rohdaten aus Thomson Reuters Web of Science Science Citation Index Expanded (SCIE) zur Analyse zur Verfügung stehen (eine vergleichbare Datenbank stellt Elseviers Scopus bereit). Methodologisch wird eine Kombination aus einer vergleichenden institutionelle Analyse ausgewählter Länder, eine historische Untersuchung des deutschen Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssystems und eine systematische, globale Auswertung bibliometrischer Publikationsdaten angestrebt. Der SCIE umfasst mehr als 90 Millionen Einträge (gespeichert werden nahezu alle Typen wissenschaftlichen Outputs), hauptsächlich aus den oben genannten Fächergruppen. Diese Arbeit beschränkt sich auf originale Zeitschriftenartikel (Originalmitteilungen), da lediglich dieser Publikationstyp zertifiziertes und neues Wissen enthält. Der SPHERE Datensatz umfasst publizierte Zeitschriftenartikel aus den Jahren 1900 bis 2010. Von 1900 bis 1970 wurden die Daten in 5-Jahres-Schritten mittels einer geschichteten Zufallsstichprobe ausgewählt. Ab 1975 stehen die Daten vollständig und ab 1980 in Jahresschritten zur Verfügung. Abhängig von der untersuchten Fragestellung werden die Daten in 5-Jahres- oder 10-Jahres-Schritten analysiert. Eine detaillierte Beschreibung des Samplings und der Gewichtung der Daten kann den Abschnitten 6.2.2 und 6.8 entnommen werden. Unter Berücksichtigung dieser Kriterien werden 17.568 unterschiedliche Zeitschriften (42.963 Zeitschriften, wenn dieselbe Zeitschrift in unterschiedlichen Jahren mehrfach berücksichtigt wird) und 5.089.233 Forschungsartikel untersucht. Um die Daten für die Analyse aufzubereiten muss eine intensive Vorarbeit geleistet werden. Sie werden umfassend (nach-)kodiert und bereinigt. Besonders häufig sind Fehler oder fehlende Informationen auf Ebene der Länder und/oder der Organisationen/Organisationsformen, in denen die Forschung betrieben wurde. Im Zeitraum von Juni 2013 bis Dezember 2015 habe ich die Originalzeitschriften und -artikel in Online-Zeitschriftendatenbanken oder Archiven verschiedener Universitätsbibliotheken eingesehen, begutachtet und mit Hilfe einer Excel-Tabelle katalogisiert und fehlende Informationen, wenn vorhanden, ergänzt. In der Bibliometrie werden verschiedene Vorgehensweisen diskutiert, wie Publikationen gezählt werden können. Die Analysen dieser Arbeit basieren hauptsächlich auf der whole count Methode (siehe Tabelle 1). Die Entscheidung basiert auf der Annahme, dass jeder Autor, jede Organisation, oder jedes Land gleichermaßen zu einer Publikation beigetragen hat. Folglich kann es zu einer Verzerrung bzw. Überschätzung der Ergebnisse kommen, da Zeitschriftenartikel mehrfach gezählt werden, wenn sie in Form von Forschungskooperationen publiziert wurden. Um die absolute Anzahl an Publikationen (weltweit, Europa, Deutschland) zu ermitteln, wird die Gesamtzahl an Artikeln pro Jahr (ohne Duplikate) berechnet. Zusammenfassung der wichtigsten Ergebnisse Der empirische Teil meiner Arbeit ist in drei Teile untergliedert. Die folgenden Abschnitte fassen die jeweils wichtigsten Ergebnisse zusammen. The Global Picture – Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssysteme im Vergleich Im Mittelpunkt meiner Dissertation steht die Frage, welche Organisationsformen Wissenschaft produzieren. Um die Ergebnisse der detaillierten Fallstudie einordnen und bewerten zu können, erfolgt zunächst eine Einbettung in den globalen und europäischen Kontext. Die forschungsleitenden Fragen, wie hat sich die wissenschaftliche Produktivität weltweit und im europäischen Vergleich zwischen 1900 und 2010 entwickelt und wie war/ist das deutsche Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssystem in die globalen Entwicklungen der Hochschulbildung und Wissenschaft im zeitverlauf eingebettet, wird folgendermaßen beantwortet: In einem ersten Schritt wird gezeigt, dass das weltweite wissenschaftliche Wachstum zwischen 1900 und 2010 exponentiell verlief und dieser Trend vermutlich bis heute anhält (siehe Abbildungen 3 und 10, S. 50, 147). Die massive Ausdehnung wissenschaftlichen Wissens hatte und hat auch heute noch einen großen Einfluss auf gesellschaftliche Entwicklungen, die nicht auf den wirtschaftlichen und technischen Fortschritt beschränkt sind. Ich werde darstellen, dass Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssysteme weltweite Gemeinsamkeiten aufweisen, die zu einer ähnlichen Entwicklung und Ausweitung wissenschaftlicher Produktivität geführt haben. Im Vergleich wichtiger europäischer Länder (Deutschland im Vergleich mit Großbritannien, Frankreich, Belgien und Luxemburg), kann gezeigt werden, dass zwischen der weltweiten Ausweitung der Wissenschaft, dem Anstieg an Publikationen und der Expansion von modernen Forschungsuniversitäten ein Zusammenhang besteht (siehe Abschnitt 7.2; Powell, Dusdal 2016, 2017a; 2017b im Druck). So wurde ein globales Feld der Wissenschaft aufgespannt, das als übergeordneter Rahmen fungiert. Drei geografische Zentren wissenschaftlicher Produktivität werden im Zeitverlauf identifiziert: Europa, Nordamerika und Asien. Sie haben zu unterschiedlichen Zeitpunkten an Bedeutung gewonnen oder verloren, doch zum heutigen Zeitpunkt tragen sie alle zur wissenschaftlichen Produktivität in den untersuchten Fächergruppen bei. Allerdings sind besonders in Asien die Wachstumsraten massiv angestiegen (Powell et al 2017 im Druck). Zweitens investieren alle Länder weltweit in Forschung und Entwicklung (FuE) (siehe Abbildung 9, S. 140). Diese Investitionen haben einen Einfluss auf ihre wissenschaftliche Produktivität. Zwischen einzelnen Ländern sind zum Teil große Unterschiede in der absoluten Publikationszahl und der relativen wissenschaftlichen Produktivität feststellbar. Nicht nur Investitionen in FuE tragen zur Expansion der Wissenschaft bei, sondern auch die Anmeldung von Patenten, höhere Studierendenzahlen, eine gestiegene Anzahl an Forschern, die Ausweitung von Forschungsaktivitäten in viele gesellschaftliche Teilbereiche, die Entwicklung von Forschungsprodukten und Neugründungen von Universitäten (Powell, Baker, Fernandez 2017 im Druck). Im Zuge der Hochschulexpansion und der Massifizierung der Hochschulbildung in den 1960er und 70er Jahren sind besonders die Studierendenzahlen und die Anzahl der Wissenschaftler extrem angestiegen. Es kam also zur Ausweitung des kompletten Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssystems und nicht nur zu einer Erhöhung der Anzahl an Publikationen. Im Umkehrschluss kann ein Teil des Anstiegs wissenschaftlicher Publikationen auf eine steigende Anzahl an Wissenschaftlern zurückgeführt werden. Drittens kann die von Derek J. de Solla Price aufgestellte These, dass das exponentielle Wachstum wissenschaftlicher Literatur irgendwann abflachen müsse, wiederlegt werden (siehe Abschnitt 2.4; Abbildungen 4 und 10, S. 53, 147). Obwohl einschneidende historische, politische, wirtschaftliche und technologische Ereignisse sowie Ereignisse bezogen auf die Hochschulen und Wissenschaft (siehe Abbildung 11, S. 150) kurzfristig zu einer Verringerung der Publikationszahlen geführt haben, wurde die Wachstumskurve nicht nachhaltig beeinflusst. Im Jahr 2010 wurden weltweit fast eine Million Zeitschriftenartikel in den Natur- und Technikwissenschaften sowie der Medizin publiziert. In Abschnitt 7.2.2 zeige ich, dass die Anzahl der publizierten Zeitschriftenartikel im Verhältnis zu den Ausgaben für FuE, der Größe der Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssysteme und der Anzahl der Einwohner (siehe Abbildung 12, S. 159) und Wissenschaftler (siehe Tabelle 3, S. 162; Abbildung 13, S. 164) relativiert werden müssen. Die anfängliche extreme Expansion der wissenschaftlichen Publikationen in den Mathematik, Ingenieur-, Natur- und Technikwissenschaften sowie der Medizin basiert auf einem allgemeinen Wachstum der Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssysteme (siehe oben). Unterschiedliche institutionelle Settings und Organisationsformen, in denen Wissenschaft produziert wird, haben einen Einfluss auf die wissenschaftliche Produktivität. Anhand der ausgewählten Fallbeispiele (Deutschland, Großbritannien, Frankreich, Belgien und Luxemburg) werde ich darlegen, dass Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssysteme, die über forschungsstarke Universitäten verfügen, höchst produktiv sind. Es kommt also nicht nur darauf an, wie viele Wissenschaftler innerhalb eines Systems beschäftigt werden, sondern auch darauf, in welchen institutionellen Settings sie arbeiten. Fünftens, im internationalen Vergleich trägt Deutschland immer noch erheblich zur wissenschaftlichen Produktivität in den untersuchten Fächern bei. Mit einer Wachstumsrate von 3,35% Prozent folgt Deutschland den USA und Japan. Im Jahr 2014 wurden in Deutschland 84,5 Mrd./€ für FuE von der Regierung bereitgestellt. Dies entspricht einem Anteil von 2,9 Prozent des BIP. Somit wurde der EU-Richtwert von 2020 von 3 Prozent lediglich knapp verfehlt. Im Jahr 2010 wurden in Deutschland insgesamt 55.009 Zeitschriftenartikel in den STEM+-Fächern publiziert (siehe Tabelle A5 im Anhang). Im Vergleich der absoluten Zahlen mit Großbritannien, Frankreich, Belgien und Luxemburg nimmt das Land die Spitzenposition ein. Die Größe des Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssystems hat somit einen Einfluss auf die Publikationsleistung. Werden die Zahlen in einem nächsten Schritt mit anderen Schlüsselindikatoren in Beziehung gesetzt, verändert sich die Leistung der miteinander verglichenen Systeme zum Teil erheblich. Gemessen an der Einwohnerzahl werden in Deutschland weniger Zeitschriftenartikel publiziert als in Belgien oder Großbritannien. Die Anzahl der beschäftigten Wissenschaftler betrug in Deutschland im selben Jahr 1000:4. Nur in Luxemburg und Großbritannien ist das Verhältnis von Wissenschaftlern zur Einwohnerzahl größer. Das Zusammenspiel der Organisationsformen der Wissenschaft in Deutschland von 1900 bis 2010 Auf Basis der Analysen zum globalen und europäischen Kontext der Entwicklung wissenschaftlicher Produktivität im Zeitverlauf (siehe Kapitel 7) folgt eine tiefgreifende, institutionelle Analyse des deutschen Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssystems (siehe Kapitel 8). Sie dient als Ein- und Überleitung zur detaillierten empirischen Auswertung der Daten zum deutschen Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssystem. Hier werden die wichtigsten Institutionen und Organisationen sowie das organisationale Feld der Wissenschaft (Universitäten, Fachhochschulen, außeruniversitäre Forschungseinrichtungen) vorgestellt. Zudem diskutiere ich die Unterschiede zwischen Ost- und Westdeutschland zur Zeit des geteilten Deutschlands (1945-1990). Eine Zusammenfassung der wichtigsten Ergebnisse zeigt, dass die Entwicklung der Publikationszahlen in Deutschland dem weltweiten und europäischen Trend (im kleineren Umfang) folgt (siehe Abbildung 16, S. 208). Es kam sowohl zu einer Expansion des wissenschaftlichen Wissens in Form eines exponentiellen Anstiegs an Publikationen, als auch zu einer Erhöhung der Vielfalt wissenschaftlicher Produktivität im Zeitverlauf (siehe Abschnitte 9.1 und 9.3). Die folgenden vier Forschungsfragen werden beantwortet: Wie hat sich die wissenschaftliche Produktivität in Deutschland zwischen 1900 und 2010 entwickelt? Unter allen Wissenschaft produzierenden Organisationsformen, was tragen die "klassischen" Formen zur wissenschaftlichen Produktivität bei? Welche Organisationsformen stellen die besten Bedingungen für wissenschaftliche Produktivität bereit? Welche Einzelorganisationen gehören zu den forschungsstärksten in Deutschland? Wie oben beschrieben, verläuft das Wachstum wissenschaftlicher Produktivität in Deutschland zwischen den Jahren 1900 und 2010 exponentiell. Die Kurve ist vergleichbar mit der weltweiten und europäischen Entwicklung, wenn auch in kleinerem Umfang. Zwar hatten auch hier verschiedene Ereignisse, wie der Zweite Weltkrieg, die Weltwirtschaftskrise oder die Wiedervereinigung, einen kurzfristigen Einfluss, allerdings kam es zu keiner Verlangsamung oder Abflachung des Wachstums (siehe Abbildung 11, S. 150). Bis ins Jahr 2010 wuchs die Anzahl der publizierten Zeitschriftenartikel in Deutschland auf 55.009 an. Zweitens, zeigt eine detaillierte Betrachtung der wissenschaftlichen Produktivität Westdeutschlands im Vergleich zu Ostdeutschland, dass der Anstieg der gesamtdeutschen Publikationszahlen auf einem Anstieg der Zahlen in Westdeutschland basiert (siehe Abbildung 17, S. 211). Zwischen 1950 und 1990 verlief die Kurve der wissenschaftlichen Produktivität in der DDR flach und auf einem niedrigen Niveau. Hieraus kann geschlossen werden, dass das Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssystem der DDR, aufbauend auf seinem Akademiemodell, keine guten Bedingungen für wissenschaftliche Forschung bereitgestellt hat. Drittens, zeigt die detaillierte Analyse der "klassischen" Organisationsformen der Wissenschaft, Universitäten und außeruniversitäre Forschungsinstitute, dass Universitäten im Zeitraum von 1975 bis 2010 in den STEM+-Fächern die Hauptproduzenten wissenschaftlicher Zeitschriftenartikel waren und sind (siehe Abbildung 18, S. 217). Im Untersuchungszeitraum beträgt der prozentuale Anteil der universitätsbasierten Forschung im Mittel 60 Prozent. Somit verteidigen sie ihren Status als wichtigste Organisationsform gegenüber anderen. Die Modus 2 Hypothese, dass es im Zeitverlauf zu einem Absinken des prozentualen Anteils der Universitäten kommen muss, wird verworfen. Der Anteil der Nicht-Universitäten liegt hingegen im Durchschnitt bei 40 Prozent. Obwohl die Richtigkeit der folgenden Aussage nicht empirisch überprüft werden kann, wird davon ausgegangen, dass es sich tatsächlich sogar um einen Anstieg wissenschaftlicher Produktivität der Universitäten im Zeitverlauf handelt. Unter Berücksichtigung einer Verschiebung der zur Verfügung stehenden finanziellen Mittel für FuE zugunsten der außeruniversitären Forschungsinstitute haben die Universitäten im Zeitverlauf mit weniger Forschungsgeldern immer mehr wissenschaftliche Zeitschriftenartikel publiziert. Viertens, obwohl nicht nur Wissenschaftler innerhalb von Universitäten und Forschungsinstituten Zeitschriftenartikel veröffentlichen, haben diese beiden Organisationsformen zusammen mehr als drei Viertel aller Publikationen seit den 1980er Jahren verfasst. Aber auch schon in den Jahren zuvor ist ihr gemeinsamer Anteil sehr hoch. Zu den wichtigsten Wissenschaftsproduzenten gehören neben ihnen die (Industrie-)Unternehmen, Behörden und Ressortforschungseinrichtungen und Krankenhäuser (für eine ausführliche Beschreibung der Matrix der Organisationsformen siehe Tabelle 4, S. 222f und Abbildungen 19 und 20, S. 220, 246). Dennoch sind die Universitäten die treibende Kraft wissenschaftlicher Produktivität seit mehr als einem Jahrhundert. Mit ihrer speziellen Ausrichtung auf Grundlagenforschung stellen sie die besten Bedingungen für wissenschaftliche Forschung bereit und gehören zu den ältesten Institutionen mit einem hohen Institutionalisierungsgrad. Universitäten sind widerstandsfähig gegenüber Veränderungen und critical junctures haben keinen negativen Einfluss auf ihre wissenschaftliche Produktivität. Alle anderen im Datensatz gefundenen oder aus der Theorie abgeleiteten Organisationsformen (Akademien, Vereine/Gesellschaften, wissenschaftliche Infrastrukturen, Laboratorien, Militär, Museen und nichtuniversitäre Bildungseinrichtungen) spielen nur eine untergeordnete Rolle und wurden in der Gruppe "sonstige" Organisationsformen zusammengefasst. Fünftens, eine Auswertung der zehn forschungsstärksten Einzelorganisationen Deutschlands im Jahr 2010 bestätigt die oben beschriebenen Ergebnisse, da lediglich Universitäten und außeruniversitäre Forschungsinstitute dieser Spitzengruppe zugehören. Eine Zusammenfassung der Publikationen der Institute unter ihrer Dachorganisation zeigt, dass die Institute der Max-Planck-Gesellschaft und der Helmholtz-Gemeinschaft maßgeblich zur Produktion wissenschaftlichen Wissens in Deutschland beitragen. Sie übertreffen zusammengezählt die Publikationstätigkeit einzelner Universitäten bei weitem (siehe Tabelle 5, S. 259f). Eine Einzelauswertung der Institute zeigt aber auch, dass sie allgemein genommen, aufgrund ihrer Größe und der Anzahl der Wissenschaftler, nicht mit den Universitäten konkurrieren können. Zudem gehört die hybride Organisation, die Charité – Universitätsmedizin Berlin zu den führenden zehn Wissenschaftsproduzenten im deutschen Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssystem. Nationale und internationale Kooperationen wissenschaftlicher Forschung Im letzten empirischen Kapitel der Arbeit wird auf der Makroebene die Frage beantwortet, welchen Einfluss die zunehmende Internationalisierung der Forschung auf nationale und internationale Kooperationen in Form von Publikationen in wissenschaftlichen Zeitschriften hat. Durch die voranschreitende Globalisierung und Internationalisierung haben nationale und internationale Kooperationen stark zugenommen. Zu den wichtigsten Gründen für (internationale) Kooperationen in den Mathematik, Ingenieur-, Natur- und Technikwissenschaften sowie der Medizin zählen unter anderen die Reputation der Forschungsorganisation und der Mitautoren, eine höhere Sichtbarkeit innerhalb der wissenschaftlichen Gemeinschaft, mehr Möglichkeiten für interdisziplinäre Forschung oder auch eine bessere Ausstattung der Labore. Heute sind bereits ein Drittel aller Forschungsartikel weltweit das Ergebnis wissenschaftlicher Kooperationen und lediglich ein Viertel wird von einem Autoren verfasst. Übertragen auf die Organisation der Forschung bedeutet der von Humboldt geprägte Leitsatz "in Einsamkeit und Freiheit", dass wissenschaftliche Forschung nicht mehr in alleiniger Verantwortung eines Wissenschaftlers durchgeführt wird, sondern das Ergebnis von Kooperationen ist. Netzwerke werden immer wichtiger, um gemeinsame Interessen zu teilen, an einer Fragestellung zu arbeiten sowie die aus der Forschung gewonnenen Erkenntnisse gemeinsam zu publizieren. Wissenschaftler, Organisationen und Länder unterscheiden sich dahingehend, wie sie ihre Forschung organisieren und folglich auch darin, wie sie ihre wissenschaftliche Zusammenarbeit gestalten. Diese Wege sind abhängig von der geografischen Lage und Größe des Hochschul- und Wissenschaftssystems, dem organisationalen Feld und den Einzelorganisationen. In dieser Arbeit werden unterschiedliche Muster wissenschaftlicher Zusammenarbeit präsentiert. Die Ergebnisse zeigen einen massiven Anstieg wissenschaftlicher Kooperationen in Form von gemeinsamen Publikationen im Zeitverlauf. Bis in die 1990er Jahre hinein publizierten die Wissenschaftler in den hier untersuchten Länder (Frankreich, Deutschland, Großbritannien, USA, Japan, China, Belgien und Luxemburg) hauptsächlich in Alleinautorenschaft. Erst danach kam es zu einem Anstieg an Kooperationen: Im Jahr 2000 wurden lediglich 37 Prozent aller Artikel von einem Autor verfasst. Im Jahr 2010 erreichte der Anteil einen Tiefststand von lediglich einem Fünftel Alleinautorenschaften (siehe Tabelle 6, S. 279f). Allerdings unterschieden sich die Länder hinsichtlich ihres Anteils an Ko-Autorenschaften zum Teil deutlich voneinander. Literatur Powell, J. J. W. & Dusdal, J. (2016). Europe's Center of Science: Science Productivity in Belgium, France, Germany, and Luxembourg. EuropeNow, 1(1). http://www.europenowjournal.org/2016/11/30/europes-center-of-science-science-productivity-in-belgium-france-germany-and-luxembourg/. Zugriff: 13.12.2016. Powell, J. J. W. & Dusdal, J. (2017a): Measuring Research Organizations' Contributions to Science Productivity in Science, Technology, Engineering and Math in Germany, France, Belgium, and Luxembourg. Minerva, (). Online first. DOI:10.1007/s11024-017-9327-z. Powell, J. J. W. & Dusdal, J. (2017b im Druck). The European Center of Science Productivity: Research Universities and Institutes in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom. IN Powell, J. J. W., Baker, D. P. & Fernandez, F. (Hg.) The Century of Science: The Worldwide Triumph of the Research University, International Perspectives on Education and Society Series. Bingley, UK, Emerald Publishing. Powell, J. J. W., Baker, D. P. & Fernandez, F. (2017, im Druck). The Century of Science: The Worldwide Triumph of the Research University, International Perspectives on Education and Society Series. Bingley, UK, Emerald Publishing. Powell, J. J. W., Fernandez, F., Crist, J. T., Dusdal, J., Zhang, L. & Baker, D. P. (2017, im Druck). The Worldwide Triumph of the Research University and Globalizing Science. IN Powell, J. W., Baker, D. P. & Fernandez, F. (Hg.) The Century of Science: The Worldwide Triumph of the Research University, International Perspectives on Education and Society Series. Bingley, UK, Emerald Publishing.

A~ & & rczejty coTlheoo MAY, J899 Oettysbmr ercory CONTENTS. " She Stoops to Conquer," 81 A Lesson from an Inscription,. 86 America in the 20th Century,. 90 Wages of Massachusetts and Pennsylvania, 92 Moral Growth in College 9S A Bicycle Episode, 98 In Memoriam, Adonais Eycidas, 101 Editor's Desk 106 The Qualities of Present-day Wit 108 History of the Phrenakosmian Society.—1831-1882 no r FAVOR THOSE WHO FAVOR US. For Fine Printing GO TO ^illS The J. E. WIBLE m .PrintinQ Rouse Carlisle Street, GETTYSBURG, PA. C. B. Kitzmiller, Dealer in Hats, Caps, Boots and . Douglas Shoes GETTYSBURG, PA. J. H. Myers, Fashionable Tailor, Clothier and Gents' Furnisher. The best place in town to have your Cloth-ing made to order. All workmanship and Trimmings guaranteed. No charge for re-paVrsamlVessing for one year D.™ and Repairing a specialty. Ready-maae Clothing the largest stock in town Up-to-date styles. Bicycle Suits and Breeches Headquarters. 11 Baltimore St., Gettysburg, Pa. R. A. 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Eighty-live volume*, told separately, fiO cts. ea-c-hh,. Sendfor Int. HTHDS & NOBLE, Publishers t-5-13-14 Cooper Institute N. T. City Schoolboohs ofall pub- orsome other lishers at one store. 1////////// y\ language? .THE. GETTYSBURG MERCURY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter. VOL. VIII. GETTYSBURG, PA., MAY, 1899. No. 3 Alumni Editor. REV. F. D. GARLAND. Editor-in- Chief. J. FRANK HEILMAN, '00, Assistant Editors. IlUTHER A. WEIGLE, '00. S. A. VAN ORMER, '01. Business Manager. Assistant Business Manager. JOHN K. HAMACHER, '00. CLARENCE MOORE, '02. Advisory Board. PROF. J. A. HIMES, LIT. D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M. D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D. D. Published monthly by the students of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg') College. Subscription price One Dollar a year in advance, single copies Fifteen Cents. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. 1 "SHE STOOPS TO CONQUER." AS in the world of nature, so in the realm of art and letters, there are varied phases of worth and beauty, different de-grees of excellence. But each separate work of art has its place in the grand whole of earth's literature, its mission to fulfill, just as every part of nature's unity is adapted to meet some one of the many needs, the varying moods of man. In the physical world the valley has a peace, as the mountain peak a grandeur ; the violet a tenderness, as the oak a strength ; the brook ripples ' tighter, while the cataract roars thunder. Each has an individual beauty, each performs its appointed task. L,ethim, to whose soul appeals the awful majesty of nature, stand in wonder at the brink of Niagara, or silent within the shadow of snow-capped Alps. One whose heart responds to a gentler touch may find greater joy in the sunlit meadows, or by a quiet stream. Perhaps he lacks strength to climb the steep mountain I 82 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. path, or courage to face the spray from a dashing torrent. Shall he less enjoy the breath of a forest flower, or the voice of a wood-land bird ? There are times when the soul struggles skyward, and stands with a Shakspere on some lofty summit, from whose height is caught a glimpse of the vast panorama of human history; or times when the soul loses itself in the sublime music of a Brown-ing's mighty thought; but there are also seasons where the mind turns for recreation and refreshment to rest by the laughing brook of a Goldsmith's fancy. So to-day we leave the heights of philos-ophy to spend an hour in the pleasant vale of humor. Someone has classified Man as the only animal having the power of laughter, and while the definition is hardly an exhaust-ive one, it is by no means inapt. And surely there can be no more wholesome sound than the audible expression of a pleasant emotion, the merry, ringing laugh whose spirit is everywhere in-fectious, whose very memory is refreshing, the beneficent effect of which can hardly be overestimated. The ancients recognized the value of a cheerful spirit when they ascribed joy and mirth to the Muse of Comedy, and prepared systematic entertainment for the cultivation of the humorous sense. Modern writers of high ability have deemed it not unworthy of their inspired pens to in-voke Thalia. A keen sense of the comical, a faculty for seeing the humorous side of life and depicting it, is everywhere regarded as a happy gift. Perhaps no author has possessed this gift in greater degree than Oliver Goldsmith, and surely no drama of modern times, in apt illustration of ludicrous situations, in the power to provoke expressions of mirth, can take the place of his comedy "She Stoops To Conquer." From the time of its first production on the stage, when it was unanimously granted by an enthusiastic audience chief place in comedy, up to the present time, " She Stoops To Conquer " has won commendation, both for its literary and its dramatic merit. As a play it is essentially a comedy. For tho' the situations are at times so ludicrous as almost to partake of the nature of a farce, yet the plan of the whole is connected, the conversations, while humorous, are not undignified, the incidents, tho' often ridiculous, are never grotesque ; and these considerations, to-gether with the real literary excellence displayed in skillful delineation of characters, in ready adaptation of words to thought, THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 83 unite in raising it above the level of mere farce to the plane of purest comedy. The plot of the play, while not entirely original with Gold-smith, is nevertheless handled by him in a new and attractive manner. He is not the first writer to conceive the idea of a lady's concealing her identity from a bashful lover, but the de-velopment of the story is marked by the author's peculiar mode of thought and expression. Some have even seen in the com-plication of events as portrayed a reference to some personal ex-perience, but be that as it may, the characteristic wit and humor, the individual style, are undoubtedly Goldsmith's own. Whether or not he himself ever committed the blunder of mistaking a private mansion for a public inn, we are not called upon to de-cide. But from what we learn of the man's disposition, such an error seems quite consistent—as is the plan of the play—with his per-sonal character. Eet us note the different actors as they pass before us on the stage. With the art of the true dramatist our author has given in the first scene the back-ground of his picture—in this case a chamber in an old-fashioned English country-house—and with a few brisk dashes of the pen sketched an outline of each character. In the very first conversation we catch the spirit of the situation. But a few words from the worthy dame of the house suffice to show us her shallow and rather vain, tho' withal good-natured disposition; her fondness for dress, only surpassed by a partiality toward her wayward son. Nor are we long in recognizing, from the stately manner, the testy temper of the Squire, a typical English gentleman of the old school, one who loves everything old, " old friends, old times, old manners, old books, old wine." A boisterous laugh, breaking iu on the domestic scene announces the spoiled boy " Tony," who throughout the play is destined to be the torment of his indulgent mother, the practical joker and scapegrace generally. The appearance of " Kate " in all the "pretty innocence" of her girlish finery, brings a breath of sweetness into the atmosphere of comedy. Her manner on re-ceiving the news of a lover's early arrival, while showing the dig-nity of her spirit, yet gives us a hint that she is not incapable of playing a dainty trick. In Miss Neville we have a portrait of the ordinary amiable girl of the period, whose love affair, being more conventional than Miss Hardcastle's, lacks the charm of novelty 84 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. attaching to that of the heroine. Leaving the mansion for an ale-house in scene second we catch another glimpse of "Tony's" disposition, and in the joke practised by him upon the two gentle-men who, he learns, are his father's expected guests, we find the clew to all the subsequent "mistakes of a night." Of the characters of the two lovers, thus tricked, enough is gleaned in the short conversation to excite a keen interest as to the outcome of the adventure. The play glides on with an easy, rapid movement, introducing scene after scene full of exquisite humor, ludicrous incident, and startling situations, yet all connected by the smoothness of a con-sistent whole. In the scene at the Three Pigeons one detects a spice of satire on the sentimental school of drama, in vogue at that time, a bit of pleasantry quite justified by the attitude of critics toward comedy. In the second act, the amusing sight of Mr. Handcastle training his awkward servants how to behave " when company comes " causes a ripple of merriment, but the quaint courtesy he employs in welcoming his guests recalls to our notice the dignity of the Squire, and makes it quite natural for him to be imperious enough on occasion, and very impatient, in the course of events. His indignation at the conduct of his visi-tors is not to be wondered at! Marlowe with his double nature of impudence and modesty is admirably drawn. What could be more delightfully ridiculous than his first meeting with the heroine ? His stammering diffidence, his embarrassed silence— but " Kate" with woman's keen insight, discovers the merit in him, and with woman's ready tact, evolves a scheme to bring it out. To match her lover's spirit she, too, assumes a double character, and well does she maintain it. Her sparkling wit, her lively spirit, her clever disguise, make the " conquest " a glorious one. Mr. Hastings with the policy of a would-be suitor flatters the the vanity of his lady's guardian with splendid effect. He also makes a friend of " Tony," who, glad to be rid of the " bitter bargain " of his Cousin Constance, is willing to serve Hastings to the last drop of his blood ! For all his mischief the boy is good-hearted, and his efforts of assistance tho' clumsy and bungling are well-meant. The theft of the jewels is eminently characteristic of "Tony." But the climax of the ludicrous certainly comes in the scene at the back THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 85 of the garden, when, after driving many miles in a circle, sup-posing herself lost and attacked by robbers, Mrs. Hardcastle falls at the feet of her husband, and begs him to " take compassion, good Mr. Highwayman"—within forty yards of her own door. The crisis past, as is usual in drama the closing scenes are given to making up differences and setting everything right, so that all ends " merry as a marriage bell," and we are left to sup-pose— as fairy-tales say—they " lived happy ever afterwards." In relation to its own time '' She Stoops To Conquer '' easily holds first place among dramas of the eighteenth century. For at the time of its presentation, as we are informed in the Prologue, the Comic Muse was on the point of breathing her last, having been almost smothered by the atmosphere of sickly sentimental-ity and affectation then prevailing. But the fresh, healthful air of Goldsmith's delightful humor seems to have revived her. Hence it is but true poetic justice that the " sweet maid " should award first honor to her rescuer. As regards our time, or indeed every time, little need be said of the function of comedy. All the world enjoys a laugh, and as long as this '' touch of nature '' remains to humanity the pure fun in Goldsmith's play will be appreciated. There is a permanent place—not only on the shelves of the world's library, but also in the hearts of earth's people, for " She Stoops To Conquer." " Sharan." —ANNA R. WBI,TY. Edition Consulted—Harold Littledale-s, with Introduction and Notes. The voice of one who goes before, to make The paths of June more beautiful, is thine, Sweet May! -Helen Hunt. Now the bright morning star, day's harbinger, Comes dancing from the east, and leads with her The flowery May, who, from her green lap, throws The yellow cowslip, and the pale primrose. Hail bounteous May, that dost inspire Mirth and youth, and warm desire! —Milton. ■ 86 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. A LESSON FROM AN INSCRIPTION. EARL,Y in June of their Junior year in Pennsylvania College, Will Gray and Harry Brane, as was their custom, left their boarding house immediately after supper for a stroll on the Battlefield. A shower, during the afternoon, had cooled the air, though it did not make walking unpleasant on the avenues. They walked leisurely past the National Cemetery, seemingly unconscious of their surroundings,—they had become accustomed to historic en-vironment,— and soon found themselves on Culp's Hill; where, partially hidden from the slanting rays of the sun by the foliage of the trees, they sat down for a little rest. They were somewhat warm by study, and especially by an ex-amination during the afternoon ; but as they sat here, thoughts of the examination were driven from their minds by the panorama that presented itself to their gaze. Eagerly they looked at the surrounding scenes: before them was that magnificent equestrian statue of Gen. Hancock and the group of monuments that sur-round it, all marking the spot where contending forces struggled. Farther in the distance they could but dimly distinguish the shafts on the field of the first day's fight; through the gathering haze of evening they could yet see the observatory on Big Round Top, and while looking in that direction they saw the emblem that waved in triumph there during the battle lowered over Meade's Headquarters. Feeling the need of more exercise and being somewhat rested, Will suggested that they go to Spangler's spring. Harry con-sented and soon they were descending the eastern slope of the ridge, shut off from the rays of the waning sun but enjoying the cool, invigorating breeze. As they proceeded Harry broke the silence. '' Will," said he, "the inscription on yonder stone fills me with sadness whenever I look at it, or even think of it; it seems too bad that the state of Maryland should have to make the distinction." They stopped and looked at the stone; its peculiar shape had attracted their attention before, but on no previous occasion had the inscription struck Will so forcibly, if, indeed, he had ever thought of it at all. Now he read aloud, '' Maryland's Tribute To Her Loyal Sons." THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 87 I Having passed a few comments on the great evil of holding human souls in subjugation, and on the great misfortune that it was started in this "Land of the Free," they walked leisurely on, little dreaming that at the end of their journey their attention should be called to the same inscription on another monument. As they proceeded they commented on the artistic design, the classic figure, the coat of arms, the corps badge, or whatever was particularly attractive about the several monuments along the avenue. Soon they arrived at the spring where they beheld a man sit-ting at the trunk of a large tree near by. As they advanced, the gentleman raised his head from a posture of meditation and said, "Good evening, young gentlemen." The boys returned the sal-utation, observing at the same time that his eyes were full of tears. He presented the general appearance of sadness. Will, extending a glass of water, addressed him, "Do you care for any?" "Thank you," said he, as he rose to his feet and took the glass in his large but pale hand. He was tall and well proportioned, though his face was some-what wrinkled and his hair and beard were gray with advancing years. The thirst of all having been satisfied, the stranger asked, "Are you students at Gettysburg?" Simultaneonsly they replied, "We are." "I assumed as much," said the gentleman, "for my long expe-rience and association with young men has led me to think I can tell students when I see them." "Then you are a teacher, I infer," said Harry. "Yes, I have taught in a North Carolina College since'68;" he replied, and continued, "I find delight in dealing with young men, I enjoy seeing the mental unfolding and the development of man-hood and character, but I shudder when I think of the possible course of each—excuse me, joung gentlemen, I do not wish to— I forget myself sometimes." Here the gentleman was filled with emotion by some thought that we were curious to know because of its effect upon him. While he thus struggled with some inward force there was a profound silence. The shades of night had already begun to settle, and through the leaf-latticed windows of the sheltering foliage we 88 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. could see scattered stars. The pale moon was also visible, for the sky had cleared and was without a cloud. The song of the whip-poorwill, mingled with the chirp of crickets and the croaking of frogs made it all the more dismal. As the boys looked upon the struggling man, many thoughts came to their minds, and finally Harry said, "My dear sir, you need not hesitate to point out to us anything that you, with your broad experience, have found detrimental." "Your observation may save us much trouble," added Will. "My story, boys, is the burden of my own heart; and this is, in many respects, the most impressive spot in the world to me. On yonder monument is an inscription that tells the sad story. '' My father owned a few slaves in southern Maryland at the break-ing out of the Civil War, and naturally, he favored the South. My mother, a Northern lady by birth, was opposed to slavery and had long plead with father to free those he then owned. This he would not do. She constantly prayed that her sons would not take up arms against their Nation's flag and fight for a 'curse' to humanity. Her only children, Charles and myself, had frequently during family worship, heard her offer this petition: in fact, we had promised that we would not do so. ' 'To avoid being pressed into the service both of us left home to visit mother's parents in Massachusetts. Before leaving, while on our knees, our mother asked God to give us strength to carry out our purpose. Both of us had graduated at Harvard, my brother in the class of '58 and I in in the class of '59. Charles responded to the President's call for troops and, by request, was assigned to a Maryland regiment. A few days after he left, I received a letter from a former associate of mine stating that I could have a Captain's commission in the Confederate army if I would ac-cept it. At first I spurned the idea, but I could not drive it from my mind. Later, I begati to consider that during the disturbance I could not engage in business, that father's property might be con-fiscated or destroyed, and I would be penniless in the world. These thoughts I could stifle, but when I would picture to myself the officer drawing big pay, and above all wearing epaulets, and holding a commission, I could not resist. I went south and joined the Confederate army ! O, why did I do it! I had gone through the great University and withstood all THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 89 temptations : I had abstained from the use of liquor in all forms ; I had done all my work honestly; in short, I had led a practically pure life throughout my college course, and now could not con-quer my desire for vain glory and aggrandizement! I had forgot-ten my mother's prayers and my promise to her. I was deaf, dumb ! I loved the 'Stars and Bars,' because under that emblem I received my honor. O delusive phantom !'' Here he sobbed as a child. Presently he continued,' 'The war progressed; my brother and I both fought here ; I as a captain un-der an unjust flag, a rebellious emblem; he as a private, under the Stars and Stripes of Liberty. He fell here on that fatal day of July '63; I retreated with the army to Virginia, not knowing that, had I listened during the night I might have heard him in his death agony ! He died a hero and a patriot; I lived a rebel. Yonder inscription, 'Maryland's Tribute To Her Loyal Sons,' in-cludes him, but oh! it condemns me ! Mother died during the war and father, a Confederate Colonel, was killed at Antietam. I alone remain, and I often wish I too had fallen on the field of bat-tle in the height of that vain glory and enshrouded in that uniform —wearing those gilded epaulets, that allured me from the path of duty and right. Young men, I came to a realization of my mis-take too late, but I endeavor by my experience to lead others to see the folly of worldly praise." During the recital of these events, their companion spoke with an impressive earnestness. At the conclusion they walked to town together. He gave them his card in exchange, and they left him at his hotel. Deep and lasting was the impression made by this sad story on the students ; so deep and permanent was it that after fifteen years, they refer to it as if it were lately heard. The impression made entered into and influenced the lives of the boys, and the good results are now visible in their ministry. The new-born May, As cradled yet in April's lap she lay. Born in yon blaze of orient sky, Sweet May ! thy radiant form unfold, Unclose thy blue voluptuous eye, And wave thy shadowy locks of gold. ■—Erasmus Darwin. go THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. AMERICA IN THE 20TH CENTURY. THE history of the world is the sum of the histories of nations. Some have come into being, and like the mist of an early summer's morning, have passed into utter obli-vion ; others into comparative insignificance, yet each working out its own destiny. The story is one; the nations are but chap-ters. The story of the world is the story of a progress which had its beginnings, its marvelous advancement, but which has not yet attained its end. Each century is not only the heir of the past, but the past repeated in an ever enlarging horizon. The nineteenth century has gathered up into itself all that was of permanent value in the eras that have gone ; but is at the same time only the last expression of an impulse that has been strengthening from the beginning. At the dawn of the twentieth century we look out upon a new era in which not might but love shall be the dominant principle. The early stage of humanity made warfare and strife a neces-sary characteristic of the race. The survival of the fittest seemed to be the ruling spirit. But with the evolution of society the pre-texts of war have changed. The stream of history which had its origin on the coasts of the Mediteranean and is fast reaching the remotest parts of the earth, reveals human warfare in an entirely different light. It is the struggle of civilization against the modes of barbarity, each chapter describing its own influence upon society. May we not believe that the brightest chapter of the world's history is the history of America. Our political family is a pecu-liar one. Its citizens are representatives of almost every nation of the world. Men of different languages, manners and aptitudes are here thrown together, the result of which must be a new man. As the florist crosses and recrosses the various species of the lower order until there is developed a new plant of surpassing growth and beauty, so this silent yet continuous process of mixing is de-veloping in the American people a new race which promises to be the greatest factor of the 20th century civilization. I can not conceive that our government is only a fanciful creation of the mind, which like a bubble, floats gently and majestically on the placid bosom of the stream of history only at last to be seized by the swiftness of the tide and hurled against the rock of destruc- THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 91 tion. Rather is it the beginning of a realization of the Utopian dreams of the ancient philosophers. We are accustomed to censure the nations of Europe at whose hands our fathers were driven forth to the wilds of America, but we must not forget that such persecution was neces-sary to the ethical evolution of the race. Character can be formed only under freedom from political coercion. Such freedom was guaranteed by the constitution which united the American colo-nists into a great government '' of the people, by the people and for the people." The flower of character is love, which is only another name for altruism, the impulse which makes a man seek for his highest happiness in the welfare of another. And it is with a view to this altruistic spirit that we look for the future greatness and integrity of our land. Do you ask what we have done to merit such high claim. Is it nothing, then, that from the beginning of our existence as a government we have afforded a refuge for the oppressed and wretched of all lands ? Is it nothing that we have sent of our substance to the starving and distressed of far off India, China, and Africa? Is the justice and humanity which we have ex-hibited in our warfares only the passing dreams of a sleeping na-tion ? What was it that caused us to permit those who in our late Civil War wantonly caused the death of so many thousands of their fellowmeu to live in safe obscurity beneath the shelter of a government they sought to overthrow? For shame to those, who in our late war with Spain, could use the revengeful battlecry, " Remember the Maine." This was not the spirit of the nation. I,ove! Eove! was its motto. The great powers of Europe boast of their twentieth century civilization, yet before their very thresholds they permit the per-petrations of atrocities that can be compared to those of the Mid-dle Ages only. Humanity and justice are sacrificed for selfish interests. Not so with America ! The cry of the oppressed for liberty rings across the sea, and like a flash the answer flies back, "In the name of Humanity receive thou it." In the name of Humanity we have taught the world that here the progress of civilization has reached that stage of development where it can no longer permit the rude barbarism of the past ages, but will hurl itself before the iron tread of the oppressors, and having smit-tem them to the earth will yet look upon them with compassion, 92 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. and in the face of a glorious victory utter the tender admonition : " Boys, don't cheer, the poor fellows are dying." What though the arts have reared few monuments among us, and scarce the trace of the muse's footstep is found in the path of our forest, or along the banks of our rivers, yet our soil has been consecrated by the blood of heroes, and by great and holy deeds of peace. This the Goddess of Liberty is proclaiming to the very isles of the seas. A government standing on such principles can rightly claim the favor of the God of nations ! There are those who look with apprehension upon the newly proposed policy of the United States. They point us to Greece, whose very hills resounded under the eloquence of a Demos-thenes, to Rome who held the nations of the world spell-bound un-der her material powers. Yet, say they, to-day there is no Greece ; there is no Rome. It is not alone art and philosophy, nor politics and jurisprudence that form the safeguard of a nation. These are only the pharaphenalia of Government. Its true splendor is em-bodied in its ethical character, the ideals which it seeks to realize. It is this which has placed America on its proud eminence. It is this which at the end of the nineteenth century, we offer as our tribute to the new era upon which we are about to enter. Because America is the incarnation of this altruistic impulse, her integrity and stability are assured, and in the coming century she will direct the world's progress toward that far off period to which the human mind looks for the fulfillment of its vision of a perfect social state. —T. J. R., '99. WAGES OF MASSACHUSETTS AND PENNSYLVANIA. IT is surprising to note how that a state so heavily handicapped in the race for prosperity as Massachusetts is, may by good management and good political economy be placed in that en-viable position of being as is claimed, the state that pays its labor-ers the highest wages in the Union. Think of the various difficulties that she has to grapple with. She is compelled to bring all her raw materials, food and fuel vast distances, thus adding greatly to the cost of production, and hence necessarily subtracting from the wages; yet, notwithstand-ing these drawbacks, she stands at the head in the amount of wages paid to laborers. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 93 Of course we must take into consideration the fact that the laborers of Massachusetts are of a comparatively high state of in-tellectual capability, and are as Walker says, "so gifted with mechanical insight and aptitude as to acquire the rudiments of any art in an astonishingly short time," thus by their very con-stitution helping in the race for prosperity. In the case of Pennsylvania, we have a state directly opposite to Massachusetts in many respects. She is not compelled to haul her raw materials, food, fuel, any great distances, for her soil amply supplies the wants of the people. To gain an adequate idea of how the two states compare in the wages paid to laborers, it is pertinent to give some data for the average individual wages of various occupations. The average number of laborers em-ployed in the particular industry and the average amount of wages paid per man per annum are given: ♦INDUSTRIES. Agricultural implements Baskets, rattan and willow ware Blacksmithiug and wheelwrighting Book-binding Man. boots and shoes Boxes, fancy and paper Bread and other bakery products Brick and tile Carpentering* Cotton goods, + Cutlery Foundry, machine and chop products- Hosiery and knit goods Iron and steel Masonry Painting and paper hanging Plumbing and gas-fitting Printing of newspapers Silk and silk goods Tobacco, cigars and Cigarettes S S 2 a d p.- a a & w 787 932 3,257 1,829 69,934 2,710 4,479 3,261 17,092 76,213 1,784 25,027 4,675 1,604 10,384 6,145 4,532 5,996 3,216 2,835 1,895 172 4,773 1,962 7,952 2,503 6,915 1,361 12,727 12,960 1,047 40,635 15,941 86,437 13,854 6,558 4,205 10,658 9,522 18,969 t»a o $570.17 $474.16 $96.01 387.07 422.56 641.29 507.76 133.53 445.67 440.65 5.02 499.75 421.20 78.55 354.94 279.60 76.34 553.96 495.06 58.90 334.39 342.67 707.29 683 51 23.78 344.16 369.29 509 53 484.61 24.92 619.04 592.29 26.75 319.84 296.89 22.95 491.31 563.13 701.75 665.85 35.94 667.33 660.06 7.27 665.73 642.22 23.51 691.19 616.21 74.98 403.10 313.09 90.01 517.63 341.19 176.44 0 K'n 135.49 8.28 25.13 71.82 * Statistics from 11th commercial census. X The difference may be accounted for by the fact that Massachusetts employs six women to one man. The Massachusetts data are obtained from the average reports of 26,923 industries, those of Pennsylvania from the averaged re-ports of 39,339 industries. In Massachusetts the average number of people employed is 485,182 receiving $239,670,509 in wages;in Pennsylvania the average number employed is 620,562 receiving $305,590,003 as wages. The average amount of wages paid a Massachusetts laborer is $494 per annum; average amount paid a Pennsylvania laborer is $492.44 per annum. 94 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. I say we wonder how it is that Massachusetts, destitute of agreeable climate, of navigable rivers and lakes, of iron and copper, silver and gold, cotton, wool and other raw materials, of coal, oil, wood and other fuels, wheat and corn, cattle, rice, sugar, fruit and other foods,—is able to pay more to her laborers than is Pennsylvania, which is admirably situated, plentifully supplied with the necessaries of life, with fuel and metals. How is it that Massachusetts being compelled to transport com-paratively all of her raw material can pay these wages ? Let us take a look at the people, at their qualities, and I think we can read our answer there. The people are intelligent, therefore are able to work to their best interests; are, because of their intelligence, capable after a short apprenticeship able to manipulate the most intricate machin-ery ; they are not strongly attached to any given community, but are ready to move about if their best interests call for it; are alert, aggressive, inquisitive, all of which qualities are essential to a la-borer in order that he may get what is properly his. The people of Massachusetts coming the nearer to having these qualities from the theoretical standpoint, obtain the larger wages, as must inevita-bly follow. Seeing now that the Massachusetts laborer obtains the more wages, it is pertinent for us to inquire whether the wage earner of Massachusetts has so much more left over from his earnings after his expenses have been paid than has the laborer of Pennsyl-vania. As has already been mentioned Massachusetts has prac-tically no raw materials, no fuel and no food. She is compelled to bring her raw materials, food and fuel vast distances, and it is undoubtedly true that this necessity of her's to transport her supplies, increases the prices of the things greatly. On the other hand Pennsylvania produces, within her own boundaries, all the raw materials that she needs, hence the retail price of goods is less than in Massachusetts. It is an acknowledged fact that the cost of living is higher in Massachusetts than in Pennsylvania. And since the average wages of the two states differ but by $1.56 in favor of Massachu-setts, we are justified in concluding without further demonstration, that the difference in the wages is not as great as supposed, and that the balance is in favor of Pennsylvania. —H. C. R. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 95 MORAL GROWTH IN COLLEGE. TO those who have had the privilege of spending four years at college the affirmation of "moral growth in college" may-seem somewhat inconsistent with what they experienced. In regard to the individual, as a rule, the opposite is noticeable. We have seen young men, who came from Christian homes and were known to have been active in Christian work before entering college, from the beginning of their course, begin to decline mor-ally and ere long behaving in a manner unbecoming to any pro-fessed follower of the Master. The reason why it is so easy for students to become careless during their college course is obvious. Students in general live in a little world of their own. Many of them are completely iso-lated from society and all are free from the responsibilities of ac-tive life. Those with whom they come in contact, are young, hopeful, and vivacious. The jests and laughter of merry com-panions oftentimes cause them to forget the wise counsel of loving parents and drowns the sound of the still small voice." Other things being equal, our college days ought to be happy days in our life's history. We know, however, that many by forming a wrong conception of what their college days are for and by not heeding the obligations and responsibilities that are in-volved upon them as students, have turned the joy into sorrow, the blessing into a curse, and blighted the hopes of those who loved them best. The failures, that are made in college, are generally due to bad influences that are brought to bear upon students on entering col-lege. Some are very susceptible to the evils that are usually lurking around college and they become contaminated imme-diately. It is very seldom, if ever, that a student, who entered college without conditions, is dismissed for not being able to keep up with his class. If a student has been sick, he is treated very leniently by the professors, and when it is hard for a student to grasp his studies, if his instructors know that he is an honest, hard-working student, he is generally marked so that he can get along with the class; when a student has been expelled, it is quite likely that he has been careless and mischievous and al-though, at times, it may seem hard to do it, still in the end it may be best, for all concerned, that such severe measures are 96 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. taken. There is an evil idea that is prevalent in college: the notion that one is not held accountable for what he does morally. Students have been guilty of doing things, that outside of college, would have branded them as criminals. When we consider the matter thoughtfully we can readily see how misleading that feel-ing is. The fact, that what we do during that period is going to influence our future usefulness, ought to weigh heavily with us ; besides we owe it to our friends, to society, and to God, to make the most out of our opportunities and to remember that it is not only a preparation for life but that it is an important part of our lives. Among the different agencies, in college, that are intended to develop the moral side of the student, that of the Young Men's Christian Association is without doubt the one most potent in either preventing him from neglecting his Christian duties, or if he is not a Christian in leading him to accept his Master. The organization stands for all that is noblest and best in elevating the lives of the students to a higher plane of Christian manhood, and judging by the marked success with which it is meeting, it is deserving of the encouragement and prayers of all interested in higher education. For the benefit of the alumni and others who may be inter-ested but unacquainted with the work of the Y. M. C. A. in our own college, we can truthfully say that it is flourishing at pres-ent and the spiritual condition of the institution is considered to be at a high standard. The society has enthusiastic officers and leaders in the different departments of the work, who, we feel sure, will carry on the work very efficiently during the coming year. The improvement, in the moral condition of the college dur-ing the last few years, is recognized by all the older students of the institution, who are interested along the line we have been indicating. There are more students in college to-day with the idea, that to have a good time during their college days does not consist in disobeying divine and college laws, which would be likely to bring them into trouble and disgrace, but that there are innocent enjoyments to participate in, the validity of which is not questionable. Since we have been engaged in writing this article, it has given us pleasure to see the enthusiasm of those taking part in the THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 97 different college sports and manifesting what we consider to be true college spirit. The track team men are practicing hard and a good showing for the team can be expected. The baseball team is doing fairly well this spring and gives promise to be an honor to the college. The musical talent of the college has been gath-ering in front of the dormitory during the beautiful spring even-ings and the campus has rung with songs and merry laughter. If you were to have the pleasure of witnessing these scenes, it is not likely that you would have your ears insulted by bad language. We do not wish to create a false impression and have you think that profanity is obsolete around the college, for it is not; but we do not mean to intimate that it is not encouraged but rather is looked upon as detracting from the popularity of those who are guilty of it. We believe that all who are interested in the col-lege will agree with us that its moral condition is very essential, and our desire is that it may have its proper place in college in-terest. Alumni when inquiring about the college affairs ought to remember it, for perhaps the fulfillment of many of your hopes that are centered here is conditioned on the moral influence of the institution. Shall we not encourage and pray for all the agencies that are helpful in promoting it ? c*p The daisies peep from ev'ry field, And vi'lets sweet their odor yield'; The purple blossom paints the thorn, And streams reflect the blush of morn. —Peter Pindar. Among' the changing- months, May stands confessed The sweetest, and in fairest colors dressed. —Thomson. 98 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. A BICYCLE EPISODE. ALBERT LATIMER was a young man from a small town of Pennsylvania, who came to college when seventeen years old. Albert's father though not wealthy, was able to send his son to college with a modest allowance for pleasure and comfort. But when Albert left home his father said among other parental advices, " Now Albert be careful of your money, don't spend it foolishly." And I think his words were heeded. Young Latimer was a youth of ordinary ability, he had very good chances of making a scholar of himself, for he was ambi-tious. He had a strong, healthy body, a little above the average build and weight, and, as he grew older, he thought he would de-velop and perhaps become guard or tackle on the "Varsity" eleven. He had other ambitious, however, besides football. He was a plodder and hoped to become a professor upon receiving his degree. His intention was to make the most of his time and this he did. About a week after entering college, when he was comfort-ably settled in his college quarters, he began taking little trips over the battle-field, after his studies for the day were done, visiting some special point of interest each evening. He was delighted with the wheeling the excellent avenues afforded. Ever since he began the study of History in the public schools Abert always had admired "The Battle of Gettysburg" and that was one of the topics he always had "learned by heart." He had heard and read about Devil's Den, Little Round Top, the Peach Orchard, Valley of Death, the High Water Mark, Bloody Angle, and Culp's Hill. Now since he attended a college situated on this great field, he had an excellent opportunity of seeing and learning all about these places, and in less than a week he might have conducted a party of tourists over the field, lecturing as fluently and eloquently as any of the famous battle-field guides. One evening in September he took his wheel and started for Culp's Hill. It was at this place that some of the most bloody fighting occurred. Culp's Hill lies South of the town, and from a distance you can see an observatory on the summit. Numerous monuments mark the positions of the different divi-sions of troops. The earthworks are still noticeable. On the top of the hill stands a small monument that is pointed out to every THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 99 visitor because it is the only confederate monument on the field. Spangler's spring is at the base of the hill on the opposite side from which you approach. It was at this spring and over this hill that I ©utfite Complete Catalogue Spring and Summer Sports Free. The Name the Guar-antee." a. ©. Spalftlng 8. JBros. New York .\ Philadelphia •.• Chicago ROWE, .Your Grocer. Carries Full Line of Groceries, Canned Goods, Etc, Best Coal Oil and Brooms at most Reasonable Prices. OPPOSITE COLLEGE CAMPUS. S. J. CODORI, Jr. *M Druggist** Dealer in Drugs, Medicines, Toilet Articles, ^ Stationery, Blank Books, Amateur Pho-tographic Supplies, Etc., Etc. .Baltimore Street. R. H. Gulp, PAPER HANGER, Second Square, York St. COLLEGE EMBLEMS. EMIL ZOTHE, ENGRAVER, DESIGNER AND MANUFACTURING JEWELER. 19 S. NINTH ST., PHILADELPHIA, PA. SPECIALTIES: Masonic Marks, Society Badges, College Buttons, Pins, Scarf Pins, Stick Pins and Athletic Prizes. All Goods ordered through . H.Tilp. Gotrell Leonard! 472-474 Broadway, Albany, N. Y. makers of CAPS, GOWNS and. HOODS To the leading American Colleges. Illus-trated Manual, etc., upon application. Meneely Bell Co. TROY, N. Y. MANUFACTURERS OF SUPERIOR BELLS The 2000 pound bell now ringing in the tower of Pennsylvania Col-lege was manufactured at this foundry. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. You can't expect to create the im-pression that yon are well dressed unless your clothes are MADE FOR YOU. Equivocate as you may, the fact remains that ready-made garments lack that air of exclusiveness which custom work possesses. J. D. LIPPY, Merchant Tailor 39 Chambersburg- St., Gettysburg-, Pa. G. E. SPANGLER, j» Dealer in Pianos, Organs, Music, Musical Instruments, Strings, Etc. YORK STREET, 1ST SQUARE. GETTYSBURG. L. D. Miller, Grocer, Confectioner and Fruiterer. Ice Cream and Oysters in Season . . . \9 Zrtairt St., Gettysburg. City Hotel, Main St. Gettysburg. J* Free 'Bus to and from all Trains Thirty seconds' walk from either depot Dinner with drive over field with four or more, $1.35 Rates $1.50 to $2.00 per day. John E. Hughes, Prop. WILL INSUREYQUR^ FAMILY ONEYEAR/ i pA6AINSTlLLNE55.1 PHYSiciANs"& PLUMBERS' BILLS.DUETO IMPURE AIR , iFROMCLOGGEDDRAINS., L To/ifrAiPf/i RLBANY.NYJ flew York. Bos/on. Sanfranc/sco. London. PamJerM Co/o^/je. CALL ON F. Mark Bream, The Carlisle Street Grocer Who always has on hand a full line of Fine Groceries. JfXLd^ .Photographer. No. 3 Main St., GETTYSBURG, PENNA. Our new effects in Portraiture are equal to photos made anywhere, and at any price.

THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY The Literary Journal of Pennsylvania College Entered at the Postofice at Gettysburg as second-class matter VOL. X GETTYSBURG, PA., OCTOBER, 1901 No. 5 TABLE OF CONTENTS Nature's Chain, . 137 The Survival of the Fittest, . . . .138 Man Was Not Made to Mourn, . . . 143 Some Important Deductions from a Comparative Study of My-thologies, . . . . . . 147 The Thunder Storm, . 1SS Editorial, . . 157 Resolutions of Respect, . . . . 158 Oration: The Character of Our Early American Forefathers, . 159 James Russell Eowell, . 165 Exchanges, . . . . . 170 NATURE'S CHAIN [From the "Essay on Man"] Look 'round our world; behold the chain of love Combining- all below and all above, See plastic nature working- to this end, The single atoms each to other tend, Attract, attracted to, the next in place, Formed and impelled its neighbor to embrace. See matter next, with various life endued, Press to one center still, the general good. See dying vegetables life sustain, See life dissolving, vegetate again; All forms that perish other forms supply (By turns we catch the vital breath, and die); Eike bubbles on the sea of matter borne, They rise, they break, and to that sea return. Nothing is foreign; parts relate to whole; One all-extending, all-preserving Soul Connects each being, greatest with the least; Made beast in aid of man, and man of beast; All served, all serving; nothing stands alone ; The chain holds on, and where it ends, unknown. —POPE. ^•jataut HHOMIHIHHBBHHHmBIBH 138 77/^ GETTYSBURG MERCURY THE SURVIVAL OF TME FITTEST D. C. BURNITE, '01 [dies Prize Essay—First Prize] "Ivives of great men all remind us We can make our lives sublime." —Longfellow. TV/fANKIND is like the face of a mountainous country. As we -*■'*■ view the human landscape, here and there, like peaks which rise above the plain and rear their snow-crowned heads among the clouds, appear, in bold contrast to the ordinary level of their fel-lows, the mighty men whose lives are the pages of history. And as we contemplate these epoch makers, there wells up in us, and quite naturally, too, a strong spirit of emulation. We admire them and would be like them. Of course, not every one of us can be a Napoleon, or a Wash-ington, or a Franklin, or a Grant; but each has abundant chances of becoming a less conspicuous, but yet quite prominent, feature in the plane of humanity. And it is the existence of such chances that prompts the youth of today to ask himself and others how best to pursue success. Geologists tell us that peaks owe their existence to their dur-able qualities. The surrounding material, by the action of aqueous erosion, has been carried away, leaving these tall projections which have been able to resist for ages the frictional action of water. Upon this same principle rests the success of the "makers of his-tory." Certain things in their make-up have enabled them to stand firm against the attrition of such circumstances as have swept their less sturdy fellows into the "realm of innocuous des-uetude." Their success is the result of the operation of the prin-ciple of the survival of the fittest. Ever since the world began, the principles and causes which have resulted in such changes as have been mentioned have al-ways been the same, and are the same, as those in operation to-day. And this is true of human affairs; so that the young man must realize that the same principles and causes which determined the success of great men, still operate. Ere he can resist the downward pressure of the busy, indifferent world about him, and, as Greely says, "bulge out over the top, where he is sure to be seen," it is necessary that he follows the same plan to secure suc-cess as that which has enabled others before him to become emi- THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 139 nent. Just as they have survived innumerable discouragements and scaled the heights of fame because they have made themselves the fittest, so must the youth, in order to reach a high place, develop in himself those things which will render him, too, fit to combat opposing forces. And what are the elements of that fitness which has led to the success of men? Rvery person expects to be or do something, some day; that is, all have purposes. Yet most of these are more or less vague. But what we who would get on in the world must have, are defi-nite purposes. A race without a fixed goal is nothing. Without a definite end to strive for, life is a mere "struggle for existence," and existence is all we get. But life is more than this. The fu-ture holds out many prizes to each of us, to be won only by those who decide definitely for what prize they shall strive. The trav-eller must know, if not to what distance he desires to go, at least what is the bearing of the course he wants to pursue, or he may travel in a circle. If we want to move from our present positions, we must have purposes which, though they are not necessarily limited in extent, yet in direction must be definite. Napoleon, at the very outstart of his brilliant career, aimed at the rulership of the French nation. Lincoln had a definite intention, formed early in life, to do good to others. And how signally he suc-ceeded when he liberated those millions of sufferers! And to rise as these men did, we too must adopt this important element of their fitness,—a definiteness of purpose. Besides the fact that great men have had definite intentions, we observe that they all show elements of fitness in the characters they possessed. All the truly great—and we mean by truly great, not a Nero or Lord Byron, but those whom the good admire,— have been men of high morality. And the more elevated their moral traits, the more we admire them. High moral qualities are a part of the equipment which has bsought them, and will bring us, success. As a possessor of such characteristics, "Old Abe" stands pre-eminent,— a veritable personification of honesty; an honesty which did not allow him to support the unjust, though legal, side of a question; an honesty which made him lose in purse, but gain in esteem, till as a result of this quality he attained a world-wide re-spect, which will last as long as man and memory exist. Lincoln's is real fame, and the young man can do nothing better than adopt 140 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY \ I in his character the prime element which brought renown to "Honest Old Abe." True courtesy is a moral quality, based upon thoughtfulness and consideration for others. Men must be gentlemen, if they want to make progress. Great men are not always polished models ot etiquette, but courtesy has always been a mark of their fitness to occupy the positions at which they have aimed. ' 'Jeffersonian simplicity" did not hinder the third President from reaching the place to which he was helped by Jeffersonian courtesy. Eet us avoid error, and imitate in ourselves this essential quality of fit-ness to advance. Impure and intemperate habits invariably destroy all chances of complete success. Neither Burns nor Poe have secured all the glory which steadier lives would have brought. Irregular habits undermine and weaken all the qualities of body, mind, and spirit, and under their influence complete triumph is impossible. Better adopt the kind of habits which rendered long and useful the lives of Greely, Bismarck, and Gladstone. Their temperate lives are models from which men may safely mould their conduct and there-by place themselves among the fittest to survive. Morality is admirable, but when heightened by the influence of Christian principles, it becomes sublime. Men like Luther and Washington, who have worked under the rule of Christianity, stand at the very summit of human esteem. Elijah Morse once said: "Young man, a good character; yes, and a clean, religious life, are the foundation stones for success." But the moral and religious traits we have spoken of are not all that bring success. It is true that they are the "foundation stones," but upon these there has always been built a structure of other materials, which have made their possessors able to sur-vive opposing forces. The extremely pious are not always re-membered, but those whomwe admire most and shall never for-get have linked their piety, as we should do, with other things essential to render them fittest to endure. L,et us speak also of these. Josh Billings says- "Energy is what wins. Many men fail to reach the mark because the powder in them is not proportional to the bullet." Men must have "vim," or they fail to remove what to them seem insurmountable obstacles. The Alps were no barrier to the vigor of Bonaparte. Neither must the young man THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 141 of to-day lack this same sort of energy. It will enable him to sur-vive in the conflict with whatever comes between him and victory. The life of the man who would "fight it out on this line, if it takes all summer," testifies that the aspirant must try to imitate that in Grant which, in vulgar parlance, we call' 'sticktoitiveness.'' He must have a spirit of assiduity. Pluck cannot get along with-out Plod. Those who have become eminent have done so because they have hung to their purpose till triumph has crowned their persistence. Sir Isaac Newton, although met by what would seem to most men an impassable barrier, worked on for thirteen years before he was able to give the world the correct theory of gravity. The pursuit of success is up-hill work and a halt on the slope is fatal. Not one of the world's great men would have been able to survive the friction of ever-appearing hindrances, without this quality of persistency. Neither can any others who lack it hope to appear among the fittest. "Eternal vigilance is the price of success." It was on this principle that Mark Twain worked while becoming famous as a Mississippi River pilot, and later, while rising to his present lit-erary status. He himself testifies to the importance of this trait, when he gives this advice: "I say, young man, put all your eggs in one basket, and then watch that basket \" We must "Stop, look and listen !" for the multifarious dangers we are liable to en-counter. It was the "Father of the New York Tribune" who turned failure into success by following the principle he himself puts forth in these words: "Do the very best you can where you are!" Concentration and thoroughness have marked the lives of those we desire to emulate. We have all made a practice of doing one thing at a time, and doing that well. It was John Wanamaker who once wheeled the delivery barrow of a dry-goods firm through the streets of Philadelphia; and he did it well, too. Concentrated effort in one direction led him finally to make for us an excellent Post-Master-General. And we also can follow his plan and rise. Close attention to little things enabled Watt to notice and use the principle he saw in the movement of his mother's tea-kettle as the means whereby his steam-engine could be impelled. It is of little things the big are made. Nothing we see or experience is too small to receive attention. Andrew Carnegie knows all the details of his immense business,—none too small to be important \ i ■ I i 142 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY to him. Nor must the youth who would succeed act differently from those whose fitness to rise included attention to little things. The best recommendation for the importance of a good educa-tion comes from those who have never had this advantage. Lin-coln's life-long regret was that he had not had a college education, and it limited his powers in many directions. However, self-taught men like he was have managed to climb the steep and reach the level of greatness without it. But just as one member of the body becomes stronger when its mate is injured, so such men, in the absence of higher education, have developed a substitute in the shape of great common sense. This we must have, or our fit-ness to survive the impositions of more shrewd men is impaired All these principles, and many, many others under which great men have worked, we must adopt if we want to aim at true great-ness. However, all cannot reach the topmost places. But an honest attempt to make the conditions in our lives conform to those manifested in the lives of successful men, will, at least, en-able us to rise far above mediocrity. Just as mountain peaks are formed of material most suitable to stand the wear and tear of ages, so must we young men be made of such stuff as will help us to throw off, without injury, those things which would keep us down, and rise till we attract the no-tice and elicit the worthy commendation of our fellows. Yet, let us not forget that the principle of the survival of the fittest extends farther than we have mentioned. For, away back, twenty centuries ago, there appeared a Great Man, a Model such as we find nowhere among the thousands of earthly great. He is the fittest and His survival is everlasting. Would we survive all the ills of this life, would we be classed among the truly fit, would we attain to higher praise than men can give,—heavenly praise ? Ifso, let us emulate him, the Model of all models, the Ideal! Then can we be like Him and join Him in the eternal survival of the fittest. "How void of reason are our hopes and fears 1 What in the conduct of our life appears So well designed, so luckily begun, But when we have our wish, we wish undone." DRYDHN. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 143 MAN WAS NOT MADE TO MOURN J. B. BAKER, '01 [Gies Prize Essay—Second Prize] OOBERT BURNS is the author of a varied and numerous array A * of beautiful poems. As a song writer he is the world's greatest. As rusticity's artist he ranks well with Shakespeare. His heart was great and his genius commensurate, winging its way to loftiest heights and recognizing the meanest things. He has been called the most directly inspired of all the poets. While the fame of other immortals rests upon the matured product of a life study, his finds its basis in the product of an hour. He goes out into the couutr)', disturbs a field mouse and ad-dresses it on the spot in quaint poetic style. A limping hare, a bank of flowers, a winding brook, a chilly blast, a neighbor's weal, a neighbor's woe, all appealed to his sensitive nature and won immediate response in verse. Such an one, however great he be, is in danger. Second thoughts, even in a Shakespeare, are preferable and it is neither a reflection upon the author nor a mark of conceit upon anyone to deferentially differ from him in a passing thought or hastily written verse. Burns said, "Man was made to Mourn.'.' The poem is sub-lime in its pathos but false, we believe, in sentiment. It shows the leaden sky but not the bow of promise. To study the end to which man was made we must ask time to turn backward in her flight for a moment or two and bring up the past. Oliver Wendell Holmes said we ought to begin a man's biog-raphy one hundred years before he is born. We would begin with generic man already when the idea of his creation was first formulated in the Divine Mind, for the idea of creation and the object of existence must have been coeval. They are concomitant notions and of a twin birth. What then was the mood of that pregnant mind at the event-ful date ? That question answered and our query is practically solved, for created things invariably bear the marks of their Creator. The readers of the world know the character and object of a literary production of a known author, before they open the book. They would not expect the sweet placid flow of an Irving from I I 144 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY the rough and rugged Cooper. Nor would they hope to hear the strains of Whittier coming from Virgil's lyre. Neither could have produced the works of the other. Their gems, in prose and song, were merely the externalization of their own minds and they could not have written otherwise because they could not have externalized that which had not already had an anterior internal existence. Precisely so, in our crude, fragmentary, symbolic fashion must we conceive of the Alpha of all reality. We are wooed to believe that everything in this central universe bears marks of kinship with Him, and particularly do we believe it to be true of man. We are like Him. Is He glad or is He sad? Does He mourn? That is the question upon the solution of which depends the pur-posed end of man's existence. To attempt an answer to a question like that, however, involv-ing as it does, eons of time and a Being unfathomable, might ap-pear a bit presumptuous, but a little reflection will prove the con-trary. We cannot escape it. The question abides with us through every period of our rational life. It presses upon us as atmos-pheric air upon our frames. It fills the human mind as star dust fills the sky. We must think of God, but without attributes that is impossible. What then are the qualities discoverable in his na-ture to give us an antecedent probability that man was made to mourn? Those qualities discoverable by us and those recognized by ages before us are wisdom, power and goodness and these in an unlimited degree. The gradual unfolding of orderly arrangement, hitherto unknown, reveals the wisdom. The spangled robe of night reveals the power. While the goodness, as for it, it shines from His very nature as light from the noon-day sun. How One possessed at once of Omniscience, Omnipotence and Infinite Benevolence could ever be sad and in mourning is beyond the grasp of human reason. Mourning implies regret at something that has happened and surely nothing could grieve Him who had the ability and fore-sight to avert the offending cause. Mourning is incompatible with the idea of Divinity as held by the majority of men to-day. But some are disposed to call these qualities into question. Not a few thinkers of eminent ability and indubitable integrity find themselves unable to predicate them of Him. I | El l SOME IMPORTANT DEDUCTIONS FROM A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF MYTHOLOGIES C M. A. STINE, '01 [Gies Prize Essay—Third Prize] THE meaning of the word mythology is, literally, a treatise of *■ myths, or a writing composed of a number of fables. The term is applicable to the writings descriptive of ancient systems of religious beliefs, their various deities, and the attributes and the relations of these deities. Just as the child peoples the world about it with fairies both good and evil in their intentions toward human beings, so in a somewhat similar manner, the early races personified the phenom-ena of nature and sought to render intelligible the workings of nature thrust upon them for explanation, and which were to them otherwise inexplicable. Out of these explanations arose the vast bodies of legends descriptive of the various deities, their origin, adventures, attributes and relations. These personifications of nature with their body of attendant prerogatives arose from two principal causes: the necessity of pro-viding a cause for an observed effect, and the necessity of supply-ing a want felt in every human soul. Every human soul feels the need of a deity upon which to rest its faith and to whom it may look for aid. Whether the production is evolved by the human soul without a divine revelation does not concern us at present. To arrive at some explanation of the nature of the world, and the operation of those natural laws otherwise unintelligible, as well as of his own genesis, man invented the host of gods and demi-gods. The higher attributes ascribed to the divinities—their more purely spiritual qualities, arose out of man's need. Man is con- 148 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY scious of those forces which we call good and evil. He realizes the constant antagonism between the two, and the ethical super-iority of the former. He feels that according to his sense of jus-tice good should be rewarded and evil punished; yet his experience teaches him that such is not always the case. Hence there arises a feeling of the need of some force which may be supernatural, and which will reconcile the apparent contradictions, and fill the hiatus which is felt to exist. Thus there is the necessity of a god and a future existence. The study of ancient mythology with a comparison of the dif-ferent systems, serves a number of purposes. We gain a knowl-edge of the varying degrees of complexity of the different systems of belief, the height of their spiritual conceptions, and their degree of knowledge of the true God—that is their relation to Monothe-ism, the resemblance of the different creeds in the attributes as-cribed to the different divinities, and the similarity in their names. First. We may judge of the character and location of the people—whether agricultural, pastoral, commercial, peaceful or warlike, inland or maritime; and as to the climatic conditions, and natural features of the territory occupied. Secondly. We may judge as to the degree of civilization at-tained. An enumeration of what is included in the term civil-ization may be in place. By civilization we mean the knowledge of the arts and sciences, mechanical and political; also the degree of purity of religious conception. Upon the true or erroneous ideas of God depends man's treatment of his fellow-man, his real-ization of the principles of universal brotherhood, and divine fatherhood, and all the altruistic impulses. There is certainly but little civilization where these latter are lacking, and upon the extent of the realization and adoption of these principles depends the greater or less degree of excellence to which a civilization may lay claim. Thirdly. A comparison of these systems affords a means whereby the knowledge of the common origin of various branches of the human family may be gained. In our consideration of ancient mythology, the chief form of belief to which we wish to devote our attention is that held by the Indo-Germanic family. The systems of mythology which we shall briefly study, are those of the Greeks, latins, Norse and THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 149 Old Germans, Hindoos and Egyptians, as affording the best illus-tration of the principles enumerated. The system of mythology held and constructed by the Greeks is the one of which the most complete knowledge is attainable, excepting perhaps that of the Latins. But the resemblance be-tween these two is close, and the Greek may be taken as typical. Upon these, therefore, we shall base our conclusions. A study of Greek mythology reveals the following as to the character of the people, their location, and the climatic conditions of the territory occupied. The Greeks were an imaginative people, judging from the vast collection of myths relating to their deities, their doings among men. Every tree, blade of grass, fountain, streamlet and river; every breeze that blew and every raging storm, had its own particular presiding spirit. Gods, demigods, nymphs, satyrs, dryads and hamadryads are multiplied without number. The stories of the gods based upon nature, are given a vast body of detail, and an amount of local coloring which displays the workings of a national imagination of great activity and scope. The race seems also to have been somewhat mercurial in tem-perament. All of the earlier races are susceptible to changes in the seasons, and to the alternations of day and night, but the Greeks were particularly so. The approach of spring was heralded with the most extravagant rejoicings and sacrifices to various gods, especially to Dionysos. From the character of the deities worshiped they must have been a people engaged in pastoral, agricultural and commercial pursuits. We arrive at this conclusion because the people wor-shiped deities who were presumed to have the care of shepherds and their flocks, of farmers and their harvests, and of sailors. Some of the gods are themselves shepherds. Apollo is so repre-sented, although his flock is made up of the clouds in the fields of ether. Demeter is the goddess of the harvests. Hermes is the guardian of the sailor. The Greeks were extremely careful to preserve the favor of their gods, and maintained their sanctity to the last of their na-tional existence. They are extremely afraid of offending their deities, and must have been an exceedingly pious people. But all their piety did little for their morals. In all their business trans-actions we have evidence that they were a lying and a tricky I ; 'f. 150 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY i people. Hermes, the god of liars, the protector of the knave, was greatly venerated. From what we have already said we would infer that the land of the Greeks was suitable for the pasturing of flocks and for the cultivation of the vine. Wewouldalso infer thatit was contiguous to the ocean. It must also have been alandsubject to the change of the seasons, for we have already seen that the festivals com-memorating the change of times and seasons, formed a part of his worship. That he made much of physical excellence is evident from the fact that he prayed often to a god whose chiefprerogativewasthe care of the athlete. Mythology and history are heartily agreed upon this point. He was evidently highly intellectual and capable of abstract thought; for he worshiped a goddess who was the personification of mind and intellectuality. Her attributes are those of mind and she is above the physical desires and passions that enslave. From this recounting of the physical enviroment and the in-tellectual attainment of the Greek we can readily determine the degree of civilization attained. We admit right here that myth-ology is not our only source of information, but we do maintain that we can determine the degree of civilization from the mythol-ogy of the people. Because the Greek engaged in commerce he came in contact with other nations, and thus acquired a knowledge of their arts and sciences. The Greek had his organized household, and was far in ad-vance of the wandering tribe; but not one of his deities is repre-sented as presiding over domestic life. The L,atins with their Lares and Penates, seem to come much nearer to the conception of our modern home. The number of muses presiding over the various forms of lit-erary composition, and the completeness of attributes, together with the veneration in which they were held, indicate literature to have been one of the chief pursuits of the people. The high degree of excellence attained in this respect confirms our position. The degree of his intellectuality is evinced in his conception of the goddess Athene. Then, too, if there had been no artists and sculptors there would have been no deities to inspire that class of men. The same may be said of government and the deities that preside over magistrates. ta THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 151 The worship of a deity supposed to aid in the right government of a state, and to have the oversight of the fulfillment of the ends of justice presupposes a well organized system of government. All this is indicative of the degree of civilization of a people. But all these things are the mere externalities, the polish of civilization rather than the vital principle. Civilization of the heart, that is purity of life and worship, are the fundamental prin-ciples of civilization, and these are attained or not attained accord-ing to the character of the conception of the one true God. It is uncertain in how far the Greek attained to the idea of one God. Very high attributes and lofty conceptions were had by the Greeks, of divinity. This is plainly shown by attributes assigned to their different divinites. In a few cases Zeus is represented as exercis-ing a sort of supreme power over the other gods, which somewhat approaches the conception of the Bible of God and the angels as ministering spirits. As already stated, the Greek was pious in the extreme. His life was one of constant anxiety lest he offend, voluntary or involuntary, some one ofhis numerous deities. The names he applies to his deities are not those which would be ap-plied by a loving creature to a gracious Creator. In Aeschylus we find the words: "Zeus, wherever thou art, by whatever name it please thee to be named, I call on thee and pray." The Greeks made a constant effort to flatter and propitiate the gods, who were regarded as enemies of human happiness. Prob-ably the only god whom the Greeks truly loved was Dionysos. He was thought to rejoice in the happiness of men, and to his worship, in the festivals, the Greek surrendered himself with de-light. He was probably the only deity whom they worshipped from motives of affection rather than fear. Whilst many of the stories related of the various deities are incompatible with our conception of God; it must nevertheless be remembered that many of these stories are mere allegories created to typify and explain analogous happenings in nature. Thus they lose their revolting character. For a long time this was remem-bered by the worshipper himself, but it is feared that in later national history the Greek often gave himself up to excesses under the impression of divine sanction. Whilst many of the stories of the deities are revolting, many are very beautiful, and come close to the Christian conception of right conduct. Therefore there must i 152 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 1 i have existed a high ethical conception in the souls of many. But these conceptions are, after all, the exception and not the rule. The Greek's conception of life was largely fatalistic. Ananka, Necessity, loomed as a vast incontrovertible force from whose decrees there could be no escape. When a crime of any sort was committed the Erynys dogged the unhappy perpetrator with an awful insistence, and at some time, sooner or later, the crime was avenged. The conception of the hereafter as imagined by the Greek was gloom}' in the extreme. The spirit of the ordinary mortal passed at death to a domain of dimmest twilight, to the land of Hades. Here the shadow of the body lived an existence surrounded by in-tangible spectres, in the gloom of the mighty underworld. Only the souls of heroes and those semi-divine beings who were espe-cially, favored of the gods attained the happiness of the sunlit Elysian fields. The soul of the criminal passed to a region beneath Hades, to Tartaros, a place of torment and woe. The immortality of the soul held no joy to the mind of the Greek. His mythology gives us no reason to believe that he had the slightest conception of a hereafter portrayed in the bible. This affords us a complete understanding of the Greek mind. Polished in intellect, beautiful in body, in many ways possessing a refined nature, yet in this one essential the civilization of the Greek fell short. Self-sacrifice and unselfish devotion, whilst here and there in his mythology dimly hinted at, yet to the mass of the nation unknown, never animated the every-day life of the Greek. Thus in this cursory glance at the Greek nature we have pointed out the application of the first two principles enunciated at the beginning of this paper; but these same principles are equally well illustrated in the mythology of other peoples. Whilst our knowledge of the Norse and old German Mythol-ogies is much less complete, since the people were not literary, and preserved their traditions largely in memory and not in books, yet this mythology upon examination, is found to yield the same results as the Grecian. The conception of the god Odin for in-stance, shows the same conformity and coloring which that of the Greek Zeus exhibits. We cannot in this article enter into a de-tailed description of the mythology of the Latins, the Norse and old German, the Hindoo and the Egyptian, yet they all equally THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 153 well serve to show the condition of the peoples who originated them. Let us now pass to the third fact, namely, that by a considera-tion of the mythologies of the peoples a knowledge of their common origin is obtained. No student of mythology will deny that in all the religious beliefs of the different nations there is a certain similarity. The Aztec system with the great god at the head and with its crowd of lesser deities, the North American Indians' conception of the Great Spirit with the host of lesser deities, in common with the nations of the Indo-Germanic family, had a degree of resemblance in the wider facts of their mythologies. The consideration of the conceptions of belief and worship of all the peoples and nations we have studied drives us to the conclusion that these peoples had a common origin. Let us glance at a few of the more marked resemblances which appear. Odin of the Norse, Zeus of the Greeks, Jupiter of the Latins, and Atmer of the Hin-doo- Brahmin systems are all alike personifications of the life-giv-ing properties of the air of heaven. The Egyptian system seems to be much farther advanced at the period with which our record begins, than the other systems enumerated. In fact it had reached a more metaphysical development. Consequently there is greater difficulty in the comparison of the Egyptian conception with the others, but in this system we notice the same overlapping of the attributes of one deity with those of another, and in some degree, an identity of attributes. Zeus is the father of the muses and Odin is the father of Saga, the goddess of poetry. Thor or Donar, another Norse divinity, is the god of thunder. As the god of thunder he resembles Zeus, and as the thunder bolts of Zeus were forged by the smith-god Hephaestus, who dwelt below ground, so the hammer of Thor was forged by the dwarves (Zwerge), or black elves who dwelt within the earth. Thor and Odin are identified with one another much the same as Vishnu and Indra in the Hindoo system. Thor and Vishnu go on foot to the councils of the gods. Vishnu is represented as traversing heaven in three strides. The Norse god, Tyr, is a personification of the brightness of the heavens. He is also named Zui and Saxuot. Here there appears a striking resemblance in names. Zui is iden-tical with the root meaning to shine. Sanscrit, Dyaus, the Greek Zeus, the Latin, Deus. Among the Vedic gods, Dyaus is the god of the shining heavens in the same way as Zeus of the Greeks. 154 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Dyaus-pater is the same as Jupiter, the dy being displaced by the J in the L,atin. Indra, of the Hindoos, who hurls the thunder-bolts, and is "the cloud compeller," corresponds in these func-tions with Zeus and Thor. His beard of lightning is the red beard of Thor. The goddess Ushas is the goddess of dawn among the Vedic deities. She corresponds to the Greek Eos. We notice the striking similarity between the two words, indicating deriva-tion from a common root. Thus we might go on multiplying in-stances and giving examples of this similarity. The attributes of the Egyptian deities are to a large extent interchangeable with those of the Greeks and the Norse. The Egyptian conceptions are arrived at by the same personifications of the powers of nature, and in their attributes represent the same mingling of the mater-ial with the spiritual, as do the Grecian, I,atin, Norse and Hindoo. They all represent the occurrences of nature under similar anal-ogies of deeds performed by the divinities. Their names have similar physical meanings. For in the resemblance thus illus-trated and existing to a much greater degree than we can stop to point out, we derived unquestionable proof of identity in the origin of these peoples. It is probable from the very close simil-arity of the I^atin and the Greek systems, that these two nations were less widely separated after the first division than were the other nations, or else that the separation of these two branches took place at some time after the original body had divided and migrated to different points of the compass. From this hasty glance at a few of the ancient systems ot mythology and a review of a number of their points ofresemblance, we obtain an idea of the vast importance which this study may assume. In conclusion we must remark what is palpable to every stu-dent of mythology, that the Christian religion could never have been evolved out of these systems. In its sweet simplicity, its purity and truth, it over-reaches all others in their utmost stretch. Of a truth there is no god but God, and no revelation but the bible. There is a majesty in simplicity which is far above the quaint-ness of wit.—Pope. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 155 THE THUNDER STORM C. W. WEISER, '01 [Gies Prize Essay—Honorable Mention] Upon a sultry August noon The scorching sun came beating down, And all was wrapt in smoky haze Swelt'ring 'neath the withering rays. Above the rugged mountain brink Arose a cloud as black as ink; Dark and motionless it loomed, As if the peak itself were doomed To bear the threat'ning, murky mass, Towering o'er the narrow pass. Then arose a sullen roar, A sudden rush and down it bore Along its path, As tho' in wrath It meant to take, To bend, or break; Destruction carry, Doom, or harry. Now on its course, In mutterings hoarse, It came with rumble Loud, and grumble. A peal, a mutter, A flash and flutter, And on it swept with dire confusion, And in its wake in swift profusion Came other clouds as swift, now dark, Then livid with old Vulcan's spark. Thro' the whirling and the roar Now the rain began to pour In torrents loud upon the roof, And the pine-tree tops aloof, Dashing 'gainst the shanty walls In a way that most appalls, Beating loudly oh the pane Were the dashing drops of rain. Flash of lightning Heavens bright'ning, Peals of thunder Fill with wonder. Crash ! we hear the loud report, Crash ! returns the dread retort. Heavens lighten, splinters flying 156 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY From the mighty trees outlying ! Crash ! Flash ! Flash ! Crash I Rumble ! Roar! Crash ! Flash ! Hurling death and doom, destruction— Crash ! Flash ! in loud convulsion— Upon the forest, peaks disheveled, Rain-tossed, sighing, lowly leveled; Filling all with consternation At this freak of old creation. Flash !—growing dimmer its existence. Crash !—a pealing now in distance. Rumble, rumble, roar and rumble, Mutterings dull and muffled grumble; Rumble, rumble, rumble, roar, Down the dell, the mountains o'er. Gently now the rain is pattering, On the roof and windows clattering, While below the brook is gushing, Muddy wild and roaring, rushing. Clouds are flying, sky is clearing, The storm has passed, and sun appearing Smiles upon the world again Thro' the crystal drops of rain. i A populous solitude of bees and birds, And fairy-form'd and many colored things, Who worship him with notes more sweet than words, And innocently open their glad wings. Fearless and full of life, the gushing springs And fall of lofty fountains, and the bend Of stirring branches, and the bud which brings The swiftest thought of beauty, here extend, Mingling and made by love unto one mighty end. —BYRON. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter Voi,. X GETTYSBURG, PA., OCTOBER, 1901 No. 5 E. C. RUBY, '02, Editor-in- Chief R. ST. CLAIR POFFENBARGER,' 02, Business Manager J. F. NEWMAN, '02, Exchange Editor Assistant Editors Miss ANNIE M. SWARTZ, '02 A. B. RICHARD, '02 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, A. M., LIT. D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M. D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D. D. Assistant Business Manager CURTIS E. COOK, '03 Published eacli month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, One Dollar a year in advance; single copies Fifteen Cents. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors, and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIAL '"pHIS issue of the MERCURY is made up largely of essaj's which *■ were in the Gies Prize Contest last year. Had it not been for this supply the editor might have had considerable difficulty in finding enough material for this number. We are looking for-ward to the future of our literary publication with a great deal of hope and firmly believe that our hope can be realized. We cer-tainly have among our fellow-students many who possess consid-erable literary talent, and others who desire the opportunity for development in the literary field. To such we would suggest that they should not neglect the opportunity which the MERCURY ex-tends to them. We shall be glad to have all who are interested in literary work place into our hands any manuscripts for publi-cation. We shall carefully examine them and always exercise 158 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY I i our best judgment in the selections we make for presentation to the public. Fellow-students, it will depend largely upon the in-terest which you take in this work whether our hopes for the suc-cess of the MERCURY shall be realized or not. Let us not forget that this is a matter which pertains to the institution and not to any particular individual. By doing our duty towards this pub-lication we are making it a true index of the work that is being done in the literary departments ot our Alma Mater. RESOLUTIONS OP RESPECT CLASS VV7HEREAS, God in his divine wisdom has seen fit to sum- " mon from our midst to his eternal home one whom we most highly esteemed as a classmate and companion, Theodore Frank McAllister, Therefore, at a meeting of the class of '03, Pennsylvania Col-lege, September 7th, 1901, be it unanimously Resolved, That by this untimely visitation of Divine Providence we have lost one of the most worthy members of the class, one whose Christian character was such as to call forth universal ad-miration, whose amiable disposition gained the friendship of all whom he met, whose abilities as a student pointed to a most use-ful career; and also Resolved, That though we be saddened by this bereavement in the midst of our collegiate course, we humbly submit to the will of Him, who knoweth and doeth better than we, believing that our loss is his gain; and also Resolved, That by his death, by its great effect upon us, we have been led to a greater seriousness in the work of life; and also Resolved, That we extend to the family in its bereavement our sincere sympathy, and pray that God and Saviour, who has borne our griefs and carried our sorrows, to comfort them in their afflic-tion, and also Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be sent to the sorrow-ing family, and to the college journals and town papers. DAVID S. WEIMER, ROSE E. PLANK, EDWARD B. HAY. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Y. M. C. A. 159 WHEREAS, it has pleased Almighty God in his all-wise provi-dence to remove from our association our friend and faithful co-worker, T. Frank McAllister, be it Resolved, That in his death the association has lost a member whose manly virtue and consistent Christian life were a help and inspiration to all, and be it Resolved, That the college has lost a faithful student and an en-thusiastic man in all college affairs, one who lived for the better-ment of his fellows and was happiest when promoting their wel-fare, and be it Resolved, That these resolutions be published in the town and college papers. WILBUR H. FLECK, FRANK DAYMAN, F. GARMAN MASTERS, Committee. nMHMWMHIWiill^HflUllil IHl|i|IMBillililll|H|IH 1v t jj 1 111 J GQgj ORATION: THE CHARACTER OP OUR EARLY AMERICAN FOREFATHERS P. H. R. MULLEN, '01 "PAR from me and my friends be such frigid philosophy as may ■*• conduct us indifferent, and unmoved, over any ground which has been dignified by wisdom, bravery or virtue. That man is little to be admired whose patriotism would not gain force on the plain of Marathon, or whose piety would not grow warmer among the ruins of Ionia." These noble words from the pen of Dr. Johnson express a sen-timent that ought to find a response in the heart of every Ameri-can citizen. We cannot visit the spots forever hallowed by the valorous deeds of enduring worth, wrought by the makers of our early history, without a sense of gratitude and profound reverence. To dwell upon such a theme without a thrill of emotion, would augur a spirit undeserving of the great legacy bequeathed to us by those venerable personages of the past. If the Greek could boast of an illustrious ancestry we can boast more; if the Roman could linger at the forum to hear the orators lavish their loftiest flights of eloquence upon the rising glory of the "eternal city," we may declare with great emphasis that its ■ 160 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY splendor grows dim before the rising sun of our national glory, as the moon pales with the advancing day. No other nation has had such a beginning. The early history of every other great nation has a vague outline that marks its transition from lawlessness and barbarism to civilization, but America, comparatively speaking, sprung into being full grown, as "Athena from the brow of Zeus." We are alone among the nations of the earth in having such colossal founders. We need only mention the Pilgrim Fathers, and there is suggested a host of associations. At what a critical period in the world's history did they appear! They shattered the power of a dominant ecclesiasticism and gave to the world re-ligious freedom. We see them committing themselves in a frail bark to a "cruel, crawling sea," uncertain whether they should not all begin their long sleep, and fill a "wandering grave" beneath its restless bil-lows, before they should set foot on American soil. But, guided by their adored Jehovah, through the trackless waters, they at length disembark upon a rock on a desolate shore, and we hear their com-mingled prayers of gratitude break the monotonous voice of the sea. From this rock they go forth to sow the seeds of a mighty nation. We hear the blows of their axes against the primeval forest, ringing out on the frosty air like the pealing of liberty bells. In the light of their burning villages we see a band of savages danc-ing in taunting glee. With unabated zeal they resurrect another village from the ashes. From a miserly soil is forced, by untiring energy, a comfortable livelihood, and the "wilderness blossoms as the rose." A noted statesman has fittingly said: "We shall not stand unmoved on the shore of Plymouth while the sea con-tinues to wash it, nor will our brethren in future time forget the place of the nation's establishment till their river shall cease to flow by it. No vigor of youth, no maturity of age will lead the nation to forget the spots where its infancy was cradled and de-fended." The years of our nation's infancy were truly the most "sad and sublime'' in history. We have dwelt at some length upon the achievements of the Pilgrim Fathers because their deeds are the best interpreters of their character. It is a noteworthy fact, much to the credit of the Pilgrims, that they were the first colonists with sufficient "staying power" THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 161 to establish a permanent colony in North America. Repeated efforts had been made in Mexico and in Florida, by the Spaniards, but those colonists had as often retreated in the face of unexpected difficulties, without accomplishing anything except the squander-ing of the resources of the borne government. France, likewise, had been unsuccessful for several reasons, chiefly because of the temper of her colonists. Several companies of English colonists also had attempted to take up land in the New World, but had repeatedly failed. It remained for the Pilgrims to be the honored founders of our great Republic, and their final success is fraught with great significance. They were constituted of ' 'sterner stuff'' than their predecessors and had an unchangeable purpose to prod their spirits in the presence of discouragement. To them physical pain was decidedly preferable to spiritual bondage, and they suffered on, unflinchingly, uncomplainingly, to the bitter end. "Religious Liberty" were the two words emblazoned upon the banner of the Pilgrims, and many times were those words des-tined to be written in blood before that banner was to be free from assault. They had, however, one harbor to which they repaired in every time of storm, one fortress in time of danger, one harbinger of hope in time of gloom, one source of truth amid the duplicity of oppressive and corrupt governors—the Bible, from which they received iron into their blood. This book was the Pilgrim's hope, his song, his prayer, his guide. The Old Testament, with its honor roll of immortal heroes, furnished the Pilgrims an ideal for their conduct in persecution and trial. The New Testament was the eternal pledge of final victory, an unfailing reward, an un-fading crown. The Puritans were characterized by a total lack of effeminacy. Their character was sturdy and masculine. No amusements were tolerated that had a tendency to destroy the severity and intensity of life. Severely religious, strict to a degree of intolerance, sternly resolute, stubbornly persistent, implicitly obedient to the dictates of conscience, the Puritans exhibit a massiveness and rugged grandeur of character that has never been surpassed. They were men of unblemished integrity, as distinguished for private pur-ity as for public virtue.'' We have never contemplated a group of men whose faults were so few, whose virtues so many, whose honor was so stainless, whose characters were so untarnished, as Stationery, Blank Books, Amateur Pho-tographic Supplies, Etc., Etc. BALTIMORE ST. R. fi. GULP PAPER HANGER, Second Square, York Street. COLLEGE EMBLEMS. EMIL ZOTHE, ENGRAVER. DESIGNER AND MANUFACTURING JEWELER. 19 S. NINTH ST. PHILADELPHIA SPECIALTIES: Masonic Marks, Society- Badges, College Buttons, Pins, Scarf Pins, Stick Pins and Athletic Prizes. All Goods ordered through A. N. Beau. A. G Miller Job Printer Students' Trade Solicited Best of Work Guaranteed Meneely Bell Co. TROY, N. 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Building upon research done by Carl J Richard, and Ricardo Herrera, this research paper will discuss how the Ancient Greek and Roman ideals that Alden Partridge was exposed to through his life growing up in close proximity to the time of the American Revolution and resulted in his development of a values based educational system that would produce citizen soldiers who would be able to serve their country both in the military and civilian sectors. ; Winner of the 2021 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the University Archives category. ; There is Nothing More Inherently American: How the rebellion of Alden Partridge and Greek and Roman influences lead to the rejuvenation of the American education system Alex Rollins Professor McCann HI 243 Historical Methods 4 December 2020 1 Alden Partridge believed that the future of the new American Republic would be secured or lost as a result of the education of its youth. Living in a time of great reform and turmoil in the first 50 years after the founding of the American Republic, Alden Partridge was subject to the same influences of the Founding Fathers: The Ancient Greeks and Romans. The ideals of the Ancient Greeks and Romans penetrated the core of the educational curriculum that most European men received in the late 18th and early 19th centuries and served as the catalyst for the fight against British tyranny in the American Revolution. Partridge was a product of Dartmouth College and the United States Military Academy at West Point and was a man that was so radical that he was removed from his position of Superintendent at West Point by a Summary Court Martial in 1818. Despite his humiliation at the United States Military Academy, Partridge still retained his passion of educating the American youth. Partridge made the decision to create his own institution, the American Scientific and Literary Academy in Norwich Vermont in 1819 which is now known as Norwich University. Building upon research done by Carl J Richard, and Ricardo Herrera, this research paper will discuss how the Ancient Greek and Roman ideals that Alden Partridge was exposed to through his life growing up in close proximity to the time of the American Revolution and resulted in his development of a values based educational system that would produce citizen soldiers who would be able to serve their country both in the military and civilian sectors. Partridge embedded the Ancient Greek and Roman principles of individual freedom, duty to state, civic virtue, and ardent patriotism in order to create an educational system that prepares 2 ndividual citizens and aimed to ultimately "qualify them for all of those high responsibilities resting upon a citizen of this free republic." 1 Alden Partridge was a product of the time in which he lived: The age of the early American Republic. Hailing from Norwich Vermont, Partridge was educated in the "neighborhood schools" surrounding the town.2 Partridge eventually gained admittance to Dartmouth College, where he was introduced into "the mainstream of intellectual thought of the eighteenth century."3 While attending Dartmouth, Partridge developed expert level proficiency in Latin and Greek classics, arithmetic, grammar, and reading in a colonial era grammar school.4 These schools were known for having a "uniformed and standardized" education that was centered around knowledge in Greek and Latin as those languages were seen as the keys to college admission at the time.5 Like most children at the time who attended these school, Partridge most likely received instruction in arithmetic, Euclid's books, became familiar with the works of Virgil, Horace, Homer, and Xenophon, and Cicero's orations. Partridge would have been bombarded with classical influences and would have most likely developed an appreciation for living a moral and virtuous life like most Greek and Roman works compel their audience to do. Partridge Despite being a gifted academic blessed with the ability to teach, Partridge was drawn towards service to his community in the militia. Desiring to follow in his father and uncle's footsteps, Partridge joined the Regiment of Artillerists and was ordered to attend the United States Military Academy at West Point in the years immediately following its founding in 1802.6 While at West Point Partridge received training in military engineering and gained such a 1 Norwich University Cadet Handbook, iii. 2 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 1. 3 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 1. 4 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 2. 5 Gummere, The American Colonial Mind and the Classical Tradition, 55. 6 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 3. 3 profound proficiency that he was later asked to instruct military engineering following his commissioning as an officer. He became proficiency in all aspects of military engineering, the employment of field artillery and infantry operations. While attending West Point, Partridge noticed several problems with the education system. Partridge wanted to ensure that a commission would only be given when one's studies are complete and thought that there needed to be tougher academic regulations to obtain a degree from the institution. Partridge contributed a great deal to West Point including introducing moral education and instruction in the application of living a life based off of the values of duty, obedience, and "morality, virtue and honor." 7 Alden Partridge excelled during his time instructing at West Point and took great strides to improve West Point in order to further the developments of the cadets and in his mind, ultimately secure the safety of the early American Republic. At the end of 1814, Partridge traveled to Washington DC to meet with Secretary of War Monroe about pushing more funding towards West Point and providing more support to the changes that he desired to make. When he returned to West Point however, Partridge found that "reports injurious to his reputation had been industriously circulated" and the faculty had begun to enact a plan to change the philosophy and overall purpose of West Point.8 These men included Andrew Ellicott, Jared Mansfield, and CPT David B. Douglass and their goals included to convert West Point into a civilian run school where the instructors would not be military officers.9 Their overall redesign of the institution included removing the Corps of Engineers as the primary operators of the school, introduce an entirely civilian staff, and to redesign the training process to prioritize developing engineers to serve the nation rather than military 7 Webb, Captain Alden Partridge and the United States Military Academy, 1806-1833, 203. 8 Webb, Captain Alden Partridge and the United States Military Academy, 1806-1833, 33. 9 Webb, Captain Alden Partridge and the United States Military Academy, 1806-1833, 51. 4 officers. 10 These three men pushed for Partridge to be court martialed under these 4 charges: 1.) Neglect and unofficer like conduct, 2.) Four accounts of unofficer like conduct that were to the "prejudice of good order and military discipline" for showing favoritism to cadets, 3.) Disobedience to orders for contradicting an order from a general officer and the President, and 4.) Mutiny, and the beginning and exciting mutiny.11 The Court martial which charged Alden Partridge of these crimes forced his departure from the United States Military Academy at West Point and serves as the mark of his new beginning as a civilian. After settling into civilian life, Partridge wrote President Monroe in November of 1820, "My employment since I left military service, I believe has been both honorable to myself and useful to my country and I now find myself placed at the head of a Seminary, founded by my own Exertions, and the first of the kind established in the United States-the Superintendency of which I hold, not at the option of any Human Being."12 This seminary is referring to the American Literary, Scientific and Military Academy, which became known as Norwich University. Partridge's Academy mirrored the educational background of the Ancient Greeks and Romans and was subjected to the influence of classical ideals of civic virtue, and duty to state that perpetrated educated men during the time of the Early American Republic. Partridge claimed that "In organizing the plan for this institution, I have taken for my guide, in part, the Constitution of the United States", a document filled with Roman Republican values.13 Partridge hoped to instill those values of duty to state and enthusiastically supported how the Constitution supported how all citizens should be used as a force to protect not only their own interests, but 10 Webb, Captain Alden Partridge and the United States Military Academy, 1806-1833, 52. 11 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 89. 12 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 109. 13 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 138. 5 also serve as a vanguard against tyranny and control by elites. When the Constitution was written, it was the "time when the influences of the classics was at its height." 14 Drawing from their Classical education, the Founding Fathers relied heavily on the structure of the Roman Republic when designing the structure of the American experiment in liberty. The forefront of the Republican ideology that was present during this time was a counterculture movement against monarchical governments. The Founding Fathers were inspired by the stories of Sparta portrayed by Aristotle to "create a republic [established] on the natural rights of the citizen, even while urging the sacrifice for the common good."15 The Spartan state connected the concept of citizenship to the republican concept of duty to the state. Partridge, much like the Founding Fathers, admired "the Spartan's intense military training" which was the medium through which a Spartan citizen, much like an American one, carried out his duty to the state.16The Spartan State required all military aged males to undergo intense military training throughout the course of their youth because "individual Spartans could be conscripted by the state at any moment and could only be freed [from their duties] by the state" to return to society as normal citizens. Partridge followed a similar ideology within his citizen-solider concept that he wished to instill at his institution. Partridge believed that the American people should be "an informed people [who could] protect their liberties" which would be enabled through his scientific military instruction.17 Partridge also intended for his students to maintain a "Spartan life" which would force those students to focus on their studies both academically and militarily.18 14 Gummere, The American Colonial Mind and the Classical Tradition, 174. 15 Richard, Greeks & Romans Bearing Gifts, 23. 16 Richard, Greeks & Romans Bearing Gifts, 31. 17 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 139. 18 Baker, "The Partridge Connection", 139 6 The Roman concept of citizenship lay in being an individual who held themselves to high moral standards, opposed corruption, defended liberty, and believed in their service to the state. Partridge held similar thoughts. In the 1820 prospectus for the A.S.L.M., Partridge outlined the classes that would meet his desired end state of creating model citizen-soldiers. Those classes included instruction in Latin and Greek, the sciences, History, logic, artillery gunnery, military tactics, and the ancient tactics of the phalanx and the legion to provide historical context as to how the US military has evolved while still retaining its classical influences. Partridge's citizen soldier concept was no doubt influenced by Cincinnatus, the Roman epitome of civic virtue and citizen-soldiery and the impact that he had on the Founding Fathers and the founding of the United States. Cincinattus was a Roman statesman who seized the reins of power to fight an invading army in a time of crisis and then voluntarily gave the up to return to his farm. Just as Patrick Henry believed that the fighters of the revolution were "sons of Cincinnatus…that served their country without ruining it", Partridge's institution would develop the same caliber of individual, who upon graduation would be postured to serve as a leader in the militia and his community.19 American soldiers in the years of the Early Republic embraced the ideas of liberty, citizenship, republicanism, and democracy. These ideals were utilized in the curriculum at Partridge's Institution which he linked to the aspect of serving in the military and helped develop as the corner stone of the military and overall American ethos. Partridge believed strongly in military service acting as the platform from which moral education is built on which aligns with the Roman principles of civic virtue and the Greek ideals of protecting individual liberty. Partridge sought to develop the American spirit which collectively resides in fighting 19 Richard, Greeks & Romans Bearing Gifts, 125. 7 tyranny as a soldier, and then having the ability to return to society after service to better the nation in a different capacity. Partridge was a devout believer in the fact that military service is "basic to the very definition of American Nationalism" and helped American citizens define their relationship to the American Republic.20 Partridge stated in his Lecture on National Defense that "The liberties of Romer were safe, while every Roman citizen considered and felt himself a soldier."21 Using the same logic, Partridge sought secure the liberties of the American citizen at his institution by placing the Citizen-Soldier concept as the cornerstone of his curriculum. While this idea of having a militia composed of individual citizens was the key to America's success in its revolt against Britain, it was not a popular idea at the time. In a correspondence on the subject of Partridge's Lecture on Defense between William Sumner the Adjutant General of the Commonwealth and John Adams, the former President of the United States, Sumner presents his distaste of having a organized militia. Sumner stated that a "Militia, however large, never can be; for it is composed of citizens only, armed [and trained] for the preservation of their own privileges."22 Partridge did not agree with that belief at all. In fact Partridge made it where citizen-soldiers trained at his institution would identify with the concepts of self-sacrifice and catering towards the needs of the community and ultimately the state "became the touchstones of republican virtue and self-worth."23 In his Lecture on Education, Partridge highlighted that he would develop citizen-soldiers and fix the issues that he saw at West Point and in the American Education System as a whole. 20 Herrera, For Liberty and the Republic, 87. 21 Partridge, "Lecture on Defense", 2. 22 Adams, Partridge, and Sumner, Observations on National Defence, Drawn from Capt. Patridge's Lecture on That Subject, and from Gen. Sumner's Letter to the Venerable John Adams, on the Importance of the Militia System, 20. 23 Herrera, For Liberty and the Republic, 87. 8 Partridge's lecture on education presents the argument that investment in the elementary education of the American Youth is paramount because it is "the rising generation that we are to look for the future guardians and protectors of the inestimable rights and privileges."24 Partridge states that he does not believe that education should be tailored to any specific job but instead believes that education should be tailored to prepare "a youth in the best possible manner for the correct discharge of the duties of any situation that he may be placed."25 Partridge cites 6 major deficiencies in the education system. The first deficiency that Partridge highlights is that the education system is "not sufficiently practical, nor properly adapted to the various duties an American citizen may be called upon to discharge."26 Partridge observed that the American youth who were "destined for a liberal education"27 would be required to study Greek and Latin more than they were required to study their native language of English which he believed to be extremely impractical. Partridge states that while the youth are required to gain proficiency in dead languages, they are not taught relative subjects such as government, international relations, and physical fitness. These are all subjects that the American youth must be proficient in to be productive citizens in the civilian sector of society or to be the "defender of their countries rights and the avengers of her wrongs" as leaders in the military."28 Partridge asserts that if the education system does not set up American citizens to perform their duty and contribute to society, then it is nothing short of defective and sets America up for failure. Partridge notes that there is additionally a neglect of physical fitness and physical education within the American education system. Identifying physical fitness as an "absolute 24 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 1. 25 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 2. 26 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 2. 27 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 2. 28 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 2. 9 necessity," Partridge believes that a citizen's ability to endure fatigue and their ability to take care of themselves is critical to the creation and maintenance of the American workforce. 29 In order to have a strong, productive workforce, Partridge believes that it is up to the individual citizen to maintain a high level of physical fitness so that they do not "prematurely die or linger out a comparatively useless and miserable existence."30 Partridge additionally believes that it is important for citizens to be able of "enduring exposure, hunger, and fatigue."31 Partridge links one's ability to exert themselves physically to their ability exert themselves mentally and asserts that a strong body houses a strong mind. Partridge additionally identified that the current system of education fails to manage time adequately and creates an environment that fosters a sense of idleness and lackadaisicalness. Partridge believed that with proper time management, that the American youth could occupy their time with productive activities that reinforce what they are learning in the classroom. Fourthly, Partridge claims that students should live frugally while obtaining their education. He believes that access to more wealth allows students to live extravagant lifestyles that are "highly injurious" to the individual and are not conducive to a productive academic environment.32 Partridge states that giving youths money "and allowing them a portion of idle time and it may be viewed as a miracle if a large portion of them do not become corrupt in morals.[and] they are prepared to become nuisances" to society and not benefit the greater good.33 Fifthly, Partridge highlights that all students should not be required to pursue the same courses of study as everyone has their own strengths and weakness. Partridge believes that when 29 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 2. 30 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 3. 31 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 3. 32 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 4. 33 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 4. 10 one is forced to pursue a course of study that does not interest them that they will never excel in that field, achieve a state of proficiency in the subject, and will develop a general disdain to engage in academic activities. Finally, Partridge states that he does not believe there should be a set time limit to complete one's education and advocates for one to be able to work at their own pace. According to Partridge it is pertinent that a student is able to progress as quickly or as slowly as he or she wants so that they develop a "thorough understanding of the subject" that they choose to pursue. 34 Partridge sought to fix the deficiencies he presented in his lecture in his own institution where he would integrate military discipline and organization, the instruction of military science, history, and general sciences within the academic environment. It is through military organization and discipline that Partridge hopes to instill the Roman traits of honor, manliness, and obedience in the individual citizen to aid in his/her success in the academic environment. The instruction of military science reinforces the fostering of the traits of a soldier and strengthens the skill of the militia to eliminate the need of a large standing army that has the potential to infringe on the freedoms of the American citizen. Partridge believed heavily in incorporating the study of history to supplement the instruction of military science by providing case studies and context as to why military operations are conducted in the manner that they are and highlight the principles on which victory is created. Through this integration of military science, history, and general science instruction, Partridge hoped to increase the financial stability of the early American Republic by lowering defense spending and thereby decreasing 34 Partridge, Lecture on Education, 4. 11 national debt. Partridge's educational model would achieve this as a result of military training/defense spending would be tied to the general education of the American population. In examining whether the ideals of the Ancient Greeks and Romans influenced Alden Partridge, it is difficult to say given the time and access needed to peruse hundreds upon hundreds of documents. Partridge's life was devoted to the education of America's youth because he believed that the success of the American Republic pivoted on the education of the youth. It can safely be asserted that Alden Partridge's educational ideology correlates with the Greek and Roman values of civic virtue, and duty to state; however, correlation does not equal causation. In examining three archival sources from the Partridge Papers and other secondary sources pertaining to the subject of the early American Education system and Classical Education as a whole it can only be asserted that if Partridge was subject to Ancient Greek and Roman ideals, then they implicitly impacted his plan to rejuvenate the American system of education along with his experiences both good and bad instructing at the United States Military Academy at West Point. 12 Annotated Bibliography Archival Sources from Norwich Partridge, Alden. The Partridge Papers. 5th Floor Special Collections. Norwich University Archives, Kreitzberg Library, Norwich University, Northfield, Vermont, United States. • Partridge, Alden. Lecture on Education, 1828. 5th Floor Special Collections. Norwich University Archives, Kreitzberg Library, Norwich University, Northfield, Vermont, United States. • Partridge, Alden. Lecture on National Defense, 1824. 5th Floor Special Collections. Norwich University Archives, Kreitzberg Library, Norwich University, Northfield, Vermont, United States. • Observations on National Defense, Drawn from CPT Partridge's Lecture, 1824. 5th Floor Special Collections. Norwich University Archives, Kreitzberg Library, Norwich University, Northfield, Vermont, United States. These sources from the Partridge Collection at the Norwich University Archives provide Partridge's opinion on education, national defense, and the opinion of other key players in American history such as John Adams and John C. Calhoun regarding Partridge's idea of national defense. These sources are very cut and dry in addition to being easy to read and are critical to my research as they present the revolutionary ideas of the citizen-soldier concept and Partridge's educational reform straight from the man himself. Primary Sources Painter, Jacqueline S., Dean Paul. Baker, and United States. Army. Court-martial (Partridge : 1817). The Trial of Captain Alden Partridge, Corps of Engineers: Proceedings of a General Court-Martial Convened at West Point in the State of New York, on Monday, 20th October 1817, Major General Winfield Scott, President. Norwich University Library Occasional Paper; No. 3. Northfield, Vt.: Friends of the Norwich University Library, 1987. This source is the transcript from the court-martial of CPT Alden Partridge that led to his dismissal as superintendent of the United States Military Academy at West Point. This transcript is critical to my research as it gives historical context to a key event in CPT Partridge's life that pushed him to go out and create his own educational institution. This source reveals the immense controversy that surrounded the case and highlights a key time in the development of American Military education. 13 Secondary Sources Baker, Dean Paul. "The Partridge Connection: Alden Partridge and Southern Military Education," (PhD diss., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill), 1986. This is a dissertation that was submitted to UNC Chapel Hill to satisfy the requirements for a History PhD for Dean Paul Baker. The fifth chapter titled "The Captain's Academy" provides a unique presentation of how Partridge's Academy fits in the larger picture of American Education at the time of the early 19th century. Baker additionally covers how Partridge spearheaded educational reform and inspired others to do so. Baker highlights while Partridge's academy specialized in training military leaders, its greatest contribution to society was training men for civilian careers. Harmon, Ernest N. Norwich University: Its Founder and His Ideals. Newcomen Address, New York: Newcomen Society in North America, 1951. MAJ. GEN. Ernest Harmon was the Professor of Military Science and Commandant of Cadets at Norwich University from 1927-1931. This is a small 31 paged primary source document that explains the founding of Norwich University and how it has contributed to American success both on the battlefield and on domestic soil. This document provides a look as to how the leader of Norwich University as an institution views the ideals of Alden Partridge and additionally provides an overview on Norwich's establishment following Partridge's removal from West Point. Hanson, Victor Davis., and John Heath. Who Killed Homer?: The Demise of Classical Education and the Recovery of Greek Wisdom. 1st paperback ed. San Francisco [Calif.]: Encounter Books, 2001. Victor David Hanson is a Professor of Greek at California State University at Fresno and is a renowned author, military historian. He additionally holds a PhD in the classics from Stanford University. Who Killed Homer? describes the importance of understanding Greek culture and its contribution to the development of the United States and Western Civilization as a whole. The second section of the work is entitled "Thinking Like a Greek" and provides a clear and concise overview of what ideas and ideology is considered to be "Greek" and gives a broad context as to the Greek influences on one's life. This is critical to this paper as it presents Greek ideas and ideology simply as interpreted by a leading expert in the Ancient Greeks. Herrera, Ricardo A. For Liberty and the Republic: The American Citizen as Soldier, 1775-1861. 1 online resource. vols. Warfare and Culture. New York: New York University Press, 2015. Ricardo Herrera is an associate Professor at the US Army Command General Staff College. This source relies primarily on unpublished manuscript sources to convey the ethos of the citizen soldier concept from America's birth to the breaking of the Civil War. Herrera goes into great detail as to how in the mind of an American, the idea of citizenship is closely linked 14 with being a soldier. This source is pertinent in my research because it displays how in early American History, the ideals of liberty, citizenship, republicanism, and democracy are linked to serving in the military. The identification of these ideals in the citizen-soldier ethos can be utilized to highlight similarities to the ethos that existed in Ancient Greek/Roman society and that has transcended the Hellenic age to the time of America's birth and the early 19th century when Alden Partridge founded his academy. Howe, Daniel. "Classical Education in America." The Wilson Quarterly (1976-) 35, no. 2 (2011): 31–36. The focus of this source is how classical education has developed and been implemented throughout America History starting just after the Revolution. The article gives a fantastic overview of how classical ideas influenced the creation of America and remained a cornerstone from which the republic was developed. I plan to implement this source in my research by using it to provide an overview of how classical ideas remain present during the time of Alden Partridge, and how they influenced his upbringing and his personal education in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Gummere, Richard M. The American Colonial Mind and the Classical Tradition : Essays in Comparative Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963. https://doi.org/10.4159/harvard.9780674284531. This source is a compilation of essays that discuss how the classical tradition influenced Colonial Americans. One essay is entitled "Colonial Reactions to a Classical Education" and discusses the classically based curriculum of the colonial grammar schools. Highlighting the emphasis placed on reading Greek authors such as Homer, Xenophon, Euclid, and developing an appreciation for learning Greek and Latin, this chapter aids me in my research paper by providing a detailed look as to what the curriculum of the early classical schools were and helps me develop a better picture of what Partridge's education was as an American youth. Norwich University Cadet Handbook. The Office of the Commandant, 2020. This is the handbook with all of the knowledge that is required to learn as a first-year cadet at Norwich University. The Office of the Commandant releases a new one each year. In this book you will find the Norwich Cadet's Creed, a brief history of Norwich University, a list and brief bio of the medal of honor winners and other things such as that. 15 Richard, Carl J. Greeks & Romans Bearing Gifts: How the Ancients Inspired the Founding Fathers. 1st Edition. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2009. Carl J. Richard is a professor of history at the university of Louisiana. This source explains how the Founding Fathers of the United States were influenced by their education in the Greek and Roman Works. Richard explains that the ideals of civic virtue, individual liberty, checks and balances on government, were derived from the classics and aided the Founding Father's in their incitement of revolting against tyranny. This source critical to my research because it specifically outlines what about the Greeks and Romans influenced the creation of America and will provide ample amounts of evidence that I can tie to the ideology that Partridge shares with the Founding Fathers. Thelin, John R. A History of American Higher Education. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004. This source covers the overview of higher education in America from the founding of colleges in the colonial era to the 21st century. This source goes into detail as to the curriculum and teaching methods utilized at early American universities such as Dartmouth, Alden Partridge's Alma Mater prior to attending the United States Military Academy at West Point. I plan to utilize this source in my research paper to provide insight as to what Partridge's educational experience was like at Dartmouth and sheds light as to what the potential influences are on his educational philosophy that was considered so radical at the time. Urban, Wayne J., and Wagoner, Jennings L., Jr. American Education: A History. London: Taylor & Francis Group, 2013. Accessed November 5, 2020. This source covers the history of American education from the precolonial era to the twenty-first century. The source develops a whole chapter to the development of the education system from 1776-1830 entitled "Education and the Building of a New Nation" that covers the influences of classical education on the development of civic virtue and duty to state that Partridge sought to instill in his students at his institution. The author covers the classical influences on the enlightenment that perpetrated the thoughts of the founders of America and explains how those classical ideas remained tied to the development of citizens within the educational system. I plan to use this work in my research paper by using it to explain the type of school that Alden Partridge attended and to show how common the proliferation of classical ideals were in 18th-19th century society . 16 Webb, Lester A. Captain Alden Partridge and the United States Military Academy, 1806-1833,. Northport, Ala.: American Southern, 1965. This source is a biographic overview of Partridge's upbringing in the Vermont frontier all the way to when he was fired at West Point. Lester Webb presents a thoroughly researched work that compiles information from varying primary sources regarding Alden Partridge and his career as a teacher of mathematics and military science. I plan to incorporate this source in my research paper by using it to help me provide context as to how Alden Partridge was brought up and to help me describe what educational influences he was subject to since not much is known about his childhood. Wood, Gordon S. The Idea of America: Reflections on the Birth of the United States. Penguin, 2011. Gordon S. Wood is a Pulitzer Prize winning historian that has written several books on the American Revolution. This work focuses on the emphasis that Ancient Greece/Rome played in the development of the American Republic and how education is a cornerstone of creating citizens and instilling a sense of pride and involvement in the activities of one's nation. I plan to implement this work in my research by using it to draw parallels between the ideals of the Greeks and Romans that the ideal of America was based on and the educational ideals and citizen soldier concept developed and implemented by CPT Alden Partridge.

Tijekom druge polovice dvadesetog stoljeća, a posebice tijekom posljednjih nekoliko desetljeća, naša iskustva i razumijevanje obitelji i rodnih uloga znatno su se izmijenili. Pojave nezamislive našim djedovima i bakama danas su znatno vidljivije i društveno prihvatljive: razvod, ponovno sklapanje braka nakon razvoda, izvanbračna zajednica, eksperimentalni odnosi, homoseksualni brakovi ili partnerstva sa ili bez djece, jednoroditeljske obitelji, demokratskiji odnosi između roditelja i djece, zaposlenost žena, očev dopust itd. Osim povećane varijacije u obiteljskim oblicima i promijenjenih odnosa unutar obitelji, znanstvenike u području društvenih znanosti zanimaju i druga pitanja koja utječu na svako društvo na makro-razini, kao što su na primjer broj djece u obitelji ili pitanje stopa fertiliteta i starenja društva. Dok su prije dvadeset ili trideset godina važna pitanja povezana s obiteljskim životom uključivala zaposlenost žena i posljedice zaposlenosti žena za obitelj, danas je žarište premješteno na ravnotežu između posla i privatnog života i usklađivanje posla i obiteljskog života, zajedno s rodnim ulogama u obiteljima i kućanstvima. Još uvijek važno pitanje za obitelji i istraživanja unutar društvenih znanosti, pitanje plaćenog posla žena produbljeno je pitanjima o rodnim ulogama, raspodjeli moći unutar kućanstava u odnosu na plaćeni posao, o neplaćenom kućanskom radu, odgovornosti za skrb i dodatnoj rodnoj jednakosti u obje sfere rada. Složenija analiza ovih promjena, osim što koristi opće procese modernizacije kao okvirni kontekst, trebala bi isto tako uzeti u obzir mjere socijalne politike, politiku zapošljavanja i promjenjive uvjete na tržištu rada. Znanstvenici u području društvenih znanosti posebno su zainteresirani za međukulturalne varijacije kako bi razumjeli i objasnili međusobne poveznice i promjene. Iz tog razloga tema obitelji i izmijenjenih rodnih uloga istraživana je u četiri kruga unutar Međunarodnog programa društvenih istraživanja (International Social Survey Programme - ISSP). Prvi modul pokrenut je 1988. godine, drugi 1994. i treći 2002. godine. Odabrani podatci iz posljednjeg ISSP modula (provedenog u Hrvatskoj 2013. godine) temelj su za analize u radovima koji su uključeni u ovaj tematski broj Revije. International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) International Social Survey Programme - ISSP (Međunarodni program društvenih istraživanja) najstarije je kontinuirano godišnje međunarodno istraživanje u području društvenih znanosti. Članovi istraživačkog programa su istraživačke organizacije diljem svijeta, od kojih svaka predstavlja jednu zemlju. Od 2005. godine Institut za društvena istraživanja predstavlja Republiku Hrvatsku u ovom projektu. ISSP obuhvaća niz tema koje su važne za društvene znanosti (uloga vlade, društvene nejednakosti, nacionalni identiteti, vjera, zdravstvo, radne orijentacije, državljanstvo, okoliš, društvene mreže, slobodno vrijeme i sport) i nameće stroge standarde anketnog istraživanja kako bi se riješile poteškoće koje su svojstvene međunarodnom anketnom istraživanju. Od skromnih početaka 1984. godine, ISSP se razvio te danas uključuje 48 zemalja članica, koje su odgovorne za provođenje ISSP istraživanja na svom području svake godine. Godišnje teme ISSP istraživanja razvijaju se tijekom nekoliko godina, pod nadzorom izabranog pododbora, te se unaprijed testiraju u različitim zemljama članicama. Na godišnjem plenarnom sastanku raspravlja se o upitniku koji se koristi u svim zemljama te se finalizira isti. ISSP istraživanje posebno je usmjereno na razvojna pitanja koja su: 1) smislena i relevantna za sve zemlje i 2) koja se mogu izraziti na ekvivalentan način na svim relevantnim jezicima. ISSP baza podataka, smještena u bazi podataka za društvena istraživanja GESIS Leibniz Institut u Kölnu, priprema paket podataka koji je slobodno dostupan. Mnoge navedene teme ponavljaju se u redovitim razmacima (neke od njih tri ili četiri puta), što omogućuje istraživačima proučavanje međunacionalnih varijacija i promjena tijekom vremena. ISSP označava nekoliko novosti u području međunacionalnog istraživanja. Prvo, suradnja između organizacija je rutinska i kontinuirana. Drugo, trajna suradnja istih institucija čini međunacionalno istraživanje temeljnim dijelom agende nacionalnih istraživanja svake zemlje sudionice. Treće, ISSP načela zahtijevaju da se sve institucije članice uključe u razne faze planiranja i kreiranja modula istraživanja i svaki član ima pravo glasa u odlučivanju. Četvrto, kombinirajući metodologiju ponavljanja u vremenskim razmacima i međunacionalnu perspektivu, koriste se dva moćna istraživačka alata za proučavanje društvenih procesa. Teme modula iz 2012. godine Obitelj i promjenjive rodne uloge uključuje: rodnu ideologiju; stavove prema ženskoj zaposlenosti tijekom životnog ciklusa; stavove prema braku; organizaciju dohotka u partnerskoj zajednici; rodnu podjelu kućanskih poslova; podjelu kućanskih poslova – pravičnost i sukob; moć i odlučivanje u partnerskoj vezi; sukob posao-obitelj; rod, skrb i socijalna politika; stavove prema djeci; model obitelji u vezi s favoriziranom i stvarnom podjelom plaćenog i neplaćenog rada uključujući upravljanje vremenom u kućanstvu; alternativne oblike obitelji. Pregled članaka Odabrani podatci u tri rada u ovom broju (djelomično ili isključivo) bave se četvrtim krugom ISSP istraživanja Obitelj i promjenjive rodne uloge iz 2012. godine. Iako se ne temelji na ISSP podatcima, četvrti rad s jedne strane uklapa se u temu modula i temu ovoga broja, a s druge strane nudi i međugeneracijsku usporedbu i psihosocijalnu perspektivu. Dok tri rada obrađuju nacionalnu (hrvatsku) razinu analize, Ivana Dobrotić i Tanja Vučković Juroš nude međunacionalnu (europsku) perspektivu u radu naslovljenom Tko bi trebao financirati rani predškolski odgoj i obrazovanje? Višerazinska analiza 24 zemlje. Autorice istražuju učinak čimbenika na individualnoj i državnoj razini na stavove o financiranju ranog predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja, a posebno istražuju utječe li socijalizacija u određenom režimu socijalne države na stavove o odgovornosti države u pogledu predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja. Autorice isto tako istražuju objašnjava li bolje tipologija socijalnih režima koja je više usmjerena na obiteljsku politiku varijacije u stavovima prema ranom predškolskom odgoju i obrazovanju u različitim državama. Njihovo najvažnije otkriće je da alternativna Leitnerova tipologija "vrsta familijalizma" bolje objašnjava varijacije u stavovima o predškolskom odgoju i obrazovanju u različitim državama nego što to čini klasična Esping-Andersenova tipologija. Stoga naglašavaju važnost programatskog pristupa u analizama stavova socijalne države koji povezuju javnu podršku specifičnim socijalnim programima s njihovim jedinstvenim značajkama. U svojem radu Uvjerenja o rodnoj podjeli roditeljskih dopusta i značajke povezane s njima Ivana Jugović istražuje stavove o roditeljskom/porodiljnom dopustu i čimbenike koji objašnjavaju takve stavove u hrvatskom kontekstu. Kao prediktore tih stavova istražuje rodne razlike, uvjerenja o rodnim ulogama, socio-demografske podatke, pohađanje vjerskih obreda, vrstu radne organizacije i nejednakosti u dohocima partnera. Rezultati pokazuju da su stavovi o rodnim ulogama jedini statistički značajan prediktor. Što manje ispitanici vjeruju da bi rodna podjela poslova trebala biti podijeljena na tradicionalan način, to je veća vjerojatnost da će podržavati ravnomjernu podjelu dopusta između roditelja. Autorica smatra da je teorija rodne ideologije prikladnija za objašnjavanje stavova o rodnoj podjeli roditeljskog dopusta u usporedbi s teorijom vremenske alokacije. Zaključuje da do pomaka prema podržavanju korištenja dopusta na rodno ravnopravniji način vjerojatno neće doći sve dok stavovi o rodnim ulogama općenito ne postanu ravnopravniji. Napisan iz perspektive filozofije roda, treći rad U ime oca: rasprava o (novom) očinstvu, njegovim pretpostavkama i preprekama, autorice Ane Maskalan, spada u pionirske radove o očinstvu u hrvatskom kontekstu. Autorica započinje od temeljnih pojmova otac i očinstvo i njihovih doslovnih i simboličkih značenja, te daje kratki povijesni pregled kombiniran s odabranim teorijama o očinstvu. Autorica pronalazi prikladni kontekst za istraživanje modernog očinstva u povijesnoj povezanosti između očinstva, muškog identiteta i političke moći gdje tradicionalne odrednice muškosti, kao što su agresivnost i emocionalna distanciranost predstavljaju glavne prepreke ispunjavajućem i pozitivnom odnosu otac-dijete. O tom se odnosu djelomično raspravlja u okviru koncepta jednako roditeljsko partnerstvo, što ne ukazuje samo na nove oblike očinstva, nego isto tako i na nove oblike muškog identiteta. Analizirajući podatke o vrijednostima i praksama hrvatskih muškaraca i žena u pogledu skrbi o djeci iz istraživanja ISSP 2012 o obitelji i promjenjivim rodnim ulogama, autorica zaključuje da iako je došlo do brojnih pozitivnih promjena, pred hrvatskim društvom još je dugačak put do ravnopravnog roditeljstva i rodne jednakosti. Isto tako smatra da je važno uočiti da se očinstvo, kao predmet političke i pravne kontroverzije, ne može i ne smije razmatrati neovisno od širih rodnih pitanja povezanih s majčinstvom, socijalnim položajem muškaraca i žena, kao i socio-ekonomskim pretpostavkama očinstva i majčinstva. U svome radu Realizacija participatornih prava djece i psihosocijalna prilagodba djeteta: stavovi djece i roditelja Nina Pećnik, Jelena Matić i Ana Tokić Milaković nude zanimljivu međugeneracijsku perspektivu koristeći reprezentativne uzorke učenika sedmih razreda (trinaestogodišnjaka) i njihovih roditelja. Analizirale su percipiranu realizaciju prava djeteta na skrb, zaštitu i participaciju unutar modernih hrvatskih obitelji, veze između realizacije participatornih prava i dječje percepcije demokratske klime u njihovim obiteljima, kao i neke pokazatelje psihosocijalne prilagodbe djece. Autorice su koristile podatke o mjerenju realizacije prava djeteta unutar obitelji, upravljačkom stilu u obitelji, samopoštovanju, samokontroli, problematičnom ponašanju i djelotvornosti otpora. Oko polovice djece izvješćuje o potpunom poštivanju njihovih prava da slobodno izraze svoja mišljenja i ideje, kao i pravo da utječu na donošenje odluka koje utječu na njih. Procjene »upravljačkog stila« u njihovima obiteljima pokazuju da više od četvrtine djece doživljavaju svoje obitelji kao diktature, anarhije ili post-revolucionarne države. Autorice su povezale veću realizaciju participatornih prava s doživljavanjem vlastite obitelji kao demokracije, s višim samopoštovanjem djeteta i manje problematičnih ponašanja, sa češćim odupiranjem vršnjačkom pritisku da konzumiraju sredstva ovisnosti (cigarete, alkohol), kao i s roditeljskim opažanjem o većoj samokontroli djeteta. Roditelji, u usporedbi sa svojom djecom, pokazuju tendenciju precjenjivanja razine ispunjenja dječjih prava na zaštitu fizičkog integriteta, dostojanstva, sudjelovanja u odlučivanju i primanju brižne skrbi. Naposljetku, željela bih zahvaliti svim autoricama koje su doprinijele ovom tematskom broju i tako proširile naše znanje o promjenama u obitelji i rodnim ulogama u Hrvatskoj, ali i općenito. Isto tako, ovom bih prilikom željela potaknuti istraživače u Hrvatskoj da češće koriste ne samo modul Obitelj i promjenjive rodne uloge, nego i druge ISSP module u svojim analizama. Baza podataka ISSP nudi komparativne datoteke koje uključuju 33 modula za nacionalnu i međunacionalnu analizu, kao i analizu u vremenskoj perspektivi, a poveznica se može pronaći pod nazivom Archive and Data na www.issp.org. Gošća urednica tematskoga broja: Dinka Marinović Jerolimov ; During the second half of the twentieth century and especially over the past few decades our experience and understanding of family and gender roles has changed remarkably. Phenomena unthinkable to our grandparents nowadays are much more evident and socially acceptable: divorce, remarriage after divorce, cohabitation, experimental relationships, homosexual marriages or partnerships with or without children, single parent families, more democratic relations between parents and children, women's employment, paternity leave etc. Besides the increased variation in family forms and changed relationships inside the families, social scientist are interested in other issues that affect every society at the macro-level such as for instance the number of children in families or the issue of fertility rates and greying societies. While twenty or thirty years ago the important question concerning family life included women's employment and its consequences for the family, today the focus is more on work-life balance and how to reconcile the work and family life, together with gender roles in families and households. Still relevant both for the families and social science research, the question of women's paid job is widened with the gender roles, power distribution within the households with respect to paid work, unpaid household work, care responsibilities and furthermore, gender equality in both spheres of work. More complex analysis of these changes, besides using a general modernization processes as the framing context, should take into account social policies, employment policies and changing labour-market conditions as well. Social scientists are particularly interested in cross-cultural variations in order to understand and explain these interconnectedness and changes. That is the reason why the theme on family and changing gender roles has been researched in four waves within the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP). The first module was run in 1988, the second in 1994 and the third in 2002. Selected data from the last 2012 ISSP module (fielded in Croatia in 2013) are basis for analysis in articles included in this thematic issue of the journal. About the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) The International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) is the oldest continuing annual cross-national research within the social sciences. Its members are survey organizations from around the world, each representing one nation. Since 2005 the Institute for Social Research in Zagreb has been represented Republic of Croatia in the project. The ISSP covers a range of topics important within the social sciences (the role of government, social inequality, national identities, religion, health, work orientations, citizenship, environment, social networks, leisure time and sports) and implements rigorous standards of survey research in order to address the difficulties inherent in multinational survey research. Since its modest beginning in 1984 ISSP has grown to include 48 members, each of whom are responsible for the ISSP surveys being implemented in their country each year. The annual topics for ISSP surveys are developed over several years, led by an elected sub-committee (drafting group) and pre-tested in various member countries. The annual plenary meeting then discusses and finalize the questionnaire which is fielded in all countries. The ISSP research concentrates especially on developing questions that are: 1) meaningful and relevant to all countries, and 2) can be expressed in an equivalent manner in all relevant languages. The ISSP data archive situated in GESIS Data Archive for the Social Sciences at Leibnitz Institute in Köln prepares a combined dataset that is freely available. Many listed topics are repeated at regular intervals (some of them even three or four times), allowing researchers to examine cross-national variations and changes over time. ISSP marks several new departures in the area of cross-national research. First, the collaboration between organizations is routine and continual. Second, the on-going collaboration of the same institutions makes cross-national research a basic part of the national research agenda of each participating country. Third, ISSP principles require that all member institutions be involved in various phases of planning and designing survey modules, and each member has a say in decision making. Fourth, by combining a cross-time methodology with a cross-national perspective, two powerful research designs are being used to study societal processes. Topics of the 2012 module Family and changing gender roles include: gender ideology; attitudes and behavior on female employment over the life-cycle; attitudes towards marriage; organizing income in a partnership; gendered division of household work; sharing of household work - fairness and conflict; power and decision-making within partnership; work-family conflict; gender, care, and social policy; attitudes towards children; model of families concerning preferred and actual division of paid and unpaid work including time management in household; alternative family forms. Overview of the articles Selected data presented in three articles in this volume (partially or exclusively) deal with the 2012 fourth wave of the ISSP module Family and changing gender roles. Although not based on the ISSP data, the fourth article fits into the theme of the module and the thematic issue as well, offering on the other hand intergenerational comparison and psychosocial perspective. While three articles cover national (Croatian) level of analysis, Ivana Dobrotić and Tanja Vučković Juroš offer the cross-national (European) perspective in their article Who Should Finance Childcare? Multilevel Analysis of 24 Countries. They examine the effect of the individual and country-level factors on the childcare financing attitudes, particularly whether socialization in a particular welfare regime influences attitudes about the state's responsibility related to childcare. The authors also investigate whether a more family-policy-nuanced categorisation of welfare regimes better accounts for the cross-country variations in childcare attitudes. Their most important finding is that the alternative Leitner's "Varieties of Families" typology better accounts for the cross-national variations in childcare attitudes than the classical Esping-Anderson's typology. Therefore they emphasise the importance of a programmatic approach in the welfare state attitudes analysis which links the public support for specific social programs to its unique characteristics. In her article Beliefs about the Gender Division of Parental Leave and Characteristics Associated with Them Ivana Jugović explores attitudes about paternal/maternity leave and factors explaining these attitudes in Croatian context. As predictors of these attitudes she examines gender difference, gender-role beliefs, socio-demographics, church attendance, type of working organization and partners' income disparity. Results show the gender-role attitude as the only statistically significant predictor. The less the respondents believe that the gender division of labour should be traditionally divided, the more likely they are to support equally shared leave between parents. Author finds the gender ideology theory more applicable in the explanation of attitudes about the gender division of parental leave compared to time-allocation theory. She concludes that shifts towards supporting gender egalitarian leave take-up will most likely not occur until attitudes towards gender roles in general become more egalitarian. Written through a philosophy of gender perspective the third article In the Name of the Father: A Discussion on (New)Fatherhood, its Assumptions and Obstacles by Ana Maskalan is among pioneer works on fatherhood in Croatian context. Author starts with the basic concepts of father and fatherhood and their literal and symbolic meanings, together with a short historical overview combined with selected theories of fatherhood. The appropriate context to examine the modern fatherhood author finds in historical interdependence of fatherhood, masculine identity and political power where traditional determinants of masculinity, such as aggressiveness and emotional detachment represent a major obstacle to a fulfilling and positive father-child relationship. That relationship is partially discussed in relation to the concept of equal parental partnership, implying not only the new forms of fatherhood, but the new forms of masculine identity as well. Analysing the data on values and practices of Croatian men and women regarding childcare from ISSP 2012 survey on family and changing gender roles, author concludes that, although many positive changes have been made, Croatian society has got a long way to go to reach both equal parenting and gender equality. Also, she finds important to note that as a subject of political and legal controversy fatherhood cannot and must not be considered independently of the wider gender issues regarding motherhood, social status of men and women, as well as socio-economic assumptions of both fatherhood and motherhood. Ninoslava Pećnik, Jelena Matić and Ana Tokić Milaković in their article Fulfilment of the Child's Participation Rights in the Family and the Child's Psychosocial Adjustment: Children's and Parents' Views offer an interesting intergenerational perspective using the representative samples of seventh grade students (thirteen-year-olds) and their parents. They examined perceived fulfilment of the provision, protection and participation rights of the child within contemporary Croatian families, the links between participation rights fulfilment and children's perception of a democratic climate in their families, as well as some indicators of children's psychosocial adjustment. Authors used data on measures of the child's rights fulfilment in the family, family governing style, self-esteem, self-control, behaviour problem, and resistance efficacy. Approximately half of the children reported full respect of their right to freely express their opinions and ideas, and to influence decision making that affects them. Assessments of the 'governing style' in their families reveal that, over a quarter of children see their families as dictatorships, anarchies, or post-revolutionary states. Higher participation rights fulfilment Pećnik et al. find linked with perceiving own family as a democracy, child's report of higher self-esteem and fewer behaviour problems, more frequently resisting peer pressure to use substances (cigarettes, alcohol), as well as with parent's report of greater child's self-control. Parents, in comparison to their children, tend to overestimate the level of fulfilment of children's rights to protection of physical integrity, dignity, participation in decision-making and to receiving loving care. Finally, I wish to thank all authors who contributed to this thematic issue and widened our knowledge on changes in family and gender roles in Croatia but in general as well. Also, I encourage social scientist in Croatia to use in their analysis not only the module Family and changing gender roles but other ISSP modules as well more frequently. ISSP data base offers comparative files that include 33 modules for national, cross-national and cross-time analysis link to which can be found under Archive and Data at www.issp.org. Guest editor of the thematic issue: Dinka Marinović Jerolimov

Glatfelter, Charles H.; Oral History Collection To read the transcript and access the audio/video (if available) of this interview at the same time, first download the pdf of the transcript by clicking on the link at the top of this screen. The transcript will open in a separate window. Next, select the or option to the right of the screen to access the media player. Special Collections & College Archives Musselman Library Interview with Michael Birkner Interviewer: Rebecca Duffy Interview Date: November 22, 2013 Interview with Michael Birkner Rebecca Duffy, November 22, 2013 1 Rebecca Duffy: [Today is November 22, 2013. I am Rebecca Duffy and I will be interviewing Professor Michael Birkner in Special Collections at Gettysburg College's Musselman Library.] We will start with you as a student here, so that we can get some insight. I think that's really special that we have an alumnus [that is so accessible] from the 1970s. You graduated in 1972? Michael Birkner: Yes. Duffy: Did you start here in 1968 and go straight through the four years? Birkner: Yes, I did. Duffy: You were a History major. Did you have any other majors or minors? Birkner: Actually, I was a back-ended History major. I was a Political Science major for three years and I intended to go into political journalism. That was my interest. I was always a politics junkie, so it was a natural for me to be interested in that. If you know anything about American History from 1968 to 1972, you know it was a very tumultuous time. Being interested in history as it was being made was particularly attractive to me. But by the time I was finishing my junior year as a student I looked back and thought about what I had done in Political Science and what I still had to do and I wasn't impressed by the coherence of the Political Science major. Specifically, I also had been avoiding a particular faculty member who was terrible and who taught a required course in International Affairs. I thought about it and I said [to myself], "I don't want to take this person's course just for the sake of getting a major that I'm not even convinced is worth having. So I went over to see Dr. [Charles] Glatfelter. I said to him, "I realize I am a second semester junior, but I think I would rather major in history. Is that possible?" [Pause] I don't want to make myself out to be special, but the people in the History department knew me and I had taken courses in history because I had liked history. They [Norman Forness, George Fick, and Charles Glatfelter] pitched to me that I should switch majors and become a history major. The important thing was they said, "if you just take this and this and this, you have got your major." So I did. I had probably seven or eight courses in Political Science, but I didn't [think well enough of my 2 experience to] declare it a minor. I just left and became a History major and then wound up going on to graduate school. Duffy: What were some of the courses that you took in History while you were here? Birkner: Well, I won't go into all the details because that will bog you down, but I will say that the program in History at the time was Euro-centric. If you look at the catalogue you will see that there really was very little World History. You took courses on the western historical tradition, you took courses on the European and British history, and you took courses on American history. There was no Africanist in the department, there was no Latin Americanist, and there was no Middle Eastern person. We did have a person that did Asian history, but half of that person's courses were focused on American diplomatic history which was not unusual at that time. So, essentially outside of the West we actually had half of a person to do anything else in the world. It was a provincial kind of historical learning. I did take a course in Chinese history, but I cannot say I had a good grounding in anything more than the Western traditions. The other thing I can abstract for you about my experience is that I was again unusual in that my interests were American history, but I took more non-American history than American history. My attitude- and I think it was justifiable- was that if I went to graduate school in History, I would be doing almost all American history and why should I not have the opportunity now to get a little wider range. In retrospect now there are all kinds of ways I could have broadened my education in college [with]. I was not adventurous and the college wasn't particularly adventurous in its curriculum. When you think about it, the one smart thing I did was not do all of that American history when I was going to get [plenty of] it in graduate school. Duffy: That Professor that you had for Chinese history, was that Professor Stemen? Birkner: Yes, Roger Stemen. Duffy: He was in charge of anything East Asian, sometimes even Indian history, I think I noticed? 3 Birkner: He might have done that once and that was it. He wasn't really interested in Indian history. We had a woman named Janet Gemmill [whose maiden name was Powers], so [after her divorce] she is Janet Powers. She taught Indian Civilization, but for reasons I have never really understood- this is before my time as a faculty member -I think she and the History department were not on the same wavelength, so she didn't teach it through the History department, she taught it through IDS. Mr. Stemen was the Asianist. He came in 1961 and he was the first to teach that. Duffy: I noticed that. I also noticed that the courses at that time [during the 1960's primarily] were dual courses, such as 201 and 202. Were you required to take both of them if you took one? Birkner: No, but you are right, they were sequenced. I'm guessing a lot of that was because a good percentage of undergraduates in those days went on to social studies education. They probably wanted to fill out a card of having the 201, 202 of History. That wasn't anything that affected me as a student. That wasn't a requirement. [Pauses to collect thoughts] The only requirement where we had to go through both parts of the sequence were interdisciplinary courses called "Contemporary Civilization" and "Literary Foundations of Western Civilization." Duffy: What was required by the History department [when you were a student] was passing a few three hundred level courses, the Methods course and Senior Seminar, right? Birkner: Right. Duffy: So you completed all of those? Birkner: Absolutely. Duffy: Did you have Professor Glatfelter for Methods? Birkner: Absolutely, everybody took Methods with Dr. Glatfelter. Except for the semesters when he was on sabbatical, he was it. Duffy: What was that experience like? How would you have described it when you were in the class? 4 Birkner: Maybe, it was a lot like what you experience with me. However, Dr. Glatfelter was a very different personality than I am . He was very Germanic. He had been trained originally to be a high school social studies teacher. Now he was a very smart man and wound up getting a PhD from Johns Hopkins. You don't do that unless you have some brains. He was one of these people who went by categories--one, two, three- which is not the way I do things. His approach to teaching was not very exciting to me. Just to give you an example of the way he taught Methods, one-third of the course he lectured about the historiography of Western Civilization, the writing of the history of the West from Herodotus until the Progressive Era in the early 20th century. Each day he would come in for seventy-five minutes and lecture about Herodotus or Livy or Gibbon or Voltaire- who was a historian not a very good one, but a historian [none the less]- [hand motions and voice indicating droning on], Prescott and Parkman and Bancroft. Your first big paper in the course was to read three of these historians--one from the Ancient World, one from Early Modern Europe and one from the 18th or 191h century--and write a comparative [paper]. He did that every semester. I benefited from it, though I have not read those historians since. But [in general] this was dull. The second part of the course was more "Nuts and Bolts." That's where he talked about doing footnotes and bibliographies and reference books. Of course [this was] the pre-computer age so he would bring in a cart and show you reference books. Again, it wasn't too exciting. The third part of the course was the "Philosophy of History'' in which he would talk about a range of things from why we do history to the discourses of history. It was very conservative. As I may have said in class, we read one article about Oral History and he basically said, "I made you read this because it is possible this may be interesting, but it is also possible that it may just be a fad." We didn't do anything more with that. We did the same thing with Psychohistory; maybe we read an article on it. Now Psychohistory came and went really, it is not much today talked about. But he was not an adventurous person. So why is it that he is remembered? Because Dr. Glatfelter had extremely high standards and he challenged you to be the best that you could be. He was a very demanding task-master. 5 When you handed in a paper, he read every line and corrected every line. You got away with nothing. He was a person of tremendous integrity and he wanted you to be. That's what really affected me the most, to be honest with you. The specifics of what he was teaching didn't grab me much, but his ethos, that's what really grabbed me. I don't know what students think about me, but I would guess I am considered "old school" and that's okay, because you need to authentic. Dr. Glatfelter was authentic. And I like to think I am. Some students probably think it is good and some maybe think I am too hard [and demand too much work]. Again, I don't know what the word on the street is, but you've got to be what you are as long as you're nice and fair and all those things- some [professors] can be mean and that's not a good thing [chuckles], but I don't think I am that! [In the end] I think I took away [Dr. Glatfelter's] sensibility about doing history and that has always had an impact on me- [even] forty years on. If you talk to other graduates, I bet you would get similar responses. Duffy: That he was a challenging teacher, but certainly worth it in the end for [the experiences] you get out of it? Birkner: Yeah, sure. Duffy: More than [simply] as a historian? Birkner: [Thoughtful] Yeah, absolutely. [Pauses to collect thoughts] He and I were colleagues for a year when I was back in the late seventies teaching here. When he retired [in 1989], I took his job. We became close [friends] and for the last 24 years of his life- he died in February [2013]- we did a lot of things together. For [many] years I brought him into the Methods class to talk to the students about a specific project or brought the students down to Weidensalllobby to talk with him if they had questions about a particular topic. He was wonderful. Duffy: What was that like when you first came back here having Professor Glatfelter and I can't remember exactly who was still here then who had been here when you were a student­Birkner: Everyone 6 Duffy: Everyone? Birkner: Everybody. Duffy: [So then,] what was that department dynamic like when you joined, having your old professors [as colleagues]? Birkner: . As a student was I was very close with faculty, more close than I think [most] students are today. Just to give you an example, there was no Specialty Dining in those days, there was the Bullet Hole- [though] it was in a different part of the CUB- and there was a group of about 8-10 faculty that ate there every day and talked politics- remember, it's a very interesting time- and they talked campus business as well. They invited me to eat lunch with them. So, I ate lunch in the Bullet Hole every day with the faculty. Now, you say you already know a creepy amount of information about me, but one thing [is that] I belonged to a fraternity. The fraternity I belonged to only ate dinner together in our house; we didn't eat breakfast or lunch together. We were on our own for lunch. Most of my fraternity brothers after class went back to the house and ate lunch together; probably watched Jeopardy or something and just hung out. I never did. I always went to the Bullet Hole and ate lunch with the faculty. Secondly, I was the editor of the Gettysburgian. At the time newspapers were different then they are now. They were really newspapers as opposed to mostly opinion. [Pauses to collect thoughts] The paper [during my years in college] was well respected. So, faculty members wrote for it, faculty members called me up. I had a kind of elevated sense of myself. To answer your question, it wasn't a hard transition to come back in 1978 to teach because people had always treated me collegially as opposed to say you were simply a student. Duffy: As a subordinate71 Birkner: Yeah, well [Pauses to collect thoughts] I hope I don't treat you [quite] like that. We all have different roles to play. It was an easy transition is the short of it. 1 Intended to say something which more conveyed the mentor-student relationship 7 Duffy: What about the transition that we started to talk about before- when you took over the Methods class? What was that like? Did you see that you wanted to make a lot of changes? Did you make them right away? Birkner: That's a good question. Dr. Glatfelter was not a controlling person, but on the other hand he was a very "tracked" person. As I said there wasn't a lot of change [over time] . I was hired, in some measure, because [members of the History department] felt the Methods course was an important course and they felt that I would be the person who could make it matter in the future. When I came back, Dr. Glatfelter said [something like], "You do what you want with the Methods course, but here's the way I do it." The first year I tried to teach it along the track he laid out. I used some different books, but I basically had the same structure he had. I was bored teaching it! Teaching about Medieval historians and giving students bits and pieces about historians -I could see that nothing was going to stick with them. I just said [to myself], "I can't do this!" That's when I said to myself, "this course is going to need re-tooling." That's how you have more or less greater extent what you are experiencing [this semester in Methods]. Dr. Glatfelter was the one who had the three projects and I have three projects, but he never would have assigned an Oral History! Here's the other interesting thing, he didn't assign any manuscript, original material research because we didn't have an archive for the students to work in! We really couldn't do a lot of that. Dr. Glatfelter's laboratory was the Adams County Historical Society where he was the director. He never had the students [go there]. I was surprised about this because we could have done that. We had an archive [at the college]; it just wasn't a place where you could work. He could have assigned us to have stuff to work on and under controlled conditions we could have done it. He just never did it. The part that really surprised me was that here he is the director of the Adams County Historical Society, which has tons of great [material] to work on. I've used it many times in my Methods class- just not this semester because they have had some difficulties moving out of the old Schmucker building [and into a much smaller facility]. So, one of the things I said was that 8 were going to start doing this! What I did [was encourage the creation of a facility for storing a working with archival material on Gettysburg College's campus]. I had something to do with the fact that this [special collections research room] exists because [as department chair] I was able to get a very unusual bequest which had not originally been directed to Gettysburg College. I was able to convince Homer Rosenberger's executor [Attorney William Duck of Waynesboro, PA] that Gettysburg College would be the place to house the Rosenberger Collection, with the idea we would get his estate. The money we got from that estate allowed Robin Wagner, the library director, to hypothecate into other money which enabled them to build this room- which is an enormous asset to students of history, and not just in Methods. Plus we have all of these great internships etc. which we didn't have before that. So, [to go back for a second] in 1990-1991, which was my second year here, I revamped the course really along the lines of what you are taking now. Duffy: So has it not changed so much in the past few decades? What would you say has changed? Birkner: What has changed in part is that the discourses in history have grown increasingly focused on anthropology. The opportunity for students to do more intensive work in Special Collections has probably been the biggest change. They can do much more in Special Collections than they could when I first started teaching here. The idea is always to give students opportunity to work with the stuff of history and be historians rather than just write about [secondary works]. I'm a little off sync with some of my colleagues who are so emphatic that what students need to learn is historiography and what I think is what students need to learn is to feel confident about doing history and that means doing it, instead of writing about historians doing it. I want you to do it. Now, of course the two are not mutually exclusive. You should learn that history is an evolving discipline and there is always an on-going dialogue -that's of course important. But to me, for the Methods course, what's really important- if I can put it this way- is to get your hands dirty doing it, [for example] have that one-on-one experience doing an Oral History with a senior citizen; it will stick with you for a long time. 9 Duffy: Definitely. I think I have noticed that. I feel like I live in Special Collections sometimes! Birkner: And that's a great thing because it is your laboratory! You may have friends that are Environmental Science majors, they're working in a lab. Your lab is right here. Duffy: [Pauses] [So then,] If we could just go back one moment to when you were a student and there weren't as many opportunities [to research in-depth on campus]. I know the senior seminar was molded into a course throughout the sixties Uust before and during your time here as a student]. so I was wondering about your experience in the senior seminar and how you were able to do the research you needed to do [without the facilities here]? Birkner: That's a good question; I think it was only in the late 1960s that they developed the senior seminar more or less the way we know it. Until then, students had to take comprehensive exams and they also wrote a senior thesis, [but there was no senior seminar]. The problem with that program is number one: camps terrify students. A high percentage of the students were not capable of engaging them very effectively, which depressed the faculty. [Further], the quality of the senior theses was generally pretty low, in part because there was little faculty supervision. If you have say forty seniors who are majors and you've got the faculty you have, they just weren't [able to] give the time to the students on an independent study basis to do the senior thesis. So that is when they came up with the seminar notion. As far as being able to do the research- it was unusual for you to be able to spend time doing anything original. Today, more and more of our students [are doing original research]. I was talking to Lincoln Fitch the other day, he's a senior and he is doing his senior thesis on Reconstruction and he's going down to the Library of Congress and working with the papers there and he is making some interesting finds. We wouldn't have thought of that because nobody was encouraging us to do that. I wrote my senior thesis on Christian Humanism in England in the early 16th century. I read a lot of first-hand accounts, they were printed, but they were still primary sources. I read secondary sources about the Humanist movement, which is part of the Renaissance, as it affected life in England. 10 Duffy: So you feel that students now have a better opportunity to delve in deeper? Birkner: Yeah. The other thing that should be emphasized is that our faculty are more "teacher-scholars" or "scholar-teachers" than was the case in the sixties when their primary emphasis was on teaching. Again, you can't draw with too broad a brush because Dr. Glatfelter was always doing scholarship of a kind. He was very productive, but his focus tended to be narrow--on Adams or York counties or religions of York and maybe Pennsylvania. Few people in the department were pursuing active research agendas because they didn't have the same emphasis on scholarship and mentoring students as scholars as we have today. I think having a teaching faculty that is also a scholarly faculty is going to make for better mentors at the senior level or any level. Think about someone like David Wemer, who is a senior History major and just won a prize for the best paper by an undergraduate in the United States. [The prize was sponsored by the American Historical Association.] It was published in a student scholarly journal. What a great recognition for Gettysburg College. He is an exceedingly talented person, but having someone like Dr. Bowman advising him and mentoring him made it [possible]. I mentored three students [over the past several years] who were [George C. Marshall] Scholars. Each was invited down, at my nomination, to become an undergraduate fellow in Lexington, Virginia [under the auspices of] the George C. Marshall Foundation. Each of them did outstanding work and each was recognized for that work. By coincidence, I had lunch today with one of those students. He was a History major and now works as an archivist for the CIA and wanted to come back and talk to me about graduate school. That kind of mentoring I don't think would have happened forty years ago. [However,] I have a certain reputation in the field, I know people, I know what my students are doing and I can then recommend them. The sad thing with the Marshall Program is that they blew through all their money. So, after the program existed for four or five years they ran out of money and I can't recommend students to it anymore because it doesn't exist. The two other students who I recommended for it and got accepted, 11 one is now working on his PhD in Cold War History at Ohio State and the other one is doing a PhD in Early American History at William and Mary, so clearly they moved on and did good things. Duffy: So you would say that the faculty dynamic today- [a group made up of a dozen or so] individuals each scholars and, I would say talented, teachers is creating these opportunities for students? Birkner: I think it enhances and enriches the environment for our History students; hence, it gives them an extra boost toward having a valuable college experience. Dr. Glatfelter had the right standards and the right spirit. But I think that what we have today, is not only that among most of our faculty -I wouldn't say everyone does because Dr. Glatfelter was pretty much the top of the line in that- but they are committed on both the teaching and scholarly side and that's good modeling for students. When you are a senior taking a seminar you will be asked to attend a seminar session in which you will read a faculty member's paper in advance and then go in and hear that faculty member describe how he or she got into writing that paper and then you will be able to ask questions of that member about it. We do that every semester. That's a bit of modeling. You can see what the faculty member does and say to yourself, "Maybe that's how I can do it." That didn't exist forty years ago. We do a lot more stuff you would take for granted, but didn't exist then. Such as, Career Night, Grad School Night, bringing in alumni who are successful in the field of history to talk, the Justin DeWitt Lecture. How about two student journals? The Civil War Journal and The Gettysburg Journal of History again didn't exist forty or even, fifteen years ago, but they do now. That's how David [Wemer] got this national recognition, because he published his article in the History journal. [Earlier today] I was talking to Sam Cooper-Wall today about his thesis for me and I was saying how he really had potential to publish it or expand it as his master's thesis. "Don't forget," he said, "I published it in the Gettysburg Historical Journal." That's right, he did. That's the kind of thing that gives you value added. 12 Duffy: I guess my last question is just going back, once again in a more comparative way, you said the time that you were here was a very [tumultuous] time. Did the faculty use any of those current issues as teaching moments in the classroom? Birkner: Not really. I think one faculty member who taught American Cultural History picked up on environmental issues, which was one of the pieces of the puzzle in the late sixties. Earth Day started when I was college student. He tried to connect Post- Civil War environmentalism, Darwinism, with the new environmental ethic of the late sixties- early seventies. I thought that was good, but he was the only [one]. Professor Stemen, who taught Chinese history, was teaching at the very time that Nixon made his initiative to open doors to China, and he would mention it, but it wasn't integral to the teaching. We were aware of it. I think people made a definite effort not to politicize the classroom. It's not a good idea for teachers at any level to voice their ideas about politics to students. So, that didn't happen really. People were very focused on the subject matter. Duffy: I think that is about it for the questions that I have- Birkner: I think that the one piece of this you are not getting is the student side. You don't want to assume that everything is always [better each year]. I think, today, our students are more sophisticated in many ways about history. You are much more cosmopolitan and you are much more adventurous than our generation in many respects. Just think about that fact that students take courses in fields I never took courses in because they weren't even there, but nobody is afraid to take a course in Middle Eastern history or Australian history or African history. [Today's] students are interested. That's a very good sign. On the other side ofthe coin, I wouldn't disparage students from the late Sixties who were, like me, first generation college students who had a hunger for education and were willing to work hard . . , , There were a lot of people in that circumstance. So, the students were a little bit more aggressive for their education in the late sSxties. Now I will tell you also, that when I came back in the late Seventies the students were not what I remembered them being. They were very self-focused and 13 [pauses to collect thoughts] uninterested it seems to me in the same kinds of issues I had been interested in in college, so that was a little bit of a disappointment. Duffy: I read that I think in one of the oral histories with Professor Glatfelter. He had realized a shift around the mid-Seventies. [He noticed] students were changing what they wanted out of school and how they felt about school. So, I think he saw as well, a decline in the level of learning or [rather] interest in learning. Birkner: I think this is not just a Gettysburg story. Duffy: Right. Birkner: I think it would [have been the case] at you name the place. I remember when I taught my first class at the University of Virginia. This is almost hilarious in a way because I taught a course in [19]74 at the University of Virginia as a grad student. It was a seminar and we read a book on the Sixties. The kids were all like [Raises voice, indicates excitement], "What were the sixties like? What were the sixties like?" and I was thinking [Chuckling between words], "Whoa, whoa!" [To them] It was like "what was World War One like?" It was 1974 and I thought, "Whoa, how quickly the gestalt of the times changes." So, what Glatfelter noticed is certainly what I noticed. Now, particular students, of course, were terrific. They are wonderful and friends of mine now, but the mentality [gestalt] of the campus was very different. Just as an example, the fraternity that I was in had disappeared by the time I came back to teach because it was a more alternative, non-conformist fraternity [and there was no market for that at Gettysburg after 1975]. We didn't do hazing and hell week. We invited the faculty to our parties and they came. Duffy: [Laughs] Birkner: Seriously! It was kind of an admixture of fraternalism, but not the dopey stuff. Obviously, to each his own, but I never had a use for anything [like that]. I remember Dr. Glatfelter- he was not a funny man- but I remember one of the funniest things he ever said. I once said, "Charlie, I know when 14 you were a student at Gettysburg College they still had traditions during orientation where they would punish [underclass] students [for infractions of the rules]. They would cut men's hair off, make women wear side-boards over their front and back with their hometown and phone number on it." Duffy: [Laughs] Birkner: Oh yeah, absolutely! And I said to him, "What if you had ever been brought up by the Tribunal for some infraction when you were a first year student?" Without missing a beat he said to me, "I know exactly what would have happened. I would have packed up my suitcase and gone home because I wouldn't have put up with that nonsense for one second!" That was Charlie. I can't claim that I was as individualistic as he was. For all I know I would have accepted [hazing], but it was nice to find a home [in a fraternity] where it really wasn't practiced. But by the late seventies students weren't into that. They didn't want an alternative fraternity, they wanted a gung-ho fraternity experience. Again, that's okay. I would wish that a fraternity like the one I was in would exist again today because I think there is something to be learned from living in a house with people from different backgrounds [with] different values in some cases. Learning how to live together, learning how to keep a place up [is important]. I don't regret for one minute that I did that. I also had a [fine] experience in that I was a free agent to do what I wanted. Duffy: You got to go to lunch! Birkner: Yeah, I got to go to lunch and I got to eat dinner with my fraternity brothers and party with them and make those horrible road trips down to Wilson College. You did the things that college students do, but you also did it on a slightly different track. When I came back in the late eighties the college was in transition. It had become by then a more national institution, so students were coming from a larger swath of the country, which was a good thing. [It reflected] a more cosmopolitan view. [The population] was still very white, not as diverse as it is today, but moving in the right direction, I think. I would honestly say that your generation of students on the whole is a lot more fun to teach than 15 any generation I have taught before. Just take for example class yesterday on the "Cat Massacre." You are willing to buy into reading something challenging, thinking about it and then talking about it. To me that is learning. But that wasn't really the pedagogy [in the 1960s and 1970s] and when the transition was made a lot of students just wouldn't buy into it because they were [satisfied] being more passive. Learning should be active. It seems to me we have got that buy in from our majors and more generally, too. Hopefully, what you do in my class and your other history classes carries over into Poli Sci and the other courses you are taking, because again, why should it not? [From here we continue to talk for the next few minutes about the intersections between disciplines in the case of myself and my partner Ryan, as well as the possibilities of support from the government for public history and the National Park Service]. 16

The subject of this study – The Youth in Croatia and the European Integration – is the relationship of youth toward the European integration process, including the Croatian accession to the European Union, as well as their sociopolitical readiness for integration into a united Europe. The analysis is based on a section of data gathered in early 2004, on the entire Croatian territory, and conducted within the scientific and research project Youth and the European Integration Process. The basic sample of youth, aged 15 to 29, consisted of 2000 examinees, and the control sample of persons older than 30 consisted of 1000 examinees. The obtained findings on youth have been systematically compared to results from the previous research project, The Value System of Youth and Social Changes in Croatia, conducted in early 1999, on an identically structured sample of 1700 young examinees. Data on Croatian youth has also been compared to the corresponding findings of several European researches. European integration is a dynamic and multidimensional process, and in this research, the accent was on the political and normative dimensions of integration. The genesis of the political development of European Union has indicated that, in spite of the oscillations in the process of integration, there is a recognizable progress toward the construction of a Europe of values, where all the included countries meet with equally high democratic demands. The existing research into the European integration process has undoubtedly shown that the relationship of citizens toward the EU varies as a function of time, and depends on the specific situation in certain countries or societies. Croatia is a transitional country that has stepped into the process of democratic consolidation, and after the year 2000, it had also stepped out of a certain kind of international isolation. Today, Croatia is a country trying to join the united Europe, which has managed to obtain the status of a candidate country for accession into the EU, albeit with an uncertain date for accession negotiations. Even though the main obstacle for the start of negotiations is supposedly the lack of satisfaction of the EU with the Croatian cooperation with the Hague Tribunal, the existing tendencies and events in the country indicate that Croatia is not adequately prepared to join the Union: not at the political, nor the social, and especially not at the economic plain. The indicated findings are also the starting points in the research of the relationship of Croatian youth toward the European integration process. A valid analysis of this relationship demands a previous insight into some aspects of the political readiness of youth for European integration of Croatia. With that in mind, special attention was dedicated to political values, attitudes and participation of youth, whose longitudinal monitoring enables a detection of changes that took place during the past five years. The data comparison showed that during the observed period of time, the young people' s otherwise relatively high acceptance of almost all the constitutional values, as well as the harmonious perception of politics and institutional trust have increased, while the lack of hard work, discipline and responsibility are now perceived as a social problem to a greater extent than before. The recent data also indicates that today' s youth perceive the existence of educational, gender and age inequalities in the Croatian society to a larger degree, as well as the worsening of political representation of all marginal groups. On the other hand, the understanding of conflicts and democratic rules (especially the role of the opposition) has weakened, the perception of crime in ownership conversion and privatization as a problem has decreased, there is also a weaker perception of the existence of social and religious inequalities, the social activism and political participation have decreased, and the attitude about inclusion into youth organizations of political parties and the establishment of independent youth parties as forms of activities that might contribute to a more active participation of youth in the society has decreased. From hence comes the conclusion that certain changes tend to lead to further social, most of all political, (self)passivization and marginalization of young people. The continuity of tendencies established in the previous research projects, confirm the finding that the young are not a monolithic group when it comes to acceptance of political values, expression of political attitudes and the level of political participation. The greatest differentiation is present regarding the not so present tolerance toward most observed social phenomena and groups, the perception of unemployment as the most important social problem and the cause of existing difficulties, the perception of existence of political inequalities and the stated interest in politics, as well as the perception of the role of the " diaspora" in the Croatian political life. When these results are observed integrally, it is obvious that the young are mostly differentiated by the level of obtained knowledge and their socio-professional status, then party identification, social origin and the phase of maturity. All the mentioned differentiations of youth can simply be summarized by outlining two large, relatively polarized groups: one consists of socially more competent youth, inclined to the ideological and political options of the left center, and the other consists of a socially inferior youth, inclined toward the right pole of the ideological-political spectrum. The socially more competent youth is more liberal, more critical toward the social reality and the political actors, they manifest a greater respect for democratic institutions and procedures, which is an indicator of the importance of favorable circumstances in the process of political socialization. The recent data enabled us to establish the existence of inter-generational differences, which are not enormous but are significant. The comparative analysis of the attitudes of both the young and the older examinees, demonstrated that the young state a higher degree of trust in the media than the older examinees, that they are more tolerant toward a number of social phenomena and groups, which cause dispute both in the Croatian and the European public opinion arena, as well as more sensitive regarding ethnic inequalities. The young perceive war as the main cause of current difficulties to a greater extent than the elders, they have considerably more trust in their own generation as a social force that could initiate positive trends, they express a greater readiness for inclusion in different civil society activities, and believe more that television and youth organizations could mobilize them into active participation in social affairs. At the same time, the young are slower than the older examinees to accept the value of a democratic order, however, they are also less prone to have a harmonious understanding of politics, they are less socially sensitive, they express less trust in the institutions of power, the socioeconomic goals and the preservation of tradition are less often among their political priorities, they less often think immorality and criminal activities in the privatization process are the cause of current problems, they perceive a smaller level of corruption in all areas of social life (aside from education), they believe less in the positive contribution of experts and entrepreneurs to overcoming the trends of crisis, they are less interested in politics and participate less in political parties, and they have a smaller level of faith in the mobilization role of education for democracy, volunteer work, political parties and non-governmental organizations, as well as the contribution of the family and education system in the stimulation of the young people' s social engagement. The established inter-generational differentiation can be explained through the life cycle theory, meaning the mentioned differences are mostly the effect of differing social statuses and the complete experiences of the young and the older examinees. That means that most young people have not assumed some of the permanent social roles, and that their immediate experiences are limited only to some social areas among which politics do not have a prominent place. The existing inter-generational differences are also the result of the fact that most older examinees draw on their experience gained in a different social and political regime, which to a certain measure forms their existing system of political values that is, in certain elements, especially those related to the social dimension, different than the youth' s system of political values. On the other hand, the congruence of the young and older examinees is contributed to by a common experience of an era, that is, life in a specific socio-historic period. The absence of deep inter-generational ambiguities also indicates that, in spite of the radical changes that have appeared through the decomposition of the old and the set-up of a new social and political order, the mechanism for transposing political values from the older generations to the young ones, functions to a considerable degree, along with the transfer of the shortcomings that exist in the structured political awareness of the older generation. Even though it was established that the youth in Croatia accept the traditional values to a smaller degree compared to the elders, the young are at the same time somewhat more conservative in certain areas than their European counterparts. Pointing to this finding is the greater orientation of the Croatian youth toward the family and a smaller extent of tolerance of certain phenomena and groups in the contemporary society. At that, the social participation of the Croatian young generation is at a lower level than the participation of their European peers. The attitude toward human rights is also one of the indicators of political preparedness of Croatian youth for integration into a democratic Europe, which promotes high standards in the protection of human rights and freedoms. The research results about the evaluation of individual human rights and freedoms, show that the youth accept the right to an education, the right to work and personal security, the right to privacy, the social protection of the elderly and those in other precarious situations, the equality before the law, the rights of women and the right to ownership the most. The analysis has shown that the preference of individual human rights and freedoms is not caused by the observed socio-demographic and socio-structural characteristics of the young, aside from education, which points to the significance of the education system as an agent of improvement of the state of human rights. Approximately a third of the young examinees were not satisfied with the respect for human rights in Croatia today nor were they satisfied five years ago, the percentage of the undecided has decreased in that period of time, and the number of those that think human rights in Croatia are mostly or completely respected has increased. The results of the analysis of social attributes of youth indicate that the ability of assessment and a higher degree of criticism toward the status of human rights in Croatia is related to life in economically more prosperous regions, a left ideological-political orientation as well as the female gender. The comparison of the evaluation of the contribution of institutions, organizations and significant individuals in the population of youth in 1999 and in 2004, established that the generation of youth today perceives a higher level of contribution of all observed participants (except for the opposition) to the protection of human rights and freedoms in Croatia. More precisely, most of the young assess that all the participants, completely or mostly, contribute to the realization of human rights in Croatia, which especially refers to the perception of the contribution of the highest institutions of power. The perception of the status of human rights in Croatia and the contribution of the observed actors to the realization of those rights, are considerably highly influenced by regional affiliation and party identification, followed by their social background, their gender and the religious self-identification of the young. The comparison of acceptance of the observed human rights and freedoms of the populations of young and older examinees in Croatia, indicates that the elders accept most individual human rights and freedoms more than the young, and that they also express less criticism toward today' s respect for those rights and freedoms in Croatia, while validating the contribution of all the observed actors to a higher degree. To summarize, the analysis has shown that the young accept human rights and freedoms very highly at the level of principle, but that there is a certain disagreement when it comes to concrete rights and practices in Croatia. Even though the degree of acceptance of the value of human rights and freedoms is high among the young, there are also deviations indicating an increased need for additional engagement of certain agents of socialization, especially the education system and the political actors. The national affiliation of youth is another indicator relevant to its relationship toward the European integration. The research has shown that the attitude most represented with the youth is one of moderate national identification, then the ones signifying an openness toward the world, while ethno-centric statements are at the back of the obtained hierarchy. The attitude that had demonstrated the highest representation of national identification is for the first time at the top of the rank in all our research projects, just as it is evident that nationally tinted attitudes, both moderate and extreme, are more represented now than in 1986 or in 1999. Such an increase of the national affiliation of the young can be interpreted by the fact that there is more emphasis on existential problems and that there is a higher uncertainty regarding the future, then the increase of differences between the rich and the poor, as well as a smaller degree of trust in the political leadership. The immediate confrontation with this type of social instability, results in a search for safer modes of relationships with other people, the society as a whole and some of its parts, where the nation represents one of the safe havens, much like family and church. However, it is necessary to emphasize that the attitudes of openness toward the world are quite stabile, and that they are often complementary instead of being opposite to attitudes of national identification. At the same time, this points to the complexity of the problem of national affiliation and the fact that it does not have to be exclusive, but can actually coexist with attitudes that enhance the process of European association. Regarding their national affiliation the young are, of course, not homogenous. The results of the analysis have shown that the nationally oriented youth is significantly more religious than the others, they prefer the conservative parties, live in Dalmatia, Central and Eastern Croatia, they originate more often from rural areas and families, where the father has a lower degree of education, they personally have a lower level of education and, within the youth sample, they belong to the youngest age cohort (age 15 to 19), and the groups of pupils and the unemployed. On the other hand, a significantly lower national affiliation is expressed by youth coming from the Istrian, Zagreb and Northern Croatia provenience, those indecisive about religion or atheists, youth of urban background and a higher family and personal education status. However, regarding cosmopolitism, the young demonstrate significantly more homogenous results. It is especially indicative that the more ethno-centric examinees and, to a smaller degree, those with a pronounced national identification, more often have a negative perception of the European Union, while the nationally more exclusive examinees refuse to even support the accession of Croatia into the European Union. The examination of the social (ethnic) distance toward certain nations has demonstrated that the young have put members of the former Yugoslav federation and Russians at the back of the scale, while, with an under-average evaluation, the center of the scale is occupied by members of certain Central and Eastern European nations (the Czech and the Hungarian). Inhabitants of the European Western and Southwestern territories, especially the Italians, which occupy the first position after form the Croats, and the Germans, demonstrate satisfactory results just by being evaluated by average grades. However, the degree of social closeness that the young citizens of Croatia feel toward other Croatian men and women, indicates a certain dose of self-criticism, because approximately one third of the young do not feel an especially high level of affinity toward, for the most part, their own nationals. The older examinees differ from the young in that they more pronouncedly represent attitudes at the center of the national affiliation scale, as well as indicate a higher ethnical distance on average. However, the fact is that, in spite of the existence of inter-generational differences when it comes to national affiliation where the older examinees dominate, there are also inter-generational differences that indicate a better position of the youngest examinees in our sample (aged 15 to 19). This phenomenon has already been described in literature by the so-called U-curve, which vividly illustrates a higher national affiliation of individuals at their earlier and later periods of life. Thus, the greater national affiliation, on the one hand, seems to appear as an expression of an adolescent transitional crisis, and on the other, as a consequence of a long-term perseverance of the perception and production of (most probably) negative experiences with a specific out-group. The relationship of the examinees toward the European integration and the European Union has been investigated via numerous indicators, where the emphasis was on the perception of the possible consequences of Croatian accession to the EU. However, other aspects of the relationship toward Europe and the EU have been the object of research, presenting a wider context for understanding the perception of consequences of joining the Union. The obtained results demonstrated that most of the young and of the older examinees in Croatia actually had a neutral image of the EU, even though those with a positive image exceed those that perceive the EU negatively. Actually, nine tenths of the examinees have in the beginning of 2004, supported the Croatian integration into the Union, but among those examinees, there is a highest number of euro-skeptics, that is, those that believe that too much is expected from the accession. At the same time, there were considerably less euro-enthusiasts (those that expect all-around benefits from the integration) and euro-realists (who believe that integration is inevitable for the survival of small countries). As for the difficulties standing in the way of the Croatian road to a united Europe, the examinees had equally addressed them to both Croatia and the European Union, however, the number of young emphasizing the accountability of the EU has increased from 1999 to 2004, and the number of those accenting Croatia' s responsibility has, in the same period of time, decreased. The finding that the young expect significantly more positive than negative consequences after the Croatian accession into the European Union, is especially important. However, in this regard, there has been a mild decrease in the expectation of the positive, and an increase of the negative consequences among the young during the last five years. The highest positive expectations have been registered at the individual and the socio-cultural planes, while the optimism regarding the socio-economic progress has decreased. Indeed, the lack of socio-economic preparedness of Croatia for the entrance into the developed European surrounding is expected to yield the most negative consequences. The research of the expected development of the EU in the coming ten years, has shown that only the possibility of easier travel, work, study and life in Europe is expected by most of the examinees, especially the young ones. The young are quite fearful of the costs Croatia might have from the integration and of the worsening position of the agricultural population. The negative conesquences expecting their own country are, however, less perceived by the youth in Croatia, than by their counterparts in Europe. Related to the fears from the construction of a united Europe and European Union, we have established that the youth in Croatia is most afraid of the abolition of the Croatian currency and the increase of crime, and its smallest fear has to do with the potential loss of social privileges. The fears of examinees in the enlarged Europe are somewhat different – the most expressed fear is that of labor transfer into other countries, the increase of crime and drug trade, the difficulties expecting the farmers and the price their country has to pay due to the development of the EU. Both the young and the old examinees in Croatia are less worried about the loss of national identity, language and their social privileges than the European examinees. All our examinees emphasize the multiple benefits of the EU enlargement, followed by the positive effects of that enlargement for Croatia, while the efforts of the Croatian government, regarding the accession to the Union, are valued quite poorly. The potential accession of Croatia into the European Union shall also signify a change in the decision-making process, meaning that some of those decisions will be reached at the national level, and some jointly with the EU. Our examinees have, in this regard, demonstrated a high level of readiness for integration, because more than half of them believes that four fifths of the observed areas should be the object of joint decision-making by the EU and Croatia. The only areas in which, in the opinion of the young examinees, Croatia should decide autonomously are the acceptance of refugees, the judiciary, culture, agriculture, fisheries and the police. The Europeans differ in their opinions on these issues from the Croats, and believe two thirds of the observed affairs should be decided on jointly by their country and the EU, while their country should be autonomous in deciding about education, basic rules about the media, health and social care and unemployment. Different social groups have, based on the perception of youth, been grouped into potential losers of the integration (farmers, the retired, workers, the unemployed), potential winners of the integration process (such as the inhabitants of the capital and certain regions, the young, as well as the Croatian population as a whole), and certain winners of the process of integration, which are also the best prepared for Croatian accession into the EU (experts, foreign language speakers, the political elite, managers, large companies). Actually, it was shown that the young consider the social groups which are in a relatively better position in the Croatian society today to be the greatest winners of EU integration, and those whose current status is unenviable, who are in the greatest need of a better future, were perceived as those that will potentially gain the least. The only encouraging fact is that the young are seeing themselves as the potential winners, meaning they believe the existing abilities and potentials of the young generation only need optimal circumstances in order to reach their peak. However, the data about the knowledge of foreign languages in Croatia are not very exhilarating, especially compared to the knowledge of foreign languages of the youth in the European Union countries. Within this research, we have also found that approximately three quarters of our examinees are proud of being Croatian citizens, while around half of the young, and somewhat less of the elders are proud to be European. The young are the ones to be more critical toward their national identity, and at the same time they lead in the positive validation of their European identity. However, the most interesting finding concerns the fact that all the Croatian examinees feel less national pride than the inhabitants of the European Union, while it is understandable that the examinees in the EU emphasize their pride of being European more. The answers of the examinees regarding the question about the contents of the concept " being a citizen of the European Union" indicate that neither the young, nor the older examinees posses a coherent understanding of the EU citizenship. Still, the right to work, live and study in any EU member, represents the key element for the understanding of EU citizenship, both with the young people in Croatia and with the youth in the Union. The young and the older Croatian examinees believe that active suffrage is the least important, regardless of whether the elections in question include the European Parliament, the national or the local representative bodies. Only one out of four Croatian examinees believes the Croatian membership in the EU might benefit them personally, while almost half of all the young and a third of the older examinees do not posses a defined opinion on this issue. It is clear that this feeling is closely related to the question of the personal meaning the European Union holds for the examinees, where neither the young nor the elders have a homogenous perception of the meaning of the EU. A single response appeared in an above-average number of cases – the EU is a way of creating a better future for the young – while the claim that the EU signifies a sort of " European government" , superimposed to the national states which are members of the Union, received a small level of support. Unlike that, the young from the Union countries emphasize the freedom of movement most often, while in time, the very concept of " European government" became more pronounced in the attitudes of the European youth. The young people in Croatia, as well as in the EU, express an equally small level of fear of the euro-bureaucracy, the loss of cultural diversity and the utopian idea of Europe. Considering the readiness of the young to live outside of Croatian borders, we have found that almost two fifths of them would like to live (and work and study) abroad for a while, while a quarter of the Croatian youth would like to leave the country forever. The older examinees, on the other hand, demonstrate a higher level of conservativeness toward the possible departure of their children into one of the countries of the Union, but they are, however, ready to accept their possible studying and training in the EU, while only one out of seven examinees would like his/her children to permanently live or spend their entire working life in one of the countries, which are members of the European Union. The analysis of the differentiation of the young in their relationship toward the European integration and the EU, has indicated that the used social characteristics have a limited influence. In other words, the young are relatively homogenous in their perception of a united Europe and the expectations from the Croatian accession to the European Union. However, certain differences do exist, and they are mostly caused by party identification, socio-professional status, regional affiliation and religious self-identification. This means that the most influential attributes, when it comes to attitudes toward the European integration process, are the ones consisting of ideological-political attitudes and the current social status along with the specifics of the wider environment. Thus, we have found that the sympathizers of parties that belong to the left center, then pupils and students, the inhabitants of the more developed regions and the non-religious examinees are more inclined toward the EU and the integration process, and at that, they emphasize the positive consequences and the potential gains from the Croatian accession into the Union, more than they express their concerns with the negative consequences. Hence, the concise conclusion would be that the greater social competence of the young is reflected in the establishment of a stable and more consistent pro-European orientation. Otherwise, the young differ from their older counterparts in their higher expectance of positive effects from the Croatian integration into the EU and, at the same time, in the lower perception of expected problems and undesirable consequences. Considering information sources and the level of information of the young in Croatia, the results show that the young follow the news in all the media outlets relatively often, but that they do lag behind the older examinees, and the examinees coming from the former EU candidate countries. This finding does not apply only to the use of the Internet as a source of information, where the young people are far superior to the older examinees. With that in mind, it is interesting that the young differ the most among each other, in the use of Internet and the reading of daily newspapers, where the socially more qualified young examinees (the more educated, coming from an urban environment and richer regions and averagely older ones) are the ones that use both media for obtaining information more often. As for the contents the examinees look for in the media, it is visible that the young are much more interested in events from the social and cultural life, and much less in issues related to politics. A comparison with the examinees from 13 countries that were EU candidates, demonstrated that they are far more interested in all the contents (aside from sports) than the Croatian examinees. Regarding the assessment of their own level of information about the EU, somewhat more than half of the young have stated that they are well informed about the European Union and events in it, compared to two thirds of the older examinees believing they are well informed. On the other hand, the results of both the young and the older examinees are surprisingly high, compared to the data on the level of information of the inhabitants in the 25 countries of the European Union, where three quarters of the examinees thought they were poorly informed about the issue. Closely related to the question of the level of information about the European Union itself, is the question about the general level of information about the Croatian accession to that association. The results demonstrate a somewhat different trend than the previous finding. In this case, less than half of the young consider themselves to be well informed about the process. It is interesting that the identically gathered data on this issue, from the former EU candidate countries, yielded a much lower evaluation by the examinees on their own level of information. Regarding issues and problems related to the EU that the examinees would like more information on, we have established that both the youth in Croatia and the examinees from the former EU candidate countries, find issues related to the Union' s policy on youth and education to be the most interesting, followed by the economy and social policy. Along with that, the issues regarding the enlargement of the EU, the cultural policy, the international relations, the regional policy and the EU budget are the ones the young find to be the least interesting. The manner in which the examinees gather information on the European Union mostly include the mass media outlets (the press, the television and the radio), and only then other forms of information gathering, such as discussions with their families and friends, surfing the Internet, specialized books and other published material, and the activities of non-governmental organizations. There are no significant differences in the use of the stated sources of information between the young and the older examinees, except in the case of the Internet. Considering the examinees from the 25 EU member countries, they use all of the observed sources as a way of getting information about the European Union, its policies and institutions, in a smaller amount. The examination of the objective knowledge of the examinees on specific issues related to the European Union has yielded devastating results. Thus, when asked about the phase Croatia was in, regarding the accession process into the EU, at the moment the research was being conducted, the correct answer was given by only a third of both the young and the older examinees. The second question asked, dealt with the familiarity of certain institutions of the European Union. The young and the older examinees do not differ very much from each other regarding their knowledge of this issue: the most familiar institution to both of them is the European Parliament, followed by the European Commission, then the EU Council of Ministers, then the European Central Bank, while all the other institutions were familiar to less than two fifths of the Croatian examinees. The examined citizens of the European Union are, understandably, more familiar with each of the observed institutions. The social attributes of the young, causing the greatest differences regarding their level of information, are mostly the ones connected to their level of socio-cultural qualifications (the socio-professional status and the level of education), followed by gender, and then provenience, regional affiliation and the age of the examinees. The highest level of information and knowledge belongs to men from the oldest age cohort of youth, those born and living in large cities, the inhabitants of the most developed regions, students and the employed examinees, as well as those with a higher education degree, the non-religious and examinees preferring liberal and left-wing parties. Along with all that, it is important to stress that a better level of knowledge and information about the European Union, its policies, institutions and enlargement process, correlates to positive attitudes about the different aspects of the European Union (the image of the EU, the following of issues related to it, the support for the Croatian accession to the Union, and so on), which, most probably, means that they are mutually determined. The inter-generational comparison has, on the other hand, indicated that the older examinees are more interested in most issues appearing in the media, especially politics, and that they assess their level of information to be better than do the young examinees. To put it shortly, the results of the research on the information level and knowledge of the Croatian citizens – both young and old – about the European Union, have indicated that they are not that interested in the European Union issues, as much as their level of presence in the media and the political agenda might imply, and the examinee' s knowledge about the relationship of Croatia and the EU is at an even lower level. Henceforth, it is necessary to conduct a strong and comprehensive public campaign directed precisely at the increase of the level of information and knowledge of the citizens about the European Union and what it represents, so that when the issue comes to the agenda, the Croatian inhabitants might make an educated decision about their country' s accession to that community of European states. The research results presented above may be summarized into a number of tendencies and statements of a wider nature. The political culture of the young testifies, in a number of aspects, to an approximation to the desirable democratic standards – especially regarding the acceptance of basic liberal-democratic values and the readiness for social engagement, at lease in principle – however, their social power and social capital are at a low level. At that, the young are aware of their own social and political marginalization, and recognize an entire plethora of measures that might help them gain a certain measure of power and become active citizens, as is desirable in a democratic society, but they do not use sufficiently the channels of social and political promotion, which are at their disposal. Today' s generation of youth expresses a lower level of social sensitivity and is more oriented toward individual efforts and family resources in the realization of life goals. At that, it seems that the young are not aware of the fact that an unequal access to existing social resources of the young generation today will have generated an unequal social status when they come of age. Hence, we can expect a widening and deepening of the process of social decomposition, that should be corrected through mechanisms that are supposed to ensure the highest possible equality of chances in the access to social resources (most of all, education). What we mean to say is that human capital is what Croatia, as a small and an insufficiently developed country, should deal with very thoughtfully. This, at the same time, signifies a maximum of investment into the development of human potentials, where the young generation certainly comes first. The inter-generational differences regarding the readiness of Croatia for accession into the European Union, and the relationship toward the European integration, are not of such a type and scale that there could be any mention of a generational gap, however, they are indicative. The most visible fact is that the young have demonstrated a more liberal, tolerant and flexible disposition, that they have a higher belief in the potentials of their own generation, and that they are consistent in their pro-European orientation, where they see their own generation as one of the certain winners of the Croatian accession into a united Europe. These trends suggest that the potentials of the young are a resource to be seriously reckoned with on the Croatian road into the EU. The process of the Croatian accession into the European Union is linked to different difficulties that affect the attitudes of citizens about the importance of Croatian entrance into the EU. Through this research, we have clearly detected that, unlike the Croatian political elite, both the young and the older citizens do not consider the Croatian integration into EU, to be the most important political goal. The political priorities of the citizens seem to be quite different, and their support to the project of European integration is weakening. It is, then, realistic to expect this trend to continue if the problematic events in the European Union persist, just as the difficulties in the relationship of Croatia and the EU, as well as the unfavorable economic and social trends in Croatia itself. This is why there are two equally important political tasks facing the ruling political elite: the initiation of the development of Croatia and an well-argumented explanation to the Croatian citizens why the country' s integration in the united Europe is purposeful.

Jordan Branch on Google
Maps, State Formation, and the International Politics of Cartography







The territorial
underpinnings of international politics are as familiar as they are contested
within the discipline of International Relations. While the presumed 'territorial
trap' of the discipline has been attacked from many sides (see, for instance, Theory Talk #4),
Jordan Branch is more interested in turning the question around. 

His work has
carefully addressed the historical constitutive effects of mapping practices
and technologies on the subsequent transformation of practices of, and ideas about,
rule and the international system. In this fascinating Talk, Branch,
amongst others, discusses the significance of cartography for international
politics, explores the effects that contemporary digital mapping might have on political
spaces, and illustrates how innovations in mapping impacted on rule with the historical
example of France.





Print version of this Talk (pdf)





What is according to your view the most
important challenge facing global politics and what is/should be the central
debate in the discipline of International Relations (IR)?



While
there are many different debates going on at the same time within the discipline,
the one that has interested me most is the relationship between ideas and
practical or material factors. There is a very simplistic version of this
dichotomy that has been debated to death in the constructivist versus
rationalists debates, particularly in the American field of IR—an over-drawn
distinction, as many have pointed out. I am more interested in actual
explanations for the process, outcome, or phenomenon we're looking at. Rather
than separating them out, I am interested in how the ideational and material
relate to one another, how they fit together.



This
relationship poses questions for my specific interest in technological change. We
are experiencing fast-paced technological changes—for example, the information
technology revolution—which can yield a natural yet incorrect assumption, namely,
that this change will inevitably have some kind of major effect on, or
interaction with, politics and, specifically, with international relations.
This may be true, but it is too often assumed. Indeed, this raises another
problem. Even if there is such an effect, is it something we'll be able to
observe, let alone predict or explain, as it is happening? From my historical
work on the role of maps in state formation, for example, it is quite evident that
for people at the time, there was no way to see the impact maps had on the
political/spatial/ideational constitution of the state.



The information
technology (IT) revolution is the most obvious current example of dramatic technological
change. Although it has been playing out for the last 20 or 30 years, it only
continues to accelerate. Over the past couple of years, a lot of discussion has
focused on 'big data' and what it implies for business, financial analysis, and
the like. Of course, it also presents possibilities as a new tool for social
science. But there is a danger here. There is a tendency of seeing new
technological phenomena only in their material contexts, specifically focusing
on possibilities for measurement, for example, thereby neglecting to think
about the ideational. How do ideas about collecting and using data actually
play into the collection and analysis itself? So while they are in practice
always entangled, analytically, I find the distinction between the ideational
and the material a very fruitful one, not so much as a debate between opposing
fields, but as way to think about technological change.





How
did you arrive where you currently are in your thinking about these issues?



It is
funny—people often ask this sort of question, and I did not necessarily see a
natural trajectory for my thinking or work until I began to look and think
back. This interest in connecting technological and political change goes as
far back as my undergraduate time at Stanford University, where I initially
majored in mechanical engineering, and later switched to International
Relations. While technology remained an important preoccupation, I became more
interested in politics, history, and theory. So the interest formed into
questions about the political implications of phenomena like technology. But
this didn't happen instantly. Just before beginning my PhD at the University of
California, Berkeley, I was planning to do comparative work on regime change
and democratization. Then my older brother (Adam Branch), who is also a
political scientist, gave me a copy of Hendrik Spruyt's The Sovereign State and its Competitors (1994), and he said: 'Hey
you might like this!' So, I literally read that on a beach the summer before
starting grad school—which may sound funny, but I sat down, read it, and found
it fascinating. Yet I didn't immediately start thinking about these questions
then. It took a year or two, when I started really thinking about what I wanted
to work on. I came back to this work and realised these were the kind of
questions I was interested in: the origins of the territorial state and its
characteristics.



The
interest in the state as a concept had been with me for slightly longer. As an
undergrad my first introductory course to IR was taught by Stephen Krasner (Theory Talk #21).
Krasner has strong views, and the class was very rigorous. A lot of his work
focuses on the state and I think his framings influenced me early on. I don't entirely
agree with some of Krasner's arguments about sovereignty, but these
disagreements are more about the specifics of salient time periods or cases.
Other work which influenced me early on was that of John Ruggie on
territoriality. Indeed his approach became central as I was developing these
questions myself. I also discovered a host of literature in political geography
that turned out to be very interesting and useful. 



So,
one could say that my trajectory was really more focused on understanding the
historical outcome of the territorial state than on what role technology,
specifically maps, played in this process. The focus on technology, while
existent from my engineering days, really began to materialize as a link missing
from existing explanations of state formation. I was thinking about how we might
be able to find some additional traction on these questions by including
technology more prominently. It has certainly been part of some scholarship on
state formation, as in Charles Tilly's work or William McNeill's on
technological change and warfare. Surely, technology has always been in there,
but the discussion has been centered on war fighting technology and maybe on
transport, and only to a lesser degree on communication technology in the
broader sense.



Another
piece of work which triggered my focus on the relationship between the
ideational and the material was Ron Deibert's book Parchment, Printing and Hypermedia (1997, read the 1995 PhD thesis
that became the book here, pdf). He talks about internet
communication technology but also about the printing press and the impact it
has on the global distribution of power. Yet, only when I read this book for
the second or third time just as I was finishing up my dissertation did I realize
how much his framing had shaped how I formulated my thesis. He does touch on
the role of mapping, but it is his elaboration on the way in which media
informs how people think about the world which was spot on for me. For me, maps
as a medium very importantly framed how people thought about and imagined the
world in the past—but of course these questions about technology and its role
in constituting the international political system, states, territorial
boundaries, and so on are still relevant today.





What would a student need to become a
specialist in global studies or understand the world in a global way?



I
think it is important to be really excited and interested in your topic and
what you want to do. The key thing is to enter a grad program that fits you in
terms of your interests and to be willing to do whatever methodological training
ends up being needed for your research project.



I
think there's a tendency to look for a 'one size fits all' graduate training
model, which does make sense at the initial level. Everyone should get a
certain amount of background in a variety of methods, whether they'll end up
using those or not. For example, I have not used quantitative methods in my own
research, but I'm glad that I had to take classes on those methods in grad school.
They give you the ability to understand work which may connect to your own but
comes at it from a different angle. And you should always be open to a variety
of methods. The key is to be able to understand a broad array of approaches, otherwise
you won't be able to engage in broad conversations.



I
also feel I gained a lot from exploring, and reading widely, from other
disciplines such as history and sociology. I already mentioned political
geography, which is really not too distant but, nonetheless, in the U.S. it
sits in a different department. You might think that some work is 'on the other
side of the fence' but it is important to be able to bring that work into your
thinking.



The
final thing is to be open and ready to change your mind, whether it is about
the answer you're expecting to get to your question, or even changing the
question itself. Obviously there is a certain point when you're almost done
with a project where that might not be a good idea…. but if it is early on and
it works and you can do it logistically, I think it is important to be willing
to do that. Five years later you're going to be a lot better off.





So far, your work has been mainly
historical. Can you explain the importance of 'looking back' for understanding
contemporary international relations?



I
think it is extraordinarily important and useful. A lot of us in this and other
fields do see strong connections between today's politics and past events,
institutions, and ideas. There is an important notion that we cannot engage
meaningfully with the present if we do not understand its genealogy. That is
certainly a driver for me in thinking about the origins of the state and
territorial boundaries. It may help us to observe patterns we might see
replicated or appear in some kind of altered yet recognizable form today.
Indeed, it can help us think about where were might be headed.



Although
I also hesitate here slightly: always looking to the past for the answers can
be problematic. History can help us to observe patterns, dynamics, and maybe
relationships that might tell us something about other periods or about contemporary
international relations. But we should never do so thinking that the patterns
are definitely going to be the same or are deterministic. I think one can look
for patterns or relationships without automatically assuming that they have to
apply everywhere.



Historical
analysis can be problematic in its own right, because there is no way to
discover or absorb the past 'as it really was.' All history is some kind of
construction, whether it is based on contemporary or historical sources. Additionally,
in the social sciences we often have to rely on secondary sources. That is not
inherently a problem; this fact just introduces more variables to think about.
Pure narrative purporting to capture 'what really happened' can be very
problematic.



Given these disclaimers, it is useful to consider
the past. I think what should be emphasized is that, specifically at the grad
school level, students should be encouraged to dig a little deeper
historically. They shouldn't hesitate to do that excavation work.





IR, it has been argued, rests firmly on
a spatial or territorial understanding of politics. What constitutive role does
territorial space play in IR and is that role based on historical fact or is it
myth?



I
like that question. I think it is actually both—sort of a myth and sort of a
fact.  In one sense, territory informs at
least the state ideal (i.e., states as we think of them): it informs what the
state is, the interests of states, and of course how we distinguish one state
from another. And yet, while this is all inherently territorial, we also know
that this is far from an accurate description of a lot of regions and places in
the world. There are many different spatial ideas, practices, and organizations
with political agency that are non-state or non-territorial.



But
regarding the myth of state territoriality: I think it is important to point
out there is a lot of detail in the 'conventional narrative' of the state, such
as timing of when territoriality came about as pinpointed in Westphalia, that
has been quite effectively debunked by a number of scholars in the last 10 or
20 years (scholars like Andreas Osiander or Benno Teschke, from different
theoretical perspectives). This is a strongly supported finding. But it really
hasn't penetrated the mainstream narrative very well. While we can gradually see
a little more nuanced discussion in IR textbooks in the U.S., they more often
than not will still start with 1648 and Westphalia.



We
can now confidently say that states—states as we think of them now—did not
appear in 1648, let alone earlier. This is especially true if we look at the
specifically territorial or spatial aspects of statehood, which again are so
central to how we think about the state internationally. The focus on defending
cleanly demarcated linear boundaries and the idea of asserting absolute
sovereign authority within those lines; this is really not consolidated until at
least the 19th century. So, part of the myth is the timing and the
how and why we have states.



But
there still is a factual quality to territoriality in this story we tell
ourselves about the foundation of the international system and the supposed
creation of sovereign states. In a certain setting and for a certain period I
think this describes the ideas and practices of international politics quite
well. The most obvious example of this is 19th century Europe. While
there are still ways in which it diverges from the ideals of the typical state system,
in a lot of ways it actually did fit that. This happened at the same time as
the development of modern Western historiography, and it was the setting for some
of the traditional foundation of political science and IR. So we can see how
one shaped the other: history-making and state-making. The singular territorial
ideal of statehood from the 19th century has subsequently been
applied to other issues, actors, and areas. Even if it does not fit exactly, it
is applied today still and it is made to fit retrospectively much earlier
periods, where it applied less well.



Ultimately,
it is a powerful myth which has informed how we think about international
relations to such a degree that we shouldn't just throw it out. Instead, we
should think about exactly how it actually informs the way that international
relations is understood and practiced.
Practitioners and officials don't exactly read IR journals and base their
decision-making on our knowledge production, but the basic ideas of states, boundaries,
and territory which inform the practice of international relations—as well as
the study of it—should be our concern.





You have looked specifically at how
mapping has contributed to imagining and formation of the modern state system. Could
you elaborate more on how something as technical as cartography matters for
international politics?



I've
argued in my recent work that early modern mapping technologies were really
essential to the consolidation of the territorial state, particularly the
specific territorial features of states today. Maps, which have been a popular
medium over the past few centuries, really do shape how people understand the
world and their place in it. This gets us back to the connection between the
material and the ideational.



In early
modern Europe a revolution took place, first in mapmaking technologies and,
slightly later, in the ideas and practices of political rule, especially as it
relates to territory. I argue this was really not a coincidence. How rulers and
subjects conceived of rule and how rulers conceived of their realms was really
altered as they increasingly used maps that depicted the world in this one
particular way. The key characteristics of modern statehood – at least of the
ideal of modern statehood – such as linear boundaries between homogenous territorial
claims, really appeared first in maps and only subsequently in political practices
on the ground. Of course, there were existing authority structures, but these were
not particularly spatial or were not spatial in this linear demarcated way. Subsequently,
however, these authority structures were ignored or sometimes even actively
renounced in favor of the kind of authority which could be literally shown and
drawn on a map.



It is
interesting because initially, maps were not predominantly produced by rulers, states,
or officials. They were certainly involved in sponsoring some mapping projects,
buying maps, and using them, but mapmaking was more of a commercial private
scientific enterprise, if we can apply the label 'scientific' in the 16th
and 17th centuries. These map-makers certainly didn't have any articulated
goal of changing politics, at least not on this broad level. They were really
concerned with making money, maybe creating art, and advancing what they
thought was a growing science of cartography.



We
can however see that the map, as a technological artifact—maps as actual things—had
an impact on the practices of rule both between rulers and between rulers and
their subjects. I argue that this process occurred quite broadly across the
European development of the international system at that time. And you can see
this sequence really clearly in a case like France.



Let
me illustrate that. Here are three maps of 'France' ranging from the 1400s to
the 1700s—the quotation marks are necessary because the notion of there being
one entity called France across this whole period is more a matter of us labeling
it as such rather than it being one recognizable entity.









The
first map is from a 15th century manuscript about royal and noble
genealogy in France. The image is purported to represent 'all the realm of
France' and shows the country as a collection of what I would call places
rather than a single linearly demarcated space. You do have the notion of spatial
boundaries here, in terms of rivers as means for demarcation. Yet, very
clearly, the visual language of this map focuses on towns. And this is how rule
was practiced and operationalized as well: negotiations would be over places, or
maybe collections of people based on identity, jurisdiction, or where they were
allowed to reside, but not in term of linear demarcations between claims.









Now
look at the second map, which is just from about 150 years later, from the
1590s. It is from an atlas by a follower of Mercator, and its label Gallia is
the Roman designation for France. From our modern perspective we can recognize
something that looks a lot like a modern map of France. Maybe even a state, although
the boundaries are not exactly like we would expect them to be. But this is the
visual language of mapping that we are familiar with: longitude, latitude,
spatial expanses colored in, homogenous territorial claims—there is something
about the space depicted that argues that it is all the same, that is all
France.



And
despite this familiarity, it was actually far from an accurate depiction of
French rule. Not just in the actual placement of the boundaries, which are
contestable, but in the discrete nature of the boundaries themselves. Along
these frontiers, so clearly demarcated on this image, the claims of the French
king were often unclear and overlapped with those of other rulers. This was
even true for the interior of France during this period.









The
third map is another 150 years later, from the 1740s. This is from a map
showing the triangulation of the realm, undertaken by a group of geographers, known
as the Cassini survey, as several generations of the Cassini family headed up
this effort. The realm is being mapped explicitly using geometric tools with
the important emphasis that the image is actually meant to represent reality.
It is understood that way: it's supposed to measure reality, in order to enable
the French king to better understand what he rules. Moreover, this mapping took
place at the same time that rule was being implemented in practice on the
ground in terms of spatial expanses as we think of them, in the form of
demarcating boundaries with neighbors which had previously been unclear,
overlapping jurisdictions.



Although
maps of the second generation (i.e., the map from the 1590s) were 'inaccurate,'
they were extremely influential. They were widely distributed and purchased by
the elite, both inside and outside of government. Using these maps provided
rulers with this particularly new territorial meaning to their centralizing and
bureaucratizing efforts. As a consequence, the use of these maps as material
tools of governing and negotiation really changed the language of rule. Rule becomes
cartographic, at least in part. When two opposing sides come to the negotiation
table, for example, they at the very least have already agreed, implicitly, that
the division should be a linear boundary—it is just a question of where.



By
the time the third map is produced, the government is much more directly
involved in map production using accurate geometrical measurement. Yet the very
desire for this mapping was shaped by the earlier use of those commercial maps
that built up the visual grammar of geometric space. The French case is useful
because it is very well documented, but we do see the same sort of process
repeated either simultaneously or later throughout Europe and also elsewhere. In
fact, there is a lot of interesting scholarship on the introduction of mapping
and modern geographic thinking into regions outside the West. Siam Mapped (1994), a book by Thongchai Winichakul,
is a fantastic study that I found really useful for my thinking about Europe,
even though it deals with Siam (Thailand) in the late 19th and early
20th centuries.



This
is my story about mapping and territory, but I think there is a broader frame
to your question: do we want to bring in these sort of technical factors into explanations
in International Relations? And while we don't want to be technologically
determinist, there is some useful thinking around technology and its effects we
should consider. The impact of maps has been so strong, and yet they are such
common artifacts that they are largely conceived of as 'unremarkable' outside
of geographic-oriented disciplines.





So can we juxtapose this insight that mapping practices precede the
practice of rule and state formation to the anthropological present, that is,
what do the contemporary, some say radical, shifts in mapping techniques entail
for international politics?



Absolutely.
When I initially present my work, there is often an assumption that I use GIS
in my study. Instead, my work focuses on analyzing mapping itself—maps as
historical artifacts, their effects and their interaction with political
identities, interests, and organizations. But I think the ways in which methodology
and the subject of study overlap on subjects like technology could potentially
contribute to stretching the boundaries of IR. The big data question is both a
question of studying what big data means for politics but also how we can use
big data to study politics. The way in which new technologies can simultaneously
play into our methods and into our answers or questions is a pressing and
fascinating issue.



For
instance, there has been a lot of back and forth on the question of whether
more open-access mapping techniques entail some sort of democratization. While
I think we have seen that more participatory forms of mapping are possible, we
shouldn't think that this type of mapping is completely open, as no
technological system is completely open to anyone and everyone at all times.
But, indeed, there is a democratization of mapping under way. Authorship in a
whole host of domains, including mapping, is opening up where there used to be
a single authoritative voice or at least a single type of authoritative voice. So
maps are an example of this opening up and collective authorship. At the same
time, accommodating more voices also means that a lot of information is being
shared without authority or attribution or what we think of as a legitimate
source… When you open a map from Rand McNally or National Geographic, you know
that specific cartographers thought this was accurate and you can blame or
praise them. But when you open up a layer of Google Earth that has been
crowd-sourced you don't know who put that pin there, and you don't know why.



It's
really interesting to explore a bit further how this is different from the
recent past. In the 19th and first half of the 20th
century, mapmaking was essentially state-led. The U.S. geological survey, the
Ordnance Survey in Britain, or large mapmaking geographical institutions such
as National Geographic represented the owners and producers. Mapping was so
technical, so obviously technical that the everyday person would not be able to
make a map to Rand McNally's standards. This has changed, and quite importantly
so. Not only do we have the technology to do this, people are aware that they
can use it as easily as opening a smartphone app, thereby incorporating more
points of view. This is not necessarily good or bad. Politically, it does open
up new possibilities. Maps have always been political, both implicitly and
explicitly. It certainly opens up the possibility of some kind of broader shift
in ideas about territory. Let me illustrate with an example. I haven't
necessarily come across specific maps that present some completely novel visual
grammar potentially reshaping the way we think about the world. But, an
interesting example I like to bring to my students: there was a September 2011blog post on Google's Lat-Long blog (which is the company's blog about Google Maps and Google Earth). Its headline
read: 'South Sudan is now official on Google Maps,' and it displayed a
screenshot of the new boundary. 







They changed their base layer by adding a boundary between South Sudan and
Sudan. This of course followed the referendum and the UN's recognition, and all
the traditional precursors to official statehood. South
Sudan became a recognizable entity on that blog. Google Earth, a
non-governmental actor, indeed a huge corporate actor—and thus not necessarily
democratizing—becomes part of the discourse of declaring South Sudan's official
existence.



This
is an example of how things might be going. Interestingly, the whole enterprise
of mapping today actually resembles more closely that of the 16th
and early 17th centuries then that of the 19th or early
20th century, not technologically but organizationally. The
state-centric view of the world was enforced by the state-authored mappings of
the 19th and 20th centuries. Now, by contrast, there is a
kind of shared or unclear authorship, there is crowdsourcing, there are multiple
sources of conflicting and quite openly unreliable or uncertain information.
This environment of rapidly increasing distribution and use also describes the
creation of the early atlases in the late 16th century and early 17th
centuries, which involved the collation of all kinds of information from multiple
sources.



And
of course it was in the 16th and 17th century when this
sort of non-state-controlled mapping presented innovative images of the world—those
images that ended up shaping and consolidating the state form of territory. And
so it was these new tools for understanding and acting on the world which gave
the state its territorial shape. As key information-producing activities are
being opened up, some forms of power are being redistributed. This certainly
means that we need to widen our scope in terms of whom we consider to be a
stakeholder or what sort of actors we want to study. We know that the dichotomy
of state versus non-state is not sufficient. We need to be subtler in our
inquiries. In IR, of course, the stereotypical over-emphasis on states is being
questioned, and this is really just one more sign that a piece of the power of
the state, in this case map-production and distribution, is shifting elsewhere.




I
recently had a conversation with students in my undergrad seminar on technology
and international politics. I went into it saying: 'Hey, all this mobile
mapping and GPS and Google Earth is totally revolutionary. This may change how
we think about the world.' And they were all completely unconvinced, since they
use these technologies all the time—to a bunch of twenty-year-olds these tools seem
unremarkable. And maybe that is actually a more accurate analysis. But it is
interesting how it is such a different analysis from that of my generation and anyone
older, all of us who have spent a lot of time, for example, driving around
without GPS. It is partly this perception and the 'unthinking usage' which make
the relationship between technologies and social and political outcomes so difficult
to observe. Our ideas may be changed, and especially the ideas of younger
generations may be changed, without anyone particularly noticing how dramatic
the changes might be. This also means that the connections, because they are
'unthinking,' can be quite foundational to people's ideas of social identities
or political practices. They are tacit and embodied. That makes it both hard to
observe but also an interesting puzzle. But it is worthwhile mentioning that
the images presented by Google Maps and other digital mapping tools,
particularly satellite imagery, might carry a greater legitimacy in terms of
depicting 'the truth'. It looks like a picture of the world and therefore
whatever is on it, even layered on data (like a new international boundary),
must be true. It represents another apex of the scientific trajectory of
mapping.





If it is just about adding a data layer on a base map that remains the
same, does that then mean that ontologically this kind of mapping technology
actually doesn't challenge territoriality?



That
gets to an interesting point, which entangles with a lot of the more careful
discussions of globalization and the state. One version of that is that the
state is not dying, is not being destroyed. It is just that other things are
being layered on top of it, and the state and its boundaries still remain and
still matter for certain things. In this case, maps are perfectly capable of
showing state boundaries—they look very fixed, very strong—but one can layer on
top other types of information, maybe transactional flows or particular places
that are connected in different ways.



I
think that could be an interesting argument: these new mapping tools can really
show so much, and it is matter of selecting what you want to show and
unselecting things you don't want to show. Thus they don't do anything to
undermine one particular view of the world. Now that is not necessarily a good
or bad thing. If we look at the history of mapping and the origins of state
territoriality, a key part of that was that it was really hard to depict
medieval jurisdictional and personal notions of rule on early modern maps. Printing
technology and mapping tools prescribed depiction in a certain way—drawing
lines and coloring in spaces. Maps made it harder to show and thus think about
the other forms of rule. If digital maps are still perfectly capable of showing
states and their boundaries, they may do very little to undermine that notion
of territory.





Finally, if we are interested in the politics of maps, to what extent do
we need to study not only the maps as political artifacts but the mapmakers as
political actors as well?



I
think it is extremely useful to do both, and obviously if we study mapping
today, we can do both. In terms of
historical work, we can only rely on very limited sources, such as what mapmakers
themselves wrote about what they were doing. We don't know a lot about their
goals or ideas about politics. I would have loved to have been able to read
exhaustive memoirs by mapmakers such as Ortelius and Mercator. Of course, they might
not have said anything about the questions we are interested in. On the other
hand, a lot of map-makers today are involved in mapping for explicit political
reasons: for example, Ushahidi-type collaborative mapping (www.ushahidi.com), or humanitarian and
relief mapping. Here we can dig into the question of how the maps produced relate
to specific objectives. That is a great way to get more analytical leverage on
a lot of these questions.



Jordan Branch joined the Political Science
department at Brown as an Assistant Professor in summer 2012. He received his
PhD in Political Science at UC-Berkeley in 2011, and spent 2011-2012 as the
Hayward R. Alker Postdoctoral Fellow at the Center for International Studies at
the University of Southern California. His interests include international
relations theory, the history of the sovereign state system, contemporary
challenges to statehood, and the intersection of technological and political
change. In 2014, Cambridge University Press published his book, The
Cartographic State: Maps, Territory, and the Origins of Sovereignty. His
research has also appeared in International Organization and
the European Journal of International Relations.







Related links





Faculty profile at Brown University
Read
Branch's Mapping the Sovereign State:
Technology, Authority, and Systemic Change (International Organization 2011) here (pdf) 
Read
Branch's Colonial Reflection' and
Territoriality: The Peripheral Origins of Sovereign Statehood (European Journal of International Relations,
2012) here (pdf) 








Print version of this Talk (pdf)




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