Résumé Dans la littérature économique des xix e et xx e siècles, la concurrence parfaite repose sur deux types de fondements essentiellement, qui n'ont pas toujours été distingués avec suffisamment de force. Selon le premier type, la concurrence parfaite prévaut quand les agents, petits par rapport au marché, sont dénués de tout pouvoir d'influencer leurs environnements, que ce soit dans un contexte coopératif ou dans un contexte non-coopératif. Selon le second, la concurrence parfaite résulte d'une conduite normale des agents indépendamment de leur taille, pacifique – tenant les prix de marché comme donnés – ou au contraire agressive – consistant à casser les prix des concurrents. L'article passe en revue et compare brièvement ces différentes catégories de fondements. JEL classification: B13, D41, D43
Cet article vise à offrir un panorama des théories de la concurrence imparfaite qui l'abordent du point de vue de la microéconomie. Cette présentation s'articule autour des quatre thèmes principaux qui caractérisent la concurrence imparfaite : la collusion, la différentiation des produits, les barrières à l'entrée et l'information imparfaite. Une section est aussi consacrée à la théorie de la concurrence imparfaite en équilibre général.
The WTO calls for coherence between trade agreements and the multilateral system. Nevertheless, the history of these preferential trade agreements shows that the general trend does not lead to increased coherence between two systems of rules, but rather to their decoupling, leading to treaties based on a small number of models. One might even ask if we are not headed towards a greater incompatibility between two different conceptions of economic cooperation. Adapted from the source document.
International audience ; The concept of economic war remains very vague; it covers a multiplicity of economic policies. The political values and the need of national security are essential determinants of the international economic relations. Then, policy of power is the heart of the international relations and laissez-faire was and is only an exception. However, in the international order, the liberalization of the exchanges and the policies of deregulation tended to limit the possibilities of protectionism and public interventionism. At the same time, on the geo-economics area, national firms reinforce the economic and technological leadership of a country on the main industries and services of the future. The hegemony of a dominant power is often necessary for the creation and the maintenance of free trade. The exacerbation of international competition opens new possibilities of States actions, on the level of the market regulation, notably in helping the aid of national companies in their conquest of the international markets. L ; e concept de guerre économique reste très vague ; il couvre une multiplicité de politiques économiques.Les valeurs politiques et le besoin de sécurité nationale sont des déterminants essentiels des relations économiques internationales. Ensuite, la politique de puissance est au coeur des relations internationales et le laisser-faire était et n'est qu'une exception. Cependant, dans l'ordre international, la libéralisation des échanges et les politiques de déréglementation ont eu tendance à limiter les possibilités de protectionnisme et d'interventionnisme public. En même temps, sur le plan géo-économique, les entreprises nationales renforcent le leadership économique et technologique d'un pays sur les principales industries et services du futur. L'hégémonie d'une puissance dominante est souvent nécessaire à la création et au maintien du libre-échange. L'exacerbation de la concurrence internationale ouvre de nouvelles possibilités d'actions des Etats, au niveau de la régulation des ...
International audience ; The concept of economic war remains very vague; it covers a multiplicity of economic policies. The political values and the need of national security are essential determinants of the international economic relations. Then, policy of power is the heart of the international relations and laissez-faire was and is only an exception. However, in the international order, the liberalization of the exchanges and the policies of deregulation tended to limit the possibilities of protectionism and public interventionism. At the same time, on the geo-economics area, national firms reinforce the economic and technological leadership of a country on the main industries and services of the future. The hegemony of a dominant power is often necessary for the creation and the maintenance of free trade. The exacerbation of international competition opens new possibilities of States actions, on the level of the market regulation, notably in helping the aid of national companies in their conquest of the international markets. L ; e concept de guerre économique reste très vague ; il couvre une multiplicité de politiques économiques.Les valeurs politiques et le besoin de sécurité nationale sont des déterminants essentiels des relations économiques internationales. Ensuite, la politique de puissance est au coeur des relations internationales et le laisser-faire était et n'est qu'une exception. Cependant, dans l'ordre international, la libéralisation des échanges et les politiques de déréglementation ont eu tendance à limiter les possibilités de protectionnisme et d'interventionnisme public. En même temps, sur le plan géo-économique, les entreprises nationales renforcent le leadership économique et technologique d'un pays sur les principales industries et services du futur. L'hégémonie d'une puissance dominante est souvent nécessaire à la création et au maintien du libre-échange. L'exacerbation de la concurrence internationale ouvre de nouvelles possibilités d'actions des Etats, au niveau de la régulation des ...
International audience ; The concept of economic war remains very vague; it covers a multiplicity of economic policies. The political values and the need of national security are essential determinants of the international economic relations. Then, policy of power is the heart of the international relations and laissez-faire was and is only an exception. However, in the international order, the liberalization of the exchanges and the policies of deregulation tended to limit the possibilities of protectionism and public interventionism. At the same time, on the geo-economics area, national firms reinforce the economic and technological leadership of a country on the main industries and services of the future. The hegemony of a dominant power is often necessary for the creation and the maintenance of free trade. The exacerbation of international competition opens new possibilities of States actions, on the level of the market regulation, notably in helping the aid of national companies in their conquest of the international markets. L ; e concept de guerre économique reste très vague ; il couvre une multiplicité de politiques économiques.Les valeurs politiques et le besoin de sécurité nationale sont des déterminants essentiels des relations économiques internationales. Ensuite, la politique de puissance est au coeur des relations internationales et le laisser-faire était et n'est qu'une exception. Cependant, dans l'ordre international, la libéralisation des échanges et les politiques de déréglementation ont eu tendance à limiter les possibilités de protectionnisme et d'interventionnisme public. En même temps, sur le plan géo-économique, les entreprises nationales renforcent le leadership économique et technologique d'un pays sur les principales industries et services du futur. L'hégémonie d'une puissance dominante est souvent nécessaire à la création et au maintien du libre-échange. L'exacerbation de la concurrence internationale ouvre de nouvelles possibilités d'actions des Etats, au niveau de la régulation des ...
While the idea of comparing the performances of various educational systems is not new, only recently has the OECD been able to convince all its members, and France in particular, that it was both possible and desirable to evaluate and compare student performance. Even though this process is only beginning, these comparisons have already had some real effects on the educational systems of the different countries. Regarding France, these comparisons have highlighted certain characteristics of our school system and they are an essential element in the establishment of a core curriculum of knowledge and skills. Adapted from the source document.
The administrative competitions, which occupy a particular place in our country, at the very heart of the French 'social contract' and politics, entered a period of low-noise trial and then an open trial, calling for and justifying the recent reforms of the competitions, which were not yet completed. But the great resilience is the plasticity of the 'institutional form', which is proven to be long-lasting, even if there are threats to the future of the competition. ; International audience Administrative entrance examinations, which hold a special place in France and are central to the French social and political contract, are now being questioned. This began quietly but has developed into an open trial, calling for and justifying recent exam reforms. However, as an institution, the competitive exam has proved very resilient and flexible in withstanding threats to its future. ; The administrative competitions, which occupy a particular place in our country, at the very heart of the French 'social contract' and politics, entered a period of low-noise trial and then an open trial, calling for and justifying the recent reforms of the competitions, which were not yet completed. But the great resilience is the plasticity of the 'institutional form', which is proven to be long-lasting, even if there are threats to the future of the competition. ; Les concours administratifs, qui occupent une place particulière dans notre pays, au cœur même du « contrat social » et politique français, sont entrés dans une période de mise en examen d'abord à bas bruit, puis de procès ouvert, appelant et justifiant les réformes récentes des concours, encore inachevées. Mais grandes sont la résilience comme la plasticité de la « forme institutionnelle » concours, dont la pérennité est avérée, même si des menaces existent sur l'avenir du concours.
In the early 1990s, Cameroon - like other sub-Saharan African countries - opened up to democratisation. In addition to the formation of some one hundred political parties, associations based on ethnic or regional identity mushroomed. Generally speaking, the elite & politicians peacefully mobilise parochial solidarities with the aim of maintaining their positions in the state, or of entering the state apparatus through ethnic votes - this is why the size of ethnic groups are an important factor in the rivalries between politicians. However, in Logone & Chari districts, situated in the border area between Cameroon, Nigeria, & Chad, the rivalry opposing the Kotoko to Shoa Arabs manifested itself in the form of interethnic violence. Demography played an important role in these conflicts, as it permitted Shoa Arabs to reverse the political majority. The Kotoko were the first inhabitants of the region, & had hitherto controlled traditional as well as modern power structures. In respect of the controversy over the population sizes of the two communities, this paper goes back in history to examine the role of epidemics & immigration in the numerical relationship between the two peoples. The manipulation of censuses, the relativity of ethnic differences, & new dimensions in the politics of ethnicity in North Cameroon are also considered.
