Suchergebnisse

The network of hospitals was implemented by an amendment of healthcare services financed from public funds. The act was introduced on 1st October 2017. The goals of the new organization of healthcare were not written directly in in the law or in the justification of the draft bill. It is supposed that the Ministry of Health planned through these changes to strengthen public hospitals and limit competition of public financing for private hospitals. The aim of the article is to stress the role of public policy in programming law changes in the future. The implementation of the science of public policy could improve the quality of the Polish law in the healthcare system.

Russia defines relations with The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the category of strategic competition and struggle for influence. It realizes its goals through various methods and tools, choosing the right combination of them, depending on the entities to which they are dedicated. This article is an attempt to synthetically discuss the activity of the Russian Federation in the information environment of the Baltic States, oriented to the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO), determining its conditions, mechanisms and key narratives. The author considers the fact that the attitude towards NATO is part of Russia's global strategy, which aims to revise the international order in a direction that would guarantee a return to its rightful position in the emerging new order.

Based upon the novel Teatr w więzieniu [Theatre in Prison] (1921), the author has described various methods for defining this category. This institution develops its own ceremonial. Therefore, a performance in prison appears to be a parody of it, to be one of the shows – along sports competitions and circus performances – but also a method for defining interpersonal relations, as the characters, depicted as expert actors, precede Witold Gombrowicz's interactive people. Słonimski also ponders the consequences of the change in the hierarchy of arts, as theatrum mundi is replaced by cinematograph. However, the projected images, referencing Plato's cave, increase the sense of alienation. It is becoming progressively more evident that such a world transforms into a prison.

Przedmiotem badań podjętych w artykule jest rywalizacja prezydencka w 19. polskich miastach w latach 2002–2018. Ich celem było sprawdzenie czy afiliacja partyjna częściej towarzyszyła prezydentom miast, którzy dokonywali reelekcji, czy też raczej sprzyjała alternacji władzy. Pozycję partii politycznych badano na podstawie dwóch kryteriów: liczby reelekcji prezydentów afiliowanych z partiami oraz liczby pretendentów partyjnych, którzy uzyskiwali drugi wynik po zwycięzcach. W badanych miastach odnotowano 60 przypadków reelekcji – dominowali w nich inkumbenci pozapartyjni. W 16. przypadkach alternacji władzy dominowali natomiast kandydaci partii politycznych. Na 95 przypadków elekcji lat 2002–2018 w aż 74. z nich głównymi rywalami zwycięzców byli kandydaci partii politycznych. Badanie wykazało zatem, że wielokadencyjności prezydentów sprzyja pozapartyjność, a partie polityczne odgrywają większą rolę w alternacjach władzy. ; The subject of the research undertaken in the article are the competitions (in the years 2002–2018) for the position of the mayor of the city in 19. Polish cities. The main goal was to find answer for the question: was party affiliation promoted incumbents or rather favored the alternation of power in the cities. The position of political parties was examined on the basis of two criteria. The first one was the number of incumbents affiliated with political parties. Another was the number of participants in the mayor's competitions who obtained the second result after the winner. In the examined cities 60. reelection cases were recorded – in the majority there were nonpartisan incumbents. In 16 cases of power alternation, however, the candidates of political parties dominated. In the years 2002–2018 in all cities there were exactly 95 elections (19 cities x 5 elections) – in as many as 74 of them the main rivals of the winners were the candidates of political parties. The research has shown that the multi-years incumbency were favored outside the party, and – on the other hand – the political parties played a greater role in the changes of the mayors of cities.

The subject of the research undertaken in the article are the competitions (in the years 2002–2018) for the position of the mayor of the city in 19. Polish cities. The main goal was to find answer for the question: was party affiliation promoted incumbents or rather favored the alternation of power in the cities. The position of political parties was examined on the basis of two criteria. The first one was the number of incumbents affiliated with political parties. Another was the number of participants in the mayor's competitions who obtained the second result after the winner. In the examined cities 60. reelection cases were recorded – in the majority there were nonpartisan incumbents. In 16 cases of power alternation, however, the candidates of political parties dominated. In the years 2002–2018 in all cities there were exactly 95 elections (19 cities x 5 elections) – in as many as 74 of them the main rivals of the winners were the candidates of political parties. The research has shown that the multi-years incumbency were favored outside the party, and – on the other hand – the political parties played a greater role in the changes of the mayors of cities. ; Przedmiotem badań podjętych w artykule jest rywalizacja prezydencka w 19. polskich miastach w latach 2002–2018. Ich celem było sprawdzenie czy afiliacja partyjna częściej towarzyszyła prezydentom miast, którzy dokonywali reelekcji, czy też raczej sprzyjała alternacji władzy. Pozycję partii politycznych badano na podstawie dwóch kryteriów: liczby reelekcji prezydentów afiliowanych z partiami oraz liczby pretendentów partyjnych, którzy uzyskiwali drugi wynik po zwycięzcach. W badanych miastach odnotowano 60 przypadków reelekcji – dominowali w nich inkumbenci pozapartyjni. W 16. przypadkach alternacji władzy dominowali natomiast kandydaci partii politycznych. Na 95 przypadków elekcji lat 2002–2018 w aż 74. z nich głównymi rywalami zwycięzców byli kandydaci partii politycznych. Badanie wykazało zatem, że wielokadencyjności prezydentów sprzyja pozapartyjność, a partie polityczne odgrywają większą rolę w alternacjach władzy.

The paper aims to present the global determinants of the increased competitiveness of the European Union in the 21st century. Its detailed purpose was to determine the position of the European Union vis-à-vis the USA and Japan, to indicate the role of innovation and employment in the increased competitiveness of the EU, the position of the Common Agricultural Policy under the circumstances of increased competition, the increased importance of ser- vices, the position of the European Union as compared to the competitiveness of BRIC, and how the EU functions within WTO principles. The analysis of these research issues indicates that the European Union is facing a number of significant challenges in the early 21st century. Those related to the prices of goods and resources are particularly worth pointing out. They are closely, mutually related and concern political issues in the field of financial markets, de- velopment, trade, industry and external relations. ; The paper aims to present the global determinants of the increased competitiveness of the European Union in the 21st century. Its detailed purpose was to determine the position of the European Union vis-à-vis the USA and Japan, to indicate the role of innovation and employment in the increased competitiveness of the EU, the position of the Common Agricultural Policy under the circumstances of increased competition, the increased importance of ser- vices, the position of the European Union as compared to the competitiveness of BRIC, and how the EU functions within WTO principles. The analysis of these research issues indicates that the European Union is facing a number of significant challenges in the early 21st century. Those related to the prices of goods and resources are particularly worth pointing out. They are closely, mutually related and concern political issues in the field of financial markets, de- velopment, trade, industry and external relations.

The article is about the contemporary agenda of the policy for senior citizens in Poland, concerning especially the long-term care issue. In the first part, there are key concepts of the article defined, such as "agenda in the public policy", "policy for senior citizens and long-term care issue". In the second part, there are several policy documents and programmes for the aged examined, which provides the overview of the current elderly and long-term policy and its agenda. The analysis includes the governmental documents and programmes, as well as the activity (concerning long-term care for the elderly) of some other central institutions such as the Ombudsman and Supreme Audit Office and Office of Competition and Consumer Protection. The article ends with the conclusions.

The article aims at describing the regional differentiation of the turnout and of the support for major political parties in the parliamentary elections of 19 September 1994. Having analysed the aforesaid differentiation, one may note voividships with a consistently high (Wielkopolska, Małopolska) and consistently low electoral turnouts. Compared to the elections of 1991, the support for the Democratic Left Alliance has grown considerably throughout the whole country except the Zamosc voivodship, whereas the support for the Democratic Union has increased only in 7 voivodships (including the Poznań voivodship). One of the principal axes of competition was between peasant parties (PSL, PSL-PL) and townspeople parties (the Democratic Union, the Liberal Democratic Congress, the Labour Union). ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The geopolitical rivalry and the clash of interests between the superpowers have been present in the Black Sea region for centuries. During the Cold War when the East-West divide was at its height, the Black Sea was "excluded" from geopolitical competition between the superpowers as it became the domain of mainly one player – the Soviet Union. The dismantling of the Pax Sovietica and the subsequent collapse of the Cold War gave rise to a new geopolitical situation in the Black Sea region. The former USSR was superseded by the Russian Federation and other political entities independent from Russia, yet having strong bonds with the region both in terms of geography and their political and cultural interests. These were new states like Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, but also former Soviet satellite states such as Bulgaria and Romania. In other words, the collapse of the USSR entailed the emergence of a new system of geopolitical power in the post-Soviet space.

The subject matter of the essay is the tasks of the President of the Energy Regulatory Authority in relation to energy policy in Poland. The essay is divided into two parts. The first part presents basic information about the national regulatory authority, regulation and kinds of energy policy. The second focuses on the tasks of the President of the Energy Regulatory Authority in various areas, such as: energy effectiveness, energy security, renewable forms of energy and competition in the energy market. The article examines the tasks carried out by the President in the past and those which must come into force in the future to modernize the Polish energy market. Finally, the author thrashes out the legal relations between the functions of the President of the Energy Regulatory Authority and the aims mentioned in Polish energy policy. The author pays special attention to the problems of liberalisation in the energy market in Poland.

This paper is focused on the links between reform agendas and their rationales in higher education and in welfare state services across Europe. Lessons learnt from past and ongoing welfare state reforms can be useful in understanding ongoing and future higher education reforms. Research on reforming European welfare states is a missing context in research on reforming European universities. We intend to fill this gap and briefly explore possible links between these two largely isolated policy and research areas. European universities and European welfare states are closely linked today because they are heavily dependent on public funding – and the competition for public funding between the different claimants to it is on the rise. Reforms of both sectors are also closely linked to increasing intergenerational conflicts over public resources in aging societies, and pressures on both sectors are linked to the shrinking tax base, the power of the neoliberal ideology, and changing social attitudes to both welfare and universities. Problems of both sectors and solutions to them are increasingly being defined at a global level through transnational reform discourses. ; This paper is focused on the links between reform agendas and their rationales in higher education and in welfare state services across Europe. Lessons learnt from past and ongoing welfare state reforms can be useful in understanding ongoing and future higher education reforms. Research on reforming European welfare states is a missing context in research on reforming European universities. We intend to fill this gap and briefly explore possible links between these two largely isolated policy and research areas. European universities and European welfare states are closely linked today because they are heavily dependent on public funding – and the competition for public funding between the different claimants to it is on the rise. Reforms of both sectors are also closely linked to increasing intergenerational conflicts over public resources in aging societies, and pressures on both sectors are linked to the shrinking tax base, the power of the neoliberal ideology, and changing social attitudes to both welfare and universities. Problems of both sectors and solutions to them are increasingly being defined at a global level through transnational reform discourses.

Polish legal acts stipulate that the purpose of a referendum campaign is to present the attitude of citizens, political parties, associations, foundations and other entities to the subject of the referendum. Thus the content of the messages should refer to the European issues and in particular to the benefits and problems generated by Poland's accession to the European Union, as well as to the arguments for or against the very accession and the changes Poland and her citizens would face following the result of the vote. However, the analysis of referendum messages broadcast by the state radio and television demonstrates that a significant number of entities that participated in the campaign, in particular of political parties, have used their time in order to present themselves (shaping or modifying their image) or to criticize and fight their political adversaries (by means of a negative campaign, tarnishing the image of opponents and emphasizing the differences between different actors on the political stage). Various instruments of persuasion and political competition were applied to achieve this goal, mainly linguistic tools and the manipulation of sound and picture. ; Polish legal acts stipulate that the purpose of a referendum campaign is to present the attitude of citizens, political parties, associations, foundations and other entities to the subject of the referendum. Thus the content of the messages should refer to the European issues and in particular to the benefits and problems generated by Poland's accession to the European Union, as well as to the arguments for or against the very accession and the changes Poland and her citizens would face following the result of the vote. However, the analysis of referendum messages broadcast by the state radio and television demonstrates that a significant number of entities that participated in the campaign, in particular of political parties, have used their time in order to present themselves (shaping or modifying their image) or to criticize and fight their political adversaries (by means of a negative campaign, tarnishing the image of opponents and emphasizing the differences between different actors on the political stage). Various instruments of persuasion and political competition were applied to achieve this goal, mainly linguistic tools and the manipulation of sound and picture.

The geopolitical location of Poland in Central Europe determines the role of platform between the countries of Western and Eastern Europe. This location nowadays and very probably access to Eropean Union's structures and the NATO in near future will support the development of economic relations in Eastern Europe and will enable an additional source of income for the country by transit including through the sea ports. To make this development real it's necessary to expand the transport infrastructure for all means of transport because its present weakness is a barrier for goods transportation and it negatively influences the development of the region and the country - it's irrevocable condition of effective transport policy performing to consider the transit policy. The analysis of changes in transit services realization in Polish ports makes conclude that the transport and transit policy is inefficacious or even there's no such a policy. The statistical data show that the turnover broke down in 1991. The evident transit decreasing in railway transport and inland shipping caused by modification of Polish geopolitical location, economic transformation process in Central Europe, the fall of Soviet Union and Council for Mutual Economic Aid had the unprofitable effect on reloading of goods and transit reloading in Polish ports in the years 1991-96. After 1991, the Ukrainian and Belarusan transit determined by geopolitical factors has appeared. After independence regaining by Ukraine this country faced with the problem of reconstructing transport connections with foreign countries, especially in the direction: Odessa - Gdańsk and Gdynia. The substantially important for Polish- Ukrainian co-operation will be constructing of the transport track linking ports of Black Sea via Lvov and Lublin to ports of Gdańsk Bay: "Via Intermare". This assignment will enable to increase activity of regions crossed by the track and also will strengthen economic relations between Poland and Ukraine. The economic crisis in Central Europe caused not only transit decreasing but also competition among the transit countries. In this competition Poland is rather weak competitor because of insufficient transport infrastructure. Also teh changes of geopolitical location highly influenced the amount and directions of cargoes reloaded in Polish ports. These negative processes are a result of lack of univocally defined aims and instruments of the transit policy. ; Marcin Polom

This article identifies the political challenges for Central Europe resulting from the Russian Federation conducting competition below the threshold of war. The main research methods, both inductive and deductive, were analysis and a survey of the existing literature. There is still aggression in international rivalry, and its level is deliberately regulated so as not to cross the threshold of open armed conflict as defined by international law. The contemporary rivalry of the Russian Federation takes on an unlimited scope and goes beyond the physical sphere: the main emphasis in its application is on non-military and non-lethal forms of influence that can be easily combined with kinetic ones. The exploitation of the space between the binary borders of war and peace was practically verified both under the Tsarist Russia and the Soviet Union. It has been confirmed that a great deal of importance in Russia is now attached to unconventional activities and that their application offers great opportunities to achieve strategic objectives without the need to resort to direct military confrontation.

In this article, the author's present relations between the Russian Federation and the European Union in the context of competition for influence in the Western Balkans. Particular attention is paid to the intersecting lines of interest and, nevertheless, important aspects of historical participation in intra-regional relations between the two actors. The article addresses both political, social and economic issues, which are the merits of mutual relations both within the Russian Federation – the European Union as well as between the two actors and the countries of the region. ; W niniejszym artykule autorzy prezentują relacje pomiędzy Federacją Rosyjską a Unią Europejską w kontekście rywalizacji o wpływy na obszarze Bałkanów Zachodnich. Szczególną uwagę autorzy zwracają na przecinające się linie interesów i niemniej ważne aspekty historycznej partycypacji w stosunkach wewnątrz regionu obu aktorów. W artykule zarówno poruszono kwestie polityczne, społeczne jak i gospodarcze, które stanowią meritum wzajemnych relacji zarówno na przestrzeni Federacja Rosyjska – Unia Europejska, jak i pomiędzy oboma aktorami a państwami regionu.