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This paper draws on a conceptual vocabulary developed in science and technology studies to advance a sociological theory of objects in marketing. Analysing a single advertising medium, it shows that marketing objects can exist simultaneously in multiple forms as physical artefacts, political decisions, legal entities and economic values. Armed with this understanding, the paper explores the ability of actors to manipulate these realities in their favour and investigates how it is possible to turn public space on a city street into an advertising object. Using John Law's notion of fractional objects, the paper proposes an analytic framework to open up new objects for critical intervention and reflection.

This paper gives a brief theoretical review of conceptual metaphors with special reference to the metaphors in scientific discourse because they are present in engineering and scientific texts. The author tried to use the theoretical framework of conceptual metaphors to detect and identify metaphors and mappings in the corpus consisting of engineering texts in English. The texts were selected according to the needs of students at the Academy of Professional Studies Šumadija, Department in Trstenik. A few bilingual and online dictionaries in the field of science and technology were also used. Although the corpus under consideration is rather small in comparison with other corpora containing millions of words, a considerable number of metaphorical expressions were discovered. All these expressions were grouped and analysed in order to establish conceptual mappings and metaphors. The results show that most of these conceptual metaphors have an anthropocentric quality in common (e.g. MACHINE PARTS ARE PARTS OF THE BODY, PARTS OF A MACHINE TOOL ARE PARTS OF THE BODY, A MATERIAL FEATURE IS A BODY FEATURE, A MACHINE FEATURE IS A HUMAN FEATURE). The paper also aims to apply these findings in the classroom activities. This can be achieved by raising metaphoric awareness of students learning engineering English. If students' attention is explicitly drawn to the relations between the source and target domain, language learning can be facilitated. Thus, the study of metaphors can become a significant tool in the classroom in order to help students learn both technical and academic vocabulary and comprehend engineering texts written in English. Language acquisition may be higher if pedagogical potential of conceptual metaphors is used.

Addressing attempts to define a common European memory on the theme of the Holocaust, and transformations of the Cold War discourses on totalitarianism and democracy. The article conceptualizes the persistent forms and new constellations of alterity that reproduce an East—West divide. The article shows that cognitive debates about Europe hint at constantly shifting relations between various parts of Europe and between Europe and its neighbors. A relational conceptual vocabulary is proposed to describe the debates on Europe following 1989. Cleavages and social distancing can be expressed in terms of different temporal locations (allochronism) which, when merged with a normative stance, can lead to a situation of heterochrony.

Summary: This article proposes that historians and political theorists should exploit parliamentary sources to move from the writing of national histories to the comparative study of the conceptual history of European political cultures. Complementing the German lexicographical approach to conceptual history, the authors argue that parliamentary debates in several European countries provide more reliable sources for the past use of the language of politics. They emphasize the possibilities for the study of political history and the rhetoric of parliamentary institutions offered by the use of parliamentary debates side by side with the study of archival sources and published literature. Rhetorical studies and historical analyses of the use of key concepts emphasize speaking as a major form of political action and the value of parliamentary debates independently of the results of the final votes. Parliamentary debates in themselves, as a part of the decision-making process and with their increasing links to extra-parliamentary publicity, promoted change in political language and culture. The debates allow us to identify precisely the actual speaking situations in which the key political concepts were used. They also show how the emerging codification of parliamentary procedure was registered in the contested parliamentary vocabulary and how parliamentary debate gradually superseded the ancient examples of deliberative rhetoric. Finally, the authors address the methodological challenges involved in the use of parliamentary sources for the study of a comparative conceptual history of politics. The examples provided focus on the British Parliament and the Swedish Diet, particularly in the eighteenth century. ; peerReviewed

In the context of Islamic city studies, relying on reasoning and rational thinking has reduced descriptive, vivid features of the urban space into a generic scientific framework. Phenomenological characteristics have consequently been ignored rather than integrated into theoretical components. The book argues that this results from a lack of appropriate conceptual vocabulary in our global body of scholarly literature. It challenges existing theories, introduces and applies the urban concept of Hezar-tu to rethink the spaces of Fez, Isfahan and Tunis. This tool inverts the principles of conceptualising urban space and constructs a staging-post towards a different articulation based on in-between spaces rather than nodes, a logic of ambiguity rather than determinacy, and interior rather than exterior thinking.?

The aim of the article is twofold. First, it is to interpret the main philosophical ideas of the Polish cooperative movement from the first part of the twentieth century and how they were applied in practice, by using the conceptual vocabulary of post-structuralist and post-Operaist political philosophy; and, second, to further develop the notion of ―institutions of the common‖ that Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri introduced — during debates about alternatives to both capitalism and the state-form — with their formulation of ―principles of the common‖, which is to say, general principles for creating democratic and popular institutions around the ideas of inclusion and solidarity, an ethos of mutual help and democratic governance over production and exchange of material wealth.

This paper introduces the narrative network as a device for representing patterns of "technology in use." The narrative network offers a novel conceptual vocabulary for the description of information and communication technologies (ICTs) and their relationship to organizational forms. We argue that as ICTs have become increasingly modular and recombinable, so have organizational processes and forms. The narrative network draws on concepts from structuration theory, actor network theory (ANT), and the theory of organizational routines. A narrative network expresses the set of stories (performances) that have been, or could be, generated by combining and recombining fragments of technology in use. This paper discusses how thinking of technology and organizations as narrative networks influences our understanding of design.

AbstractNow that the advent of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms has made the fact of judicial power so obvious, it is important to develop the conceptual vocabulary for describing and assessing this power. One such concept that has been applied to the study of United States and British appeal courts is the notion of "party capability theory," which suggests that different types of litigant will enjoy different levels of success, as both appellant and respondent. Using a data base derived from all reported decisions of the Supreme Court of Canada between 1949 and 1992, this article applies party capability theory to the performance of Canada's highest court, and compares the findings with similar studies of American and British courts.

A common theme in recent historical and theoretical scholarship on the development of social and penal policy has been that of the `dispersal of discipline'. It has been suggested that social discipline in modern society is maintained as much by the institutions of welfare, particularly those of social work, as by those institutions explicitly concerned with punishment. This paper argues that large-scale historical and theoretical analyses of social control in social policy require a framework through which systematic observations of the concrete implications of this process can be made. It draws on the conceptual vocabulary of Basil Bernstein's sociology to suggest an appropriate perspective for developing an understanding of the social control effects of social policy, especially in the context of social work practice.

In Imprisoned in English, Anna Wierzbicka argues that in the present English-dominated world, millions of people - including academics, lawyers, diplomats, and writers - can become "prisoners of English", unable to think outside English. In particular, social sciences and the humanities are now increasingly locked in a conceptual framework grounded in English. To most scholars in these fields, treating English as a default language seems a natural thing to do. The book's approach is interdisciplinary, and its themes range over areas of central interest to anthropology, psychology, and sociology, among others. The linguistic material is drawn from languages of America, Australia, the Pacific, South-East Asia and Europe. Wierzbicka argues that it is time for human sciences to take advantage of English as a global lingua franca while at the same time transcending the limitations of the historically-shaped conceptual vocabulary of English. And she shows how this can be done.

The object of research is the latest English literature of scientists and analysts in Western Europe and America, devoted to the problems of the information war waged by the Kremlin authorities against Ukraine. It is the problems, events of the Second World War, in the Russian-speaking academic space and the media that are still referred to only as the Great Patriotic War that became the leitmotif of these actions. Moreover, the history of the war is used precisely speculatively, that is, a careful selection of facts and conclusions is carried out, which are adjusted to certain conceptual foundations. Investigated problem. As a result of a critical analysis of the works of Western authors, the problem posed in this work is solved: to show the objectivity and evidence of the narratives of foreign authors on the biased presentation of the topics and vocabulary of World War II about the events in the East of Ukraine in 2014-2020. Main scientific results. The main scientific result of the study is the conclusion that Western scientists are deeply immersed in the vicissitudes of the conflict, debunking the biased evidence of Russian experts, fascist tendencies are imposed on the basis of false accusations of Ukraine, although such processes have not been recorded by any foreign analysts and observers. One of the stereotypes of Russian propaganda is the reproach for the massive "banderization" of the consciousness of citizens, but at the same time the face and activities of the leader of the OUN (b) are deliberately distorted. Modern studios of historians, diplomats, analysts of Western Europe, the USA, Canada are convincingly criticizing the political and ideological measures of Moscow aimed at discrediting the Ukrainian people. It is emphasized that the process of "nationalization" of history in Ukraine, especially during the Second World War by the Russian establishment, was used in a fraudulent way to tarnish the past of Ukraine. It was noted that, despite all the efforts of the Russian information and propaganda ...

The object of research is the latest English literature of scientists and analysts in Western Europe and America, devoted to the problems of the information war waged by the Kremlin authorities against Ukraine. It is the problems, events of the Second World War, in the Russian-speaking academic space and the media that are still referred to only as the Great Patriotic War that became the leitmotif of these actions. Moreover, the history of the war is used precisely speculatively, that is, a careful selection of facts and conclusions is carried out, which are adjusted to certain conceptual foundations. Investigated problem. As a result of a critical analysis of the works of Western authors, the problem posed in this work is solved: to show the objectivity and evidence of the narratives of foreign authors on the biased presentation of the topics and vocabulary of World War II about the events in the East of Ukraine in 2014-2020. Main scientific results. The main scientific result of the study is the conclusion that Western scientists are deeply immersed in the vicissitudes of the conflict, debunking the biased evidence of Russian experts, fascist tendencies are imposed on the basis of false accusations of Ukraine, although such processes have not been recorded by any foreign analysts and observers. One of the stereotypes of Russian propaganda is the reproach for the massive "banderization" of the consciousness of citizens, but at the same time the face and activities of the leader of the OUN (b) are deliberately distorted. Modern studios of historians, diplomats, analysts of Western Europe, the USA, Canada are convincingly criticizing the political and ideological measures of Moscow aimed at discrediting the Ukrainian people. It is emphasized that the process of "nationalization" of history in Ukraine, especially during the Second World War by the Russian establishment, was used in a fraudulent way to tarnish the past of Ukraine. It was noted that, despite all the efforts of the Russian information and propaganda machine, Moscow fails to achieve the desire for results. Scope of practical application. The research results, which are innovative in nature, can be used in both cognitive and educational values.

[ES] Esta investigación aborda el discurso parlamentario español de la XII legislatura (2016-2019). Su objetivo principal es describir los marcos conceptuales y la selección léxica empleada por las que eran entonces las fuerzas mayoritarias: el Partido Popular (PP), el Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE), Unidos Podemos (UP) y Ciudadanos (CS). El análisis se estructura en tres bloques temáticos: el conflicto catalán, los derechos civiles y la ecología. El corpus está constituido por 120 debates parlamentarios (569 867 palabras) que se analizan desde un enfoque cualitativo y cuantitativo con el objeto de ofrecer un panorama abarcador de los fenómenos conceptuales y léxicos de las formaciones. Interesa conocer si el vocabulario empleado es de consenso, si existe polarización discursiva o si la conceptualización varía de unos partidos a otros. Asimismo, se estudia si el discurso de las formaciones de menor antigüedad (UP y CS) difiere del lenguaje de los partidos tradicionales (PP y PSOE). Los resultados de la investigación muestran una tendencia a la polarización discursiva en materias como el conflicto catalán; un consenso lingüístico en temas como la ecología o los derechos LGTBI; y una distancia notable entre el léxico que emplea Unidos Podemos y el que utilizan las formaciones restantes. [EN] This research addresses the Spanish parliamentary discourse of the XII legislature (2016-2019). Its main objective is to describe the conceptual frameworks and the lexical selection used by what were then the main political forces: Partido Popular (PP), Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE), Unidos Podemos (UP) and Ciudadanos (CS). The analysis is structured in three main topics: the Catalan conflict, civil rights, and ecology. The corpus is made up of 120 parliamentary debates (569,867 words) that are analyzed from a qualitative and quantitative approach to offer a comprehensive viewpoint of the conceptual and lexical phenomena of these political parties. The objective is to analyze whether the vocabulary used presents similarities, whether it shows discursive polarization or whether the conceptualization varies from one party to another. Likewise, a second objective is to determine whether the discourse of the younger political parties (UP and CS) differs from the language of those with a longer history (PP and PSOE). The results of the research show a trend towards discursive polarization in matters such as the Catalan conflict; a linguistic consensus on issues such as ecology or LGBTI rights; and a notable difference between the vocabulary used by Unidos Podemos uses and the one used by of the other three political parties.

Based on a study of Lean management practices at the Swedish Migration Board, we develop a novel theoretical understanding of the translation of management ideas. We show how translation, rather than being reduced to a network of human intentions and actions governing the transformation of organizational practices, can instead be understood as a historically contingent, situated flow of mundane everyday work practices through which social and material translators simultaneously become translated, conditioned to be and act in certain ways. We show how prior actor-centric accounts of translation of management ideas can be understood as performative consequences of a conceptual vocabulary inherited from Callon and Latour. Contrasting this, the non-actor-centric vocabulary of social anthropologist Tim Ingold allows us to background the intentional human actor and foreground the flow of mundane, situated practices. In adopting this vocabulary, we capture how the flow of practices conditions subjects and objects to become enacted as well as act, and develop an understanding of translation as occurring within, rather than distinct from, these practices. In essence, our novel view of translation emphasizes how management ideas are radically unstable, and subject to alteration through the flow of practices rather than as a result of deliberate implementation efforts.