Suchergebnisse

Cet article décrit les conditions d'électorat et trace ainsi les limites du corps électoral en Belgique. Les auteurs passent en revue les principales questions contemporaines : le droit de vote des étrangers en Belgique, l'organisation du vote des Belges de l'étranger, l'abaissement de l'âge requis pour voter ou encore le droit de vote des individus condamnés pénalement. ; Peer reviewed

Des documents de recherche sur des questions liées aux politiques publiques

Condition monitoring systems for manual transmissions based on vibration diagnostics are widely applied in industry. The systems deal with various condition indicators, most of which are focused on a specific type of gearbox fault. Frequently used condition indicators (CIs) are described in this paper. The ability of a selected condition indicator to describe the degree of gearing wear was tested using vibration signals acquired during durability testing of manual transmission with helical gears.

According to many social scientists, democratic institutions are subject to much discontent and distrust today. Citizens sense the existence of a substantial disconnect between the rhetoric of representative democracy and its reality—what citizens believe their proper role to be and what the realities of our government and society allow them to be. More to the point, citizens of all stripes believe that those who "represent" them live lives quite different from their own, and that those representatives are not seriously interested in the perspectives, ideas, or well-being of most people. The nature and extent of this discontent raises serious questions about the future of representative democracy and the conditions necessary for it to flourish. What, then, are the conditions of democracy? Among other things, citizens must share some sense of solidarity and common purpose. There must be a quality educational system committed to providing everyone—regardless of race or economic status—with an appropriate foundation for citizenship and personal fulfillment. There must be equal employment opportunity. Citizens must be well educated, and they must have access to credible news sources. Public officials must not be seen to cater to the rich or famous or seek short-term partisan advantage at the expense of long-term systemic values and stability. If a democratic society does not strive to satisfy these conditions, among others, representative democracy will either be brought down or so hollowed out as to become unrecognizable. Rather than attempting the impossible feat of addressing all of the conditions necessary for the flourishing of a democratic society, this Essay first explores what we mean to say when we talk about the concept of representative or constitutional democracy and then considers three of the ways in which our current governmental and political system may frustrate the practice of constitutional democracy. First, many Americans hold an idealized view of our democracy that prevents us from comprehending the full significance of the anti-democratic features of our constitutional system and hampers efforts to preserve and strengthen it. Second, our idealized view of American democracy prevents us from acknowledging that one important aspect of our constitutional tradition has been a preference for defining our political community in terms that are exclusionary, rather than inclusive. That, in turn, blinds us to the strong influence that this exclusionary preference continues to exert on our political life. Third, constitutional democracy requires nothing so much as a fair electoral system, but the ordinary political process often cannot ensure such fairness because politicians control the process and have little incentive either to draw maps that are fair or to undertake other necessary reforms. In many states, the people lack the power to assign these decisions to more disinterested agents, and, in recent years, the courts have tended to hold that such matters are unsuitable for judicial resolution. This Essay argues that these three obstacles must be overcome if representative democracy is to flourish.

Discusses upcoming elections in Nigeria and record of President Olusegun Obasanjo in office, in light of corruption, economic problems, and increased ethnic polarization. Religious, ethnic, and political violence.

Study (Moten & Harney, 2013) and disidentification (Muñoz, 1999), are terms that could be understood as conditions for divergent un-individuated production. These strategies are productive in the way they (de)generate, constructive from their insistent refusal of the instituted. By identifying connections between these strategies, the text points at their transformative potential. Could these performative processes displace or decentralize dominant modes of production?Setting the tone and character of the writing, the introduction defines form and content as non-hierarchical parties that complement one another. Governmental precarity (Lorey, 2015) is described as a precarious object of governance. If life is entangled within the realms of the social and institutional, it could be interesting to speculate on collective modes of production. The text sets forth A friend to the idea (Sully, 2016) and Who moves and who doesn't? (Ngamcharoen, 2018) as positions within the realm of institutional critical art. Within an academic context, these performances reflect on the conditions of production through transversal critique.

STUDIO CONDITIONS is a site-driven art project that explores how institutional structures and subjective identities mutually constitute each other. The project involves two types of sites: the artist's studio in a university art department; and four fieldwork sites––a friend's lounge-room, parent's backyard, a student common room and an urban foreshore area. The work explores the roles artists play within the institution of art and academia. These concerns are explored in a material form via the production of sculptural furniture, related sited installations and performances. The artist's fieldwork draws upon various community frameworks both within its understanding of site and its enactment of collaborative processes. The fieldwork highlights both local social narratives and the project's institutional boundaries. The artistic activity in each respective site results in a 'propositional artwork.' These propositions involve publication of a sited idea rather than an actual sited intervention. As a result, the work is 'site specific' but only in the sense that it offers a discursive exploration of the idea of site. The exegetic text that accompanies STUDIO CONDITIONS explores the social aspects of the work. It argues that art is always, already, social, as the conditions of its production, exchange, and reception are products of society. The exegesis first contextualises STUDIO CONDITIONS within the tradition of Institutional Critique and draws on Andrea Fraser's framing of this methodology as 'critically reflexive site specificity.' This strategy of interrogating the role of the co-opted artist within the institutional siting of art draws on a range of artistic, social and political considerations. The artwork is interpreted via a range of concerns that include: the historical lineage of identity politics; the psychological dimension of artistic failure within the progress-driven paradigm of the university; the complex community dynamics that surround any site of artistic process or presentation. Next the exegesis assesses how social relations within art are valued, give value and are evaluated within both heteronomous and autonomous conceptions of art. The discussion of sociability, art, and site includes an examination of Nicolas Bourriaud's notion of 'relational aesthetics' and argues that this reading needs to be supplemented by a richer understanding of the ways in which sociability is embedded in art objects, in processes of production, in audience reception, and is embodied within the formal languages of objects and representation.