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In: Études en développement international et mondialisation
La gouvernance représente l'une des plus importantes innovations conceptuelles des quinze dernières années dans le discours de l'aide au développement. A-t-elle pour autant transformé les pratiques? A-t-elle conduit à une plus grande appropriation locale des enjeux du développement? Ces questions sont débattues autour de trois thèmes : les nouveaux dispositifs de lutte contre la pauvreté, le Nouveau Partenariat pour le Développement de l'Afrique (NEPAD) et enfin, la décentralisation et la gestion des services publics
In: Revue française d'administration publique, Band 70, Heft 1, S. 253-262
The European Commission : Top Managers and "Management Culture"
If status puts the Commission officials in a position susceptible of being interpreted according to national belonging, practice shows that the different styles can combine and define a european practice. The policy project, the diversity of jobs, and the multicultural nature of the environment stimulate the individuals but they sometimes feel destabilised by the variableness of management styles and cultural references. The alternative use of the concepts of "management" and of "hierarchy" frames daily work, "management" which bumps into the "conflict of national cultures" would have as objective the reinforcing of professional culture. The question is to know whether "management" serves to reduce cultural differences or to develop their respective contributions.
In: Revue française de science politique, Band 24, Heft 5, S. 966-993
ISSN: 1950-6686
LA CRITIQUE IDÉOLOGIQUE DU MANAGEMENT EN FRANCE, par JEANNE SIWEK-PUYDESSEAU
Les principes du management prêtent peu à critique dans une société où existe un large consensus sur les « objectifs » du système politique. Dans une société en grande partie conflictuelle comme celle que nous connaissons en France, la question devient politique. La plupart des hauts-fonctionnaires estiment que, à leur niveau, le problème est essentiellement technique. De même que pour les psychologues et sociologues spécialistes du management, les « résistances au changement » s'analysent uniquement en termes de psychologie et d'intérêts individuels, ou d'intérêts de groupes internes à l'administration. « Changement pour quoi ? Changement pour qui ? » interrogent les partis et syndicats d'opposition. « Les objectifs finaux ne sont pas de notre ressort » répondent les responsables de l'administration : il ne peut s'agir que d'un dialogue de sourds. Une attitude pragmatique et réaliste consisterait pour les managers à comprendre réellement et à prendre en compte l'opposition qu'ils rencontrent au niveau des syndicats. Mais cette démarche serait la négation même du système de valeurs qui les soutient — c'est-à-dire l'affirmation de leur technicité et de leur non-implication politique.
[Revue française de science politique XXIV (5), octobre 1974, pp. 966-993.] In largely conflict society such as in France the issue becomes political one Most higher civil servants consider that at their level the problem is essentially technical As in the view of psychologists and sociologists who are specialists in management questions resistance to change to be analysed solely in terms of psychology and individual interests or the interests of groups inside government Change for what Change for whom ask the opposition parties and unions The ultimate objectives are not our responsibility reply the government officials the result is bound to be deadlock pragmatic and realistic attitude for managers would involve really understanding and taking into consideration the opposition they meet from the unions However this would be in complete contradiction with the system of values on which they lean i.e the assertion of their technical character and their non-involvement in politics Revue fran aise de science politique XXIV 5) octobre 1974 pp 966-993.
In: Points de vue
World Affairs Online
In the US part of the Columbia Basin, salmon populations are five times less than 150 years ago. They are co-managed by federal, federated and tribal actors in order to restore them. In this wider region than France, the federal state dominates governance for the co-management of endangered or threatened salmon species. The Federal Agency of NOAA Fisheries Service drafts restoration plans and programmatic biological studies that guide field actions. Federated and tribal field operators have a multitude of tasks, from the reintroduction of local populations to the restoration of riparian areas, management of hatcheries and fisheries control. At the same time, a Federal State Court of Oregon has the power to redirect federal plans and studies if they do not comply with the Endangered Species Act voted by the US Congress in 1973. In the 2000s, this courtyard helped to reduce the lethal impact of dams on salmon. While some local salmon populations have been partially reconstituted, major problems remain: large dams continue to hamper overall restoration, as well as pollution and degradation of part of the river basin environment. Conflicts between interest groups continue. Groups of ecologists, fishermen and Indian tribes are calling for more ambitious restoration. They face major industrial and agricultural interests generally protected by federal and federal states. These two government actors are opposed to the development of part of the tribal projects linked to hatcheries. The adoption of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples by the Barack Obama Administration in 2010 could alleviate disputes and change governance under consideration. ; International audience ; In the US part of the Columbia Basin, salmon populations are five times less than 150 years ago. They are co-managed by federal, federated and tribal actors in order to restore them. In this wider region than France, the federal state dominates governance for the co-management of endangered or threatened salmon species. The Federal ...
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In: Affaires stratégiques
In: Études internationales: revue trimestrielle, Band 29, S. 577-598
ISSN: 0014-2123
Examines why and how Canada developed its peacebuilding concept and adapted it as a central goal of its foreign policy, and Canada's role in intrastate conflict management and resolution; 1990s, chiefly. Summary in English.
World Affairs Online
Existing research on intra-party unity and conflict has mostly focused on (dis)unity within the legislative branch of the party at the national level, while neglecting conflict between the different faces or at different levels of the party. Intra-party unity and conflict have also been routinely defined and operationalized through ideological homogeneity or distance, although intra-party conflicts are multidimensional and dynamic phenomena. The articles included in this special issue seek to address these shortcomings in the literature. Their contributions are threefold: (1) they theorize intra-party conflict as a dynamic and multifaceted concept; (2) they explore conflicts across and between several party faces, and among different intra-party actors; (3) they investigate the determinants and management of conflict at several party levels. ; SCOPUS: ar.j ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published
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In: Politique étrangère: PE ; revue trimestrielle publiée par l'Institut Français des Relations Internationales, Band 68, Heft 2, S. 335-350
ISSN: 0032-342X
World Affairs Online
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 22, Heft 1-2, S. 151-176
ISSN: 0486-4700
Parliamentary systems' success in managing conflicts in society (estimated by the extent of problem solving & by the limitation of conflict costs) must be explained by the mildness of the challenge to the system &/or by the strength of its response. The most promising feature appears to be the differentiation of the ideological space in which political conflict managers have to operate. The parliament member's ideological space is "differentiated" if: (1) it is multidimensional, (2) none of the ideological dimensions attains dominating salience, & (3) the most sensitive political issues are located on different dimensions. Data from a comparative research project show that the Italian parliament, with its notoriously weak conflict management record, fails the first & crucial test: its ideological space is strongly unidimensional. The Swiss parliamentary system, with its excellent record, passes all three tests. Belgium features a multidimensional space with dominating salience of one of its dimensions, a weakness only partially compensated for by other aspects. This may help explain Belgium's mixed record of political conflict management. 7 Tables, 3 Figures. Modified HA.