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The aims of this paper are to delineate some important topics in landscape economics, and also to put landscape policy in the perspective of the sustainable development. The research issue is about the relationships between the development paths and landscape changes, paved with examples of consensus, controversies, and conflicts. Landscape is a polysemic term, many approaches and definitions exist for it, and as a consequence, economists should adopt or elaborate their own landscape definition or concept (the most suitable to their general methodology, and related to their most familiar concepts). Landscape appears to be a local public good. That definition correspond to the property rights market failure arising from the co-visibility. Co-visibility makes it difficult in general to identify precisely the link between each owner action and the agregate landscape outcome. As a consequence, landscape ownership appears to be scattered into a multiplicity of actors of various nature (individual, communal, statal…). How to exploit that analogy with non point source pollution is a challenge for landscape economics research. Each actor has his own objective and management criteria, either for agricultural, forestry, industrial or residential activities. Moreover, there are multiple public policies aimed at sustaining each activity. Inevitably, public policies failures arise, and so the need for coordination actions aimed at landscape maintenance and preservation. Because the local public good nature of the landscape, it's worth to look at the models of public good joint production. How to agregate actions from different land owners into a resulting landscape, or how to coordinate actions scattered among multiple landowners in order to get a specific desired outcome is a real challenge ? In some case, the responsability of changes is concentrated in the hand of few decision makers, in some others, the responsability is more diffuse, and the non point production function of the landscape could be approximated by an ...

The aims of this paper are to delineate some important topics in landscape economics, and also to put landscape policy in the perspective of the sustainable development. The research issue is about the relationships between the development paths and landscape changes, paved with examples of consensus, controversies, and conflicts. Landscape is a polysemic term, many approaches and definitions exist for it, and as a consequence, economists should adopt or elaborate their own landscape definition or concept (the most suitable to their general methodology, and related to their most familiar concepts). Landscape appears to be a local public good. That definition correspond to the property rights market failure arising from the co-visibility. Co-visibility makes it difficult in general to identify precisely the link between each owner action and the agregate landscape outcome. As a consequence, landscape ownership appears to be scattered into a multiplicity of actors of various nature (individual, communal, statal…). How to exploit that analogy with non point source pollution is a challenge for landscape economics research. Each actor has his own objective and management criteria, either for agricultural, forestry, industrial or residential activities. Moreover, there are multiple public policies aimed at sustaining each activity. Inevitably, public policies failures arise, and so the need for coordination actions aimed at landscape maintenance and preservation. Because the local public good nature of the landscape, it's worth to look at the models of public good joint production. How to agregate actions from different land owners into a resulting landscape, or how to coordinate actions scattered among multiple landowners in order to get a specific desired outcome is a real challenge ? In some case, the responsability of changes is concentrated in the hand of few decision makers, in some others, the responsability is more diffuse, and the non point production function of the landscape could be approximated by an ...

The object of this thesis is the spatial dimension of social relationships which obtain in border areas. At the turn of 1990s, new international relations emerged from the collapsed stage of the Eastern bloc and the unsurpassed acceleration of the process of globalization. It was the development of capital without nationality in a world where borders would no longer signify anything. The world of a multitude of nations was coupled with a world in the grip of markets. This new context orientates and influences international politics, the nature and shape of relations between countries and populations, but also, national policies in security, in "management" of immigration and relations to foreigners. In a multiscalar approach and by recourse to various empirical methods (observations, discussions), the practices of the key economic players are studied in several field laboratories: The United States / Mexico, Spain / Morocco, Israel / Lebanon / Palestine. What is the role of borders in production and reproduction of socials relations? What do border relations and social practices of the border space reveal of social relations? What can we understand of balance of power and antipathetic polarity or not between players in asymmetrical situations as part of the social relationship? By a social geography and geopolitical approach, from the spatial dimension (border space) of sociopolitics and economics facts, this thesis proposes an analysis of social relations as a contribution to explaining international relations, conflicts, relationships of dominations and the role of borders asymmetries. ; L'objet de la thèse est la dimension spatiale des rapports sociaux qui se manifestent dans les espaces frontaliers. Au tournant des années 1990, de nouvelles relations internationales émergent de la scène écroulée du bloc de l'Est et de l'accélération sans précédent du processus de mondialisation. C'est l'essor du capital sans nationalité dans un monde où les frontières n'auraient plus de sens. Le monde débordant de nations se ...

International audience ; The Baritu National Park is located in the north-west of Argentina in a remote area (Alto Bermejo) of the Salta Province, still untouched by tourism. Its particular location, the value of its landscapes and its resources (forests, gas, cropland) generate conservation and transnational integration's networks at different scales. The park is part of a bi-national corridor of biodiversity between Argentina and Bolivia (Biosphere Reserve of the Yungas) and is also used as a territorial link to regenerate old connections with Andean mountainous areas. All these projects go along with particular conflicts between different stakeholders at many levels of management, production or (elusive) participation. Many contradictory logics of "environmental valorization" coexist with different territorial effects and competition between stakeholders. ; Le parc national de Baritú, le plus septentrional d'Argentine, est situé dans le nord-ouest de l'Argentine (région d'Alto Bermejo) dans les confins de la province de Salta. C'est une zone peu accessible et peu ouverte au tourisme international. Compte tenu de cette situation singulière, de l'attractivité de ses paysages et surtout de ses ressources (forêts, gaz, terres agricoles) des projets de protection et d'intégration de la région se mettent en place en réseaux dans une perspective de sécurisation foncière et d'intégration territoriale à plusieurs niveaux. Un corridor transfrontalier de biodiversité Argentine – Bolivie intègre la zone de Baritú dans un axe « Yungas » accompagné de coopérations au niveau local. Cette « mise en réserve » se double d'un projet de revitalisation des « étages écologiques complémentaires andins » avec certains villages de montagne des Andes. Ces projets ne se font pas sans conflits entre les différents niveaux politiques de gestion (local, provincial, national), les différents intérêts économiques en jeu, les enjeux transfrontaliers et la place théoriquement importante dévolue à la participation « communautaire ». Plusieurs logiques de « valorisation environnementale » coexistent de manière contradictoire avec des effets territoriaux différenciés et des jeux d'acteurs conflictuels.

The aim of this PhD is to analyse the obstacles facing flood risk management as it is integrated into spatial planning policies. Recently, the French and British governments have implemented several policies in order to ensure that flood risk is taken into account at all the stages of the planning process, but there are still misunderstandings and conflicts between national aims and local interests. We focus on urban regeneration, both in Seine-Amont and East London, as these two areas are the focus of new urban projects where stakeholders thus have the opportunity to take flood hazard into account from the beginning. But local stakeholders face difficulty in balancing, on the one hand, their development needs with, on the other, the imperative to control development in flood risk areas. They do not ignore the risk but it is not a priority and floods are not considered as part of place. As a result, regeneration projects significantly increase the vulnerability of both areas. Since urban regeneration areas are often flagship projects in the building of sustainable cities, is it not possible to develop floodplains in a sustainable way ? We can not prevent floods completely but we can try to set up multilevel sustainable planning systems which integrate floods. Our purpose is to focus on planning tools and governance mechanisms that exist in both countries in order to see how they could be improved. More generally, we aim to show that an integrative approach to the strategic planning of floodplains could be a potentially advantageous way to transform vulnerable places into resilient ones. ; L'objet de cette thèse est de réfléchir aux difficultés que pose l'intégration du risque aux stratégies d'aménagement des territoires locaux. Si les politiques mises en place à l'échelle nationale font du risque une véritable question d'aménagement, leur mise en oeuvre à l'échelle locale se traduit souvent par des dysfonctionnements et des conflits. Les projets de renouvellement urbain de Seine-Amont et de l'Est londonien ...

In some respects Benin is still a country in transition, despite its successful shift to democracy in 1989-1991. This is particularly true of its land policy, with decentralisation an ongoing process, the rural land law recently voted in (2007), and no urban land law in place. Consequently, information about land is derived from a range of procedures of varying degrees of complexity and involving different actors and diverse aims (from taxation, legal validation and security of tenure to territorial and economic development). At the moment information is uneven, incomplete and composite, in that all documented knowledge about land is produced for specific objectives. Little of the contextual knowledge required for the daily governance of land matters and the practicalities of assessing and resolving conflicts is formalised or made explicit, and this important commodity is very unequally distributed among the many actors affected by land issues. This paper begins with a presentation of the legal framework and methods of producing information about land in Benin, before moving on to look at the complex modalities of determining, recognising and 'translating' rights in rural and urban areas (the Rural Land Plan and Urban Land Registry). It closes with observations on several current issues, particularly the political and administrative decentralisation that is fundamentally changing the country's institutional landscape. As the main arenas of this procedure, municipalities could play a key role in harmonising information on land tenure, but currently lack the resources and competences required to fulfil their remit. Therefore, reflection on how best to meet their needs and provide support through training and equipment is required as well as establishing 'vertical' linkages with the territorial administration, and 'horizontal' ones with neighbouring municipalities and development and natural resource management programmes. One of the most pressing issues that now needs to be addressed with regard to land and ...

International audience ; The Baritu National Park is located in the north-west of Argentina in a remote area (Alto Bermejo) of the Salta Province, still untouched by tourism. Its particular location, the value of its landscapes and its resources (forests, gas, cropland) generate conservation and transnational integration's networks at different scales. The park is part of a bi-national corridor of biodiversity between Argentina and Bolivia (Biosphere Reserve of the Yungas) and is also used as a territorial link to regenerate old connections with Andean mountainous areas. All these projects go along with particular conflicts between different stakeholders at many levels of management, production or (elusive) participation. Many contradictory logics of "environmental valorization" coexist with different territorial effects and competition between stakeholders. ; Le parc national de Baritú, le plus septentrional d'Argentine, est situé dans le nord-ouest de l'Argentine (région d'Alto Bermejo) dans les confins de la province de Salta. C'est une zone peu accessible et peu ouverte au tourisme international. Compte tenu de cette situation singulière, de l'attractivité de ses paysages et surtout de ses ressources (forêts, gaz, terres agricoles) des projets de protection et d'intégration de la région se mettent en place en réseaux dans une perspective de sécurisation foncière et d'intégration territoriale à plusieurs niveaux. Un corridor transfrontalier de biodiversité Argentine – Bolivie intègre la zone de Baritú dans un axe « Yungas » accompagné de coopérations au niveau local. Cette « mise en réserve » se double d'un projet de revitalisation des « étages écologiques complémentaires andins » avec certains villages de montagne des Andes. Ces projets ne se font pas sans conflits entre les différents niveaux politiques de gestion (local, provincial, national), les différents intérêts économiques en jeu, les enjeux transfrontaliers et la place théoriquement importante dévolue à la participation « communautaire ». Plusieurs ...

International audience ; The Baritu National Park is located in the north-west of Argentina in a remote area (Alto Bermejo) of the Salta Province, still untouched by tourism. Its particular location, the value of its landscapes and its resources (forests, gas, cropland) generate conservation and transnational integration's networks at different scales. The park is part of a bi-national corridor of biodiversity between Argentina and Bolivia (Biosphere Reserve of the Yungas) and is also used as a territorial link to regenerate old connections with Andean mountainous areas. All these projects go along with particular conflicts between different stakeholders at many levels of management, production or (elusive) participation. Many contradictory logics of "environmental valorization" coexist with different territorial effects and competition between stakeholders. ; Le parc national de Baritú, le plus septentrional d'Argentine, est situé dans le nord-ouest de l'Argentine (région d'Alto Bermejo) dans les confins de la province de Salta. C'est une zone peu accessible et peu ouverte au tourisme international. Compte tenu de cette situation singulière, de l'attractivité de ses paysages et surtout de ses ressources (forêts, gaz, terres agricoles) des projets de protection et d'intégration de la région se mettent en place en réseaux dans une perspective de sécurisation foncière et d'intégration territoriale à plusieurs niveaux. Un corridor transfrontalier de biodiversité Argentine – Bolivie intègre la zone de Baritú dans un axe « Yungas » accompagné de coopérations au niveau local. Cette « mise en réserve » se double d'un projet de revitalisation des « étages écologiques complémentaires andins » avec certains villages de montagne des Andes. Ces projets ne se font pas sans conflits entre les différents niveaux politiques de gestion (local, provincial, national), les différents intérêts économiques en jeu, les enjeux transfrontaliers et la place théoriquement importante dévolue à la participation « communautaire ». Plusieurs logiques de « valorisation environnementale » coexistent de manière contradictoire avec des effets territoriaux différenciés et des jeux d'acteurs conflictuels.

The question here is to see how the concept of territorial intelligence may change in light of ideas put into practice in recent years by international organizations, and now constantly evolving by their application in various European or global territorialisation processes (social and economic, environmental, strategic, virtual, etc.). These new fundamental concepts are recognized in common by the Council of Europe, the United Nations and UNESCO in the writing of Conventions or common Directives, and in territorialisation processes : − based on territorial economic intelligence, first example, by putting the economy of the territories into networks by putting forward the concept of "Global Public Good" (UN/UNDP) that gives priority to "Global Public Goods" according to the Millennium Development Objectives (MDO) - a United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), priorities to fighting poverty and famine or fighting inequalities of sex and resources, priorities to education, health networks, priorities to environmental preservation, employment, equitable trade, democratic governance, etc. − or based on strategic intelligence, second example, in management and prevention of conflicts in Europe, by putting forward the concept of "cultural democracy" that maintains the cultural diversity of the populations, the intercultural and inter-religious dialogue, according to the principles of the European Council. These concepts impact territorial development, in particular the Regions. These recent ideas provide a common basis for thought on a new concept of territorial intelligence for which we will try to give a definition, a concept already entered into application by the Regions of Europe and the world through reinforcement of their ties with the UN/UNDP since 2007. Territorial intelligence is analyzed in light of the four founding principles of the Council of Europe (the Great Europe of 47 member States), which are the Human Rights (concept of Global Public Good) and democracy (Democratic Governance) ; social cohesion ...

This article argues that efforts by international donors, in particular the EU, to build the capacity of environmental NGOs in Bosnia-Herzegovina has less to do with fostering democratic stability and civil society, and more to do with establishing a new epistemic community. Among critics, the technocratic, apolitical and rather benign term 'capacity building' has become code for the transformation and undermining of 'local' knowledge, the disregard for existing 'capacities', the construction of new networks of experts and the importation of rationalities based on West European discourses and constructions of ecological risk, sustainable development and policy responses. Not surprisingly, the weaker the post-socialist state – legacies of ethnic conflict, the severity of economic collapse – the greater the extent to which capacity-building assistance seeks to transform policy communities, actors and networks. From the perspective of environmental mobilisations in Bosnia-Herzegovina, it is argued that the limitations of environmental capacity-building assistance are due in large part to the failure of donors to distinguish between different 'capacities', and their insistence on prioritising the development of project grant expertise and organisational management know-how over and above other developmental needs. The article illustrates the extent to which environmental movement organisations either require very basic developmental assistance or need more bespoke support that will enable them to engage effectively in political and legal contestation with the state. The article concludes that while aspects of environmental capacity-building assistance are clearly having a positive impact, the rigidity of donor aid and the framework of project grants as the mechanism for delivering assistance are limiting the impact to a narrow elite of organisations, of which some are neither non-governmental nor linked to indigenous local environmental networks within civil society.

International audience ; The Baritu National Park is located in the north-west of Argentina in a remote area (Alto Bermejo) of the Salta Province, still untouched by tourism. Its particular location, the value of its landscapes and its resources (forests, gas, cropland) generate conservation and transnational integration's networks at different scales. The park is part of a bi-national corridor of biodiversity between Argentina and Bolivia (Biosphere Reserve of the Yungas) and is also used as a territorial link to regenerate old connections with Andean mountainous areas. All these projects go along with particular conflicts between different stakeholders at many levels of management, production or (elusive) participation. Many contradictory logics of "environmental valorization" coexist with different territorial effects and competition between stakeholders. ; Le parc national de Baritú, le plus septentrional d'Argentine, est situé dans le nord-ouest de l'Argentine (région d'Alto Bermejo) dans les confins de la province de Salta. C'est une zone peu accessible et peu ouverte au tourisme international. Compte tenu de cette situation singulière, de l'attractivité de ses paysages et surtout de ses ressources (forêts, gaz, terres agricoles) des projets de protection et d'intégration de la région se mettent en place en réseaux dans une perspective de sécurisation foncière et d'intégration territoriale à plusieurs niveaux. Un corridor transfrontalier de biodiversité Argentine – Bolivie intègre la zone de Baritú dans un axe « Yungas » accompagné de coopérations au niveau local. Cette « mise en réserve » se double d'un projet de revitalisation des « étages écologiques complémentaires andins » avec certains villages de montagne des Andes. Ces projets ne se font pas sans conflits entre les différents niveaux politiques de gestion (local, provincial, national), les différents intérêts économiques en jeu, les enjeux transfrontaliers et la place théoriquement importante dévolue à la participation « communautaire ». Plusieurs logiques de « valorisation environnementale » coexistent de manière contradictoire avec des effets territoriaux différenciés et des jeux d'acteurs conflictuels.

Transformation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU): A New Vision for the 21st Century, or Political Rhetoric? The formation of the OAU had three key objectives apart from the fundamental objective of decolonization - Unity, Security, and Development. In none of these objectives did the regional body lived up to expectation. The challenges ushered in by the end of the Cold War compelled African leaders to transform the OAU via the injection of new institutional spirit, which finally led to the creation of the African Union (AU). In the 1990s the institutional engineering resulted in key blueprints such as the Abuja Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community (June 1991), the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution (1993), the Constitutive Act of the African Union (CAAU, July 2000), and the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD, October 2001), among others. This contribution argues that the OAU has been inefficient since its formative years in the early 1960s, especially in crisis intervention as exemplified by the case studies in Chad and Rwanda. The subregional organisations on which it is anchored are also saddled with capacity and functional constraints that make the realization of their objectives difficult. The AU despite its institutional finesse is also devoid of a legal framework that would help ensure coordination, efficiency, and predictability. But at the heart of the matter is that in the past African leaders have engaged the outside world (and even cooperate among themselves) without taking full cognizance of risks and perils there from. Indeed, there is more to lack of political will as a basic reason for assessing the failure of regionalism in Africa. Building on the works of others the contribution constructs a model for Integrated Political Risk Analysis as a tool for understanding the place and role of the regional body in a rapidly changing world of globalization.

In some respects Benin is still a country in transition, despite its successful shift to democracy in 1989-1991. This is particularly true of its land policy, with decentralisation an ongoing process, the rural land law recently voted in (2007), and no urban land law in place. Consequently, information about land is derived from a range of procedures of varying degrees of complexity and involving different actors and diverse aims (from taxation, legal validation and security of tenure to territorial and economic development). At the moment information is uneven, incomplete and composite, in that all documented knowledge about land is produced for specific objectives. Little of the contextual knowledge required for the daily governance of land matters and the practicalities of assessing and resolving conflicts is formalised or made explicit, and this important commodity is very unequally distributed among the many actors affected by land issues. This paper begins with a presentation of the legal framework and methods of producing information about land in Benin, before moving on to look at the complex modalities of determining, recognising and 'translating' rights in rural and urban areas (the Rural Land Plan and Urban Land Registry). It closes with observations on several current issues, particularly the political and administrative decentralisation that is fundamentally changing the country's institutional landscape. As the main arenas of this procedure, municipalities could play a key role in harmonising information on land tenure, but currently lack the resources and competences required to fulfil their remit. Therefore, reflection on how best to meet their needs and provide support through training and equipment is required as well as establishing 'vertical' linkages with the territorial administration, and 'horizontal' ones with neighbouring municipalities and development and natural resource management programmes. One of the most pressing issues that now needs to be addressed with regard to land and ...

The aim of this PhD is to analyse the obstacles facing flood risk management as it is integrated into spatial planning policies. Recently, the French and British governments have implemented several policies in order to ensure that flood risk is taken into account at all the stages of the planning process, but there are still misunderstandings and conflicts between national aims and local interests. We focus on urban regeneration, both in Seine-Amont and East London, as these two areas are the focus of new urban projects where stakeholders thus have the opportunity to take flood hazard into account from the beginning. But local stakeholders face difficulty in balancing, on the one hand, their development needs with, on the other, the imperative to control development in flood risk areas. They do not ignore the risk but it is not a priority and floods are not considered as part of place. As a result, regeneration projects significantly increase the vulnerability of both areas. Since urban regeneration areas are often flagship projects in the building of sustainable cities, is it not possible to develop floodplains in a sustainable way ? We can not prevent floods completely but we can try to set up multilevel sustainable planning systems which integrate floods. Our purpose is to focus on planning tools and governance mechanisms that exist in both countries in order to see how they could be improved. More generally, we aim to show that an integrative approach to the strategic planning of floodplains could be a potentially advantageous way to transform vulnerable places into resilient ones. ; L'objet de cette thèse est de réfléchir aux difficultés que pose l'intégration du risque aux stratégies d'aménagement des territoires locaux. Si les politiques mises en place à l'échelle nationale font du risque une véritable question d'aménagement, leur mise en oeuvre à l'échelle locale se traduit souvent par des dysfonctionnements et des conflits. Les projets de renouvellement urbain de Seine-Amont et de l'Est londonien ...

International audience ; The Baritu National Park is located in the north-west of Argentina in a remote area (Alto Bermejo) of the Salta Province, still untouched by tourism. Its particular location, the value of its landscapes and its resources (forests, gas, cropland) generate conservation and transnational integration's networks at different scales. The park is part of a bi-national corridor of biodiversity between Argentina and Bolivia (Biosphere Reserve of the Yungas) and is also used as a territorial link to regenerate old connections with Andean mountainous areas. All these projects go along with particular conflicts between different stakeholders at many levels of management, production or (elusive) participation. Many contradictory logics of "environmental valorization" coexist with different territorial effects and competition between stakeholders. ; Le parc national de Baritú, le plus septentrional d'Argentine, est situé dans le nord-ouest de l'Argentine (région d'Alto Bermejo) dans les confins de la province de Salta. C'est une zone peu accessible et peu ouverte au tourisme international. Compte tenu de cette situation singulière, de l'attractivité de ses paysages et surtout de ses ressources (forêts, gaz, terres agricoles) des projets de protection et d'intégration de la région se mettent en place en réseaux dans une perspective de sécurisation foncière et d'intégration territoriale à plusieurs niveaux. Un corridor transfrontalier de biodiversité Argentine – Bolivie intègre la zone de Baritú dans un axe « Yungas » accompagné de coopérations au niveau local. Cette « mise en réserve » se double d'un projet de revitalisation des « étages écologiques complémentaires andins » avec certains villages de montagne des Andes. Ces projets ne se font pas sans conflits entre les différents niveaux politiques de gestion (local, provincial, national), les différents intérêts économiques en jeu, les enjeux transfrontaliers et la place théoriquement importante dévolue à la participation « communautaire ». Plusieurs ...