Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Preface -- Preface to the Expanded Edition -- Introduction by Wilfredo Magno Torres III -- Part One -- 1. Survey of Feuding Families and Clansin Selected Provinces in Mindanao by Jamail A. Kamlian, MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology -- 2. Dynamics and Management of Rido in the Province of Maguindanao by Abhoud Syed M. Lingga, Institute of Bangsamoro Studies -- 3. Inventory of Existing Rido in Lanao del Sur (1994–2004) by Moctar I. Matuan, Mindanao State University–Marawi -- 4. Management of Clan Conflict and Rido Among the Tausug, Magindanao, Maranao, Sama,and Yakan Tribes by Ofelia L. Durante, Norma T. Gomez, Ester O. Sevilla, and Howard J. Mañego, Ateneo de Zamboanga University Research Center and Notre Dame University Research Center -- 5. Responses to Interkin Group Conflict in Northern Mindanao by Erlinda Montillo-Burton, Moctar Matuan, Guimba Poingan, and Jay Rey Alovera, The Research Institute for Mindanao Culture, Xavier University -- 6. Understanding Inter-ethnic Conflicts in North Cotabato and Bukidnon by Guiamel Alim, Jose Bulao Jr., and Ismael G. Kulat, Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society -- 7. Management and Resolution of Rido Among Meranao in Baloi, Lanao del Norte: Case Studies by Monalinda Emperio Doro -- 8. Big War, Small Wars: The Interplay of Large-scale and Community Armed Conflicts in Five Central Mindanao Communities by Jose Jowel Canuday -- 9. The Celebrated Cases of Rido in Maguindanao and North Cotabato by Samsodin C. Amella and Norhaya K. Sumaluyan, United Youth for Peace and Development (UNYPAD) -- 10. A Personal Reflection by Samuel K. Tan -- 11. Tausug and Corsican Clan Feuding: A Comparative Study by Gerard Rixhon -- 12. Kalis and Armalite: Symbols of Weapons and Meanings of Violence in Tausug Society by Alber A. Husin, Ateneo de Zamboanga University

Mindanao has had a long history on agribusiness given that the establishment of plantation agriculture and agricultural colonies served as the cornerstone of American colonial government's development policy. Hence, rubber, pineapple, abaca, and cassava plantations began operations in the early twentieth century. Despite conflict in some areas of Mindanao, particularly in the Bangsamoro region, I will show that there are successful agribusiness firms currently operating in the area. Key elements that allowed these firms to be successful are the following: partnership with an "enlightened" local strongman, knowledge and respect of the local culture and traditional leadership structure, provision of greater benefits to their farmer-partners compared to what the prevailing job opportunities in the area can offer, and self-reliance and flexibility in addressing unpredictable challenges that will arise from time to time due to the relative instability in the community. While violent conflict presents a difficult environment in which agribusiness firms can operate, the challenges it poses are not insurmountable as shown by highly profitable agribusiness companies operating in conflict areas. At present, there are strong interest indicated by other agribusiness firms to locate their operations in the Bangsamoro region, no doubt triggered by the optimism generated by the positive results on the on-going peace talks between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). I argue that there is a need for the passage of the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) or any future arrangement acceptable to both parties that will allow greater selfrule among the Bangsamoro. If this happens, agribusiness can be a significant force that can contribute to uplifting the dismal socioeconomic situation in Muslim Mindanao. *due to circumstances, this abstract was not presented at ICAEM 2015.

The battle cry of Philippine land reform, dating back to American colonial times, has al¬ways been "land for the landless". 4,542,968 hectares of land have been distributed to 2,653,254 farmers. But, poverty has only decreased by 2% and poverty incidence among farmers in the country at 44% as of 2006. The Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program in the Philippines has good intentions but is short on productive policies. The program is riddled with numerous problems and its focus has been on the distribution of land rather than the alleviation of pov¬erty. The Philippines, however, can learn from neighboring countries like Malaysia where land reform programs there have reduced rural poverty incidence from 58.6% in the 1970s to only 11.4% in 2002. Mindanao, with its favorable climatic conditions and vast tracks of land, can be a platform for the revival of Philippine Agriculture. Corporate farms, like the ones found in there, are an example of productive models of Philippine agriculture. In order to put life back into the agricultural industry, the quality of life of farmers must be improved, investments must flow back to agriculture and land reform policies must be rewritten. Philippine land reform must now change its focus from "land to the landless" to one similar in Malaysia: "No one should be poor". While identifying the many weaknesses of the Philippine Government policies on Land Reform this thesis moved on to propose new goals and measures that would shift the program from just a distribution of land to farmers to provide for fresh policies of government that would allow more resources in investment and loans as well as remove the barriers to growth to revi¬talize agricultural production and alleviate poverty in that industry.

Low-intensity conflicts have often been afforded lesser importance than high-intensity conflicts. Yet, low-intensity conflicts can have impacts on the ability to farm, productivity, and income. We studied the effects of low-intensity conflicts on the farming communities in two conflict vulnerable areas in Mindanao, Southern Philippines. Following a review of the economic effects of conflict with a focus on Mindanao, we surveyed farmers in low-conflict areas to assess its impact on livelihood. In 2018, farmers in "peaceful" situation differed in income from those who are in "low-conflict" situations. The mean total household income for the "low conflict" (PHP8,360 or $US155) group was significantly lower by PHP13,060 ($US242) from the "peaceful" group (PHP24,433 or $US453). This findings suggest the need for further research regarding how villages resolve conflicts informally as a way of improve government-sponsored conflict resolution efforts.