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The Urgency Of This Problem Is Conditioned By Several Factors. The Need To comprehend the historical continuity and comprehensive presentation of the Tatar social and political movement's efforts after the February Revolution to modernize the traditional Muslim society. Weak development of the problem of teachers' organized movement during the period between the February bourgeois-democratic revolution and the first months of the Bolsheviks' power in Kazan. The need to refer to the origins and experience of Russian education organization to focus on teachers' social role in education quality improvement. The 100th anniversary of the TASSR also makes the topic especially relevant. The purpose of this article is an attempt to elucidate the role and significance of teachers' congresses in the fate of public education of the Muslim Tatars of the Volga-Ural region after the February Revolution of 1917. The leading method for the study of this problem is a systematic approach and system analysis, which allow considering teachers' congresses as one of the manifestations of the social development of Tatar society in regional and national events. The article traced the main stages of the movement of Tatar teachers. It concluded that the socio-cultural modernization of the national school, the elimination of national discrimination in school construction and the inclusion of Tatar schools in the state network should be perceived as the result of the social and political movement of the advanced intellectual part of Tatar society. ; La urgencia de este problema está condicionada por varios factores. La necesidad de comprender la continuidad histórica y la presentación integral de los esfuerzos del movimiento social y político tártaro después de la Revolución de febrero para modernizar la sociedad musulmana tradicional. Débil desarrollo del problema del movimiento organizado de los profesores durante el período comprendido entre la revolución democrático-burguesa de febrero y los primeros meses del poder de los bolcheviques en Kazán. La necesidad de hacer referencia a los orígenes y la experiencia de la organización educativa rusa para centrarse en el papel social de los profesores en la mejora de la calidad de la educación. El centenario de la TASSR también hace que el tema sea especialmente relevante. El propósito de este artículo es un intento de dilucidar el papel y la importancia de los congresos de maestros en el destino de la educación pública de los tártaros musulmanes de la región del Volga-Ural después de la Revolución de febrero de 1917. El método principal para el estudio de este problema es un enfoque sistemático y de análisis de sistemas, que permiten considerar los congresos de profesores como una de las manifestaciones del desarrollo social de la sociedad tártara en los eventos regionales y nacionales. El artículo trazó las principales etapas del movimiento de maestros tártaros. Concluyó que la modernización sociocultural de la escuela nacional, la eliminación de la discriminación nacional en la construcción de escuelas y la inclusión de las escuelas tártaras en la red estatal deben ser percibidas como el resultado del movimiento social y político de la parte intelectual avanzada de Tatar. sociedad. ; A urgência desse problema é condicionada por vários fatores. A necessidade de compreender a continuidade histórica e a apresentação abrangente dos esforços do movimento social e político tártaro após a Revolução de fevereiro para modernizar a sociedade muçulmana tradicional. Fraco desenvolvimento do problema do movimento organizado dos professores durante o período entre a revolução democrático-burguesa de fevereiro e os primeiros meses do poder dos bolcheviques em Kazan. A necessidade de se referir às origens e experiência da organização educacional russa para enfocar o papel social dos professores na melhoria da qualidade da educação. O 100º aniversário do TASSR também torna o tópico especialmente relevante. O objetivo deste artigo é uma tentativa de elucidar o papel e a importância dos congressos de professores no destino da educação pública dos tártaros muçulmanos da região do Volga-Ural após a Revolução de fevereiro de 1917. O método principal para o estudo desse problema é uma abordagem sistemática e análise do sistema, que permite considerar os congressos de professores como uma das manifestações do desenvolvimento social da sociedade tártara em eventos regionais e nacionais. O artigo traçou as principais etapas do movimento dos professores tártaros. Concluiu que a modernização sociocultural da escola nacional, a eliminação da discriminação nacional na construção de escolas e a inclusão das escolas tártaras na rede estadual devem ser percebidas como fruto do movimento social e político da parte intelectual avançada do tártaro. sociedade.

This article summarizes the main issues discussed at São Paulo's 13th Congress of Public Health, held in September/October 2013. It presents the context prior to the Congress, clarifying the discussions held for the definition of the subject, which recognized the growing exhaustion of political and management forms, showing the alignment of São Paulo's public health workers with popular aspirations manifested in the 2013 June demonstrations. The policy theme was discussed during all the Congress, sometimes in a conflicting way, other times in a convergent one, in the following nodal aspects: the tension between a project that aims at the public sphere and the private sector growth in health in a context of consumption and commodification or commoditization of life; internal contradictions to the field on how to produce health within the NHS, in the micro spheres of everyday practices of healthcare, or the macro spheres, which emphasize the state-society relations, state institutions in relation to society. ; Este artigo sintetiza as principais questões debatidas no 13º Congresso Paulista de Saúde Pública, realizado em setembro/outubro de 2013. Situa o contexto prévio de realização do evento esclarecendo as discussões ocorridas para a definição do tema, que reconheceram o crescente esgotamento das formas políticas e de gestão, mostrando a sintonia dos sanitaristas paulistas com os anseios populares que viriam a se manifestar nas Jornadas de Junho de 2013. O tema da política pautou todo o congresso, às vezes de forma conflitante, às vezes convergente, destacando-se os seguintes aspectos nodais: a tensão entre um projeto que tem por objeto a esfera pública e o crescimento do setor privado na saúde num contexto de consumo e mercantilização ou mercadorização da vida; as contradições internas ao campo sobre como produzir saúde por dentro do SUS, se nas esferas micro das práticas cotidianas, das ações de assistência e cuidado, ou nas esferas macro, que enfatizam as relações Estado-sociedade, as instituições estatais na relação com a sociedade.

This paper aims to empirically verify to what extent the controversies on lobbying regulation are manifested by the opinions of political actors directly involved in the activities of the National Congress, which are interest groups' representatives and legislative advisors of governmental agencies. To this end, we present results of original survey and in-depth interviews. The results point to convergence on the need to regulate lobbying activity and about the positive effects expected to come with regulation. We also find convergence with most regulatory initiatives presented in the Congress. However, differences appear when the most controversial themes are addressed, especially those on accountability and declaration of interest on the part of pressure groups. It thus concludes that the political opinion amongst actors engaged in the representation of interests within the Congress is supportive of the regulations, but some points should be taken to further debate. It is recommended that this debate must not ignore that lobbying is an important mechanism of political participation and that it depends, largely, on the access of different social groups to the constituted power and its representatives.

This paper analyzes the proposals under discussion in the Brazilian Congress concerning the direct elections for Mercosur Parliament (Parlasur), originally planned to be held on 2014. The proposed rules are investigated in order to find out which changes may impact the profile of the new representation to be elected and the consequences by either strengthening or weakening the institutional role of Brazilian representation in Parlasur. Pending electoral legislation for Parlasur may represent the most important experiment in political reform in the country in recent years - changing the open list of candidates to the closed list (with strict party nomination), prohibiting party coalitions, establishing exclusive public financing of campaigns, besides rules targeting gender equality. Notwithstanding, if members of congress do not strengthen reform to provide a more robust institutional framework, Brazilian representation in Parlasur will be weakened rather than strengthened.

With increasing use of the Internet, different social and economic groups are appropriating its resources in various ways. As such, politicians have adopted this new media for varying reasons. From an ideological classification of political parties represented in Brazilian Congress, this paper evaluates whether it is a variable that can distinguish federal congressmen's adoption and use of Twitter. A total of 512 profiles of congressmen who use Twitter to post content and connect with citizens and colleagues from Congress were analysed in December 2013. Twitter's programming platform was used to collect data on the use of profiles and connections between them and with other social network profiles. This data was related to the ideological classification of different parties. The results show that it is possible to distinguish Twitter groups of different ideologies represented in Congress because they adopted its use at various times, have different levels of popularity, follow congressional colleagues with varying patterns of interest and have diverging activity indicators in the digital environment. ; Con el creciente uso de internet, las diferentes asignaciones se realizan por diferentes grupos sociales y económicos. Aún así, los políticos han adoptado estos nuevos medios por diferentes razones y en diferentes formas. El objetivo de este trabajo es, a partir de una clasificación ideológica de los partidos políticos representados en el Congreso de Brasil, evaluar si se trata de una variable que distingue a la adopción y el uso de Twitter por el Parlamento federal. 512 perfiles de los miembros del Congreso en diciembre de 2013 utilizaron Twitter para publicar contenido, y para conectar con los ciudadanos y se analizaron sus colegas del Congreso. Se utilizó la plataforma de programación de Twitter para la recogida de datos sobre el uso de perfiles y en las conexiones entre ellos y con otros perfiles de redes sociales. Estos datos fueron relacionados con la clasificación ideológica de los partidos parlamentarios. Los resultados demuestran que es posible distinguir grupos de Twitter de diferentes ideologías representadas en el Congreso, ya que aprobó su uso en diferentes momentos, tener diferentes cuotas de popularidad siguientes pares parlamentarios con diferentes patrones de interés y tienen diferentes indicadores de actividad en el entorno digital. ; Com o crescente uso da internet, diferentes apropriações estão sendo feitas por diferentes grupos sociais e econômicos. Assim, também políticos têm adotado essas novas mídias por diferentes motivações e em diversas formas. O objetivo deste trabalho é, a partir de uma classificação ideológica dos partidos políticos representados no Congresso brasileiro, avaliar se essa é uma variável que distingue a adoção e o uso do Twitter por parte dos parlamentares federais. Foram analisados os 512 perfis dos congressistas que em dezembro de 2013 utilizavam o Twitter para a postagem de con­teúdo e para conexão com cidadãos e colegas de Congresso. Foi utilizada a plataforma de programação do Twitter para a coleta dos dados sobre o uso dos perfis e sobre as conexões entre eles e também com outros perfis da rede social. Esses dados foram relacionados com a classificação ideológica dos partidos dos parlamentares. Os resultados demonstram que é possível distinguir no Twitter os grupos das diferentes ideologias representadas no Congresso, porque adotaram seu uso em períodos distintos, têm diferentes taxas de popularidade, seguem colegas parlamentares com variados padrões de interesse e têm diferentes indicadores de atividade nesse meio digital.

The text discusses the course of the public policy, established between 1986 and 1998, towards the opening of telecomunications in Brazil, that had as its goals, first, to improve private sector's flexibility of entry and, second, to exclude the state as a producer and to reestablish new regulation functions. The text examines the decision process involved in the policy established along the period. It takes the perspective that decisions about the policy adopted in the sector were affected, mainly, by the interests of the actors involved, by their coalitions and alliances, by the changes and recompositions engendered around the policy and by the crucial state mediations. The text deals with the opening policy, so called private-liberal, in each period, and the alternative proposals that presented themselves in the decision arenas, in the Congress, Executive and market ambit. ; The text discusses the course of the public policy, established between 1986 and 1998, towards the opening of telecomunications in Brazil, that had as its goals, first, to improve private sector's flexibility of entry and, second, to exclude the state as a producer and to reestablish new regulation functions. The text examines the decision process involved in the policy established along the period. It takes the perspective that decisions about the policy adopted in the sector were affected, mainly, by the interests of the actors involved, by their coalitions and alliances, by the changes and recompositions engendered around the policy and by the crucial state mediations. The text deals with the opening policy, so called private-liberal, in each period, and the alternative proposals that presented themselves in the decision arenas, in the Congress, Executive and market ambit.

This article aims to debate and make a history of Brazilian preschool education starting from a discussion made by private education leaders at the XXII National Congress of Private Educational Establishments (CONEPE). For this we focus on the conference "Politics, Structure and Organization of Preschool" given by Fernando Caramuru Bastos Fraga, which is one of the themes highlighted by this event. These congresses of private establishment leaders have taken place since 1944 and were used to articulate strategies for the private sector in education in order to create consensus around educational reforms and the very conduct of these institutions in the face of the problems of Brazilian society. The composition of the subjects of these events was heterogeneous, from businessmen to members of religious groups, and with the new Brazilian Constitution they sought new spaces for action. Based on Gramsci, Bobbio and Thompson, we understand the subjects present in this process as intellectuals who worked in search of their hegemony in society. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo debatir y hacer una historia de la educación preescolar brasileña a partir de una discusión hecha por líderes de educación privada en el XXII Congreso Nacional de Establecimientos Educativos Privados (CONEPE). Para ello nos centramos en la conferencia "Política, Estructura y Organización del Preescolar" impartido por Fernando Caramuru Bastos Fraga, que es uno de los temas destacados por este evento. Estos congresos de líderes de establecimientos privados han tenido lugar desde 1944, y fueron utilizados como una forma de articular estrategias para el sector privado en la educación con el fin de crear consenso en torno a las reformas educativas y la propia conducta de estas instituciones frente a los problemas de la sociedad brasileña. La composición de los temas de estos eventos fue heterogénea, desde empresarios hasta miembros de grupos religiosos, y con la nueva Constitución brasileña buscaron nuevos espacios de acción. Basándonos en Gramsci, ...

This paper discusses the role of the state governments in the Brazilian federative system in the post-1988 Federal Constitution period, which is much characterized by cooperative and competitive mechanisms between the Union and the states and among the states themselves. The state governments lost political stature while the federal government managed to gain legitimacy in the political and electoral processes, managed to establish a stable allied political basis in the National Congress, as well as to move towards a higher level of control over the subnational public finances in the Fernando Henrique government and to broaden its powers in the formulation of public policies in the Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva government. It is not desirable to return to a scenario similar to the one in the eighties, when one could observe a governors federative system. But we also shouldn't let flourish some aspects that were present in the two prior decades, such as the permanent distrust in regards of the state expenses and a federative scenario in which one does not know where the Union powers start or finish.

The recent approval of the new Law that will govern the Brazilian Upper Secondary Education entailed a series of questions about its procedural strategy and about the very feasibility of its implementation. Issued as a Provisional Executive Order, it was quickly assessed and approved by the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, excluding from the discussion the social sectors focused on education. The necessary communication processes, understood as dialogical processes – crucial to discussing a matter possibly affecting the practices of the whole level of basic education – were not pursued, resulting in a Law debated solely in ministerial offices and in the National Congress offices of government leaders. ; A recente aprovação da nova Lei que regerá o Ensino Médio brasileiro trouxe consigo uma série de indagações acerca da estratégia como foi encaminhada e da própria factibilidade quanto à sua implantação. Nascida como Medida Provisória, conheceu rápido trâmite na Câmara e no Senado, deixando à margem a participação dos setores sociais voltados ao tema da educação. Os necessários processos de comunicação, compreendidos como trânsitos dialógicos – decisivos para o tratamento de matéria com o alcance de uma mudança de rota em ciclo do ensino básico –, deixaram de ser acionados, resultando em uma Lei cujos interlocutores foram os gabinetes ministeriais e as salas de lideranças governistas do Congresso Nacional.

The reform of the Social Security system is perhaps the most important item of the agenda of Constitutional reforms in Brazil. Without it, the increase in the (Number of retired people/Number of contributors) ratio will create dramatic fiscal problems in the long term. This article analyzes the evolution of the Social Security expenditures in Brazil during the last 15 years. The focus of the paper is on the composition of expenditures and the trajectory of its real value, with special emphasis on the impact of inflation. After the Real Plan, the possibility that the prices might accomodate the structural pressures for increasing expenditures has practically disappeared. As a consequence, the necessity to reform the retirement system has become more evident. The paper defines a taxonomy of the different proposals of reform, comments on the most relevant issues being discussed within the debate about the Social Security and includes a proposal of reform. This proposal makes only a few changes in legislation and preserves the legal existence of the job time retirement. Nevertheless, it would have a considerable economic impact compared with the preservation of the status quo and would be a more ambitious and more feasible alternative than the one currently being discussed by Congress.

This paper examines the effects of a president's coalition management decisions on the costs of governing. An innovative Governing Costs Index (GCI) was developed, taking into consideration political and financial transfers made by the president to coalition parties. GCI is calculated employing a principal component analysis. The relationship between the variations on the management strategies and the costs were estimated using a first-di­fferences panel. GCI was considered as the dependent variable and the coalition size, ideological heterogeneity, and cabinet proportionality among partners as the explanatory variables. Results indicate that large, ideologically heterogeneous coalitions and disproportional cabinets tend to be more expensive over time. The results also sug­gest that presidential decisions about how to manage coalitions influence governing costs in important ways, even when controlling exogenous constraints like party fragmentation at the Congress and presidential popularity. In addition, spending more political and financial resources with coalition allies does not necessarily lead to greater political support for the president in the Congress. ; Este artículo analiza los efectos de las decisiones presidenciales del manejo de la coalición en los costos para gober­nar. Se utiliza el análisis de componentes principales para crear el Índice de Costo de Gobierno (ICG) y se utiliza un panel de primeras diferencias para estimar la relación entre el índice y las variables de gestión de la coalición: el tamaño de la coalición, la heterogeneidad ideológica y proporcionalidad de poder con aliados. Los resultados indican que coaliciones demasiado grandes, desproporcionadas y ideológicamente heterogéneas tienden a ser más costosas a lo largo del tiempo. Los resultados también sugieren que las decisiones presidenciales sobre cómo manejar las coaliciones influyen en los costos, aún controlando por las limitaciones exógenas como fragmentación partidaria y popularidad presidencial. Además, gastar más recursos políticos y financieros con los aliados de la coalición no implica necesariamente un mayor apoyo político para el Presidente en el Congreso. ; Este artigo analisa os efeitos das estratégias do presidente de como gerir sua coalizão sobre os custos de governar ao longo do seu mandato. Foi desenvolvido um Índice inédito de Custo de Governo (ICG) considerando as trans­ferências políticas e monetárias feitas pelo presidente aos partidos da sua coalizão. O ICG foi calculado a partir de análise de componentes principais. As relações entre as variações de estratégias de gerência e seus custos foram estimadas por meio de um painel não balanceado em primeiras diferenças, tendo como variável dependente o ICG e como variáveis explicativas o tamanho da coalizão, a heterogeneidade ideológica e a alocação proporcional de poder entre parceiros. Os resultados indicam que coalizões grandes, ideologicamente heterogêneas e despro­porcionais tendem a ser mais caras ao longo do tempo. As decisões presidenciais de como gerenciar suas coalizões influenciam os custos de governo, mesmo controlando por aspectos exógenos, como fragmentação partidária na Câmara dos Deputados e popularidade presidencial. Além disso, gastar mais recursos políticos e financeiros com os aliados da coalizão não significa necessariamente maior apoio político no Legislativo.

Since the last decade, there has been much debate on the central government's activism in the implementation of development policies that resemble those from Brazil's authoritarian past. However, only rarely, scholars and practitioners have discussed the state capacities that are necessary to execute such policies in the democratic environment, instituted by the 1988 Constitution. This article seeks to understand empirically the interactions between development policies implementation and democratic requisites such as transparency, public participation, and political and bureaucratic oversight, focusing on the tensions and synergies resulting from such interactions and their implications for policy. The paper draws from the comparative analysis of eight case studies of current development policies. The analysis centers on the evaluation of the state capacities created or mobilized during the implementation of such policies. The findings indicate that i) the level of execution of policy goals is associated with the level of technical-administrative capacity that implementation arrangements are able to provide; and ii) the existence and operation of participatory mechanisms, oversight bodies, and interactions with Congress contributed to revisions and innovations during the implementation of these policies. Thus, successful development policies implemented under democratic environments demand not only the technical-administrative capacities necessary for management and execution, but also the political capacities that enable the inclusion of social and political actors, and the processing of conflicts and their potentially divergent interests.

Presentation of the Dossier "Arts and anthropologies: street poetics and politics and ways of doing ethnography". In organizing this dossier, we continue an itinerary that we have followed for some time now, linked on one hand to the intersections between art and politics, and on the other to the overlapping of different practices and modes of ethnographic and artistic making. Along with another anthropologist and maker of body art, Julia Ruiz di Giovanni, absent here but ever present in a dialogue maintained over recent years, our aim has been to potentialize this exchange, taking place both during academic discussions in congresses, seminars and courses, and during hybrid events with artists and researchers, not to mention less formal conversations that have criss-crossed the Atlantic Ocean countless times. ; Apresentação do Dossiê "Artes e antropologias: políticas, poéticas das ruas e modos de fazer etnográficos".Na organização desse dossiê (per)seguimos um itinerário que, há longa data, vem nos ocupando e está ligado, por um lado, aos cruzamentos entre arte e política e, por outro, à imbricação entre práticas e modos de fazer etnográficos e artísticos. Junto com outra antropóloga e fazedora de artes do corpo, Julia Ruiz di Giovanni, aqui ausente, mas sempre presente num diálogo que mantemos nos últimos anos, fomos potencializar essa troca que se deu tanto em momentos de discussão acadêmica, com congressos, seminários e cursos ou em eventos de caráter híbrido, com artistas e pesquisadoras, para não mencionar as conversas menos formais que vem atravessando o oceano Atlântico inúmeras vezes.

On November 24th, 2018 was the second anniversary of the signature of thePeace Agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC - EP guerrilla.Many things have happened during these two years. The Congress of theRepublic and the National Government were enabled for six months −whichextended another six months− to implement the agreement through legal rulesthat had a special and abbreviated constitutionality procedure and controlcalled fast track (Legislative Act 01 of 2016 and Legal sentence C 699 of 2016). ; No último dia 24 de novembro completamos dois anos da assinatura do Acordode Paz entre o Estado colombiano e a guerrilha das FARC-EP. Durante essetempo muitas coisas aconteceram. O Congresso da República e o Governo Nacionalforam facultados durante seis meses, que se prorrogaram por outros seismeses, para implementar o acordo por meio de normas jurídicas que tiveram umtrâmite e controle de constitucionalidade especial e abreviado, denominado fasttrack (Ato Legislativo 01 de 2016 e Sentença C 699 de 2016). ; El pasado 24 de noviembre se cumplieron dos años de la firma del Acuerdo dePaz entre el Estado colombiano y la guerrilla de las FARC - EP. Durante este tiempomuchas cosas han pasado. El Congreso de la República y el Gobierno Nacionalfueron facultados durante seis meses que se prorrogaron por otros seismeses, para implementar el acuerdo mediante normas jurídicas que tuvieron untrámite y control de constitucionalidad especial y abreviado, denominado fasttrack (Acto Legislativo 01 de 2016 y Sentencia C 699 de 2016).

Em O Mundo Inteiro Como Lugar Estranho, livro de caráter ensaístico, Cancliniaborda diversos aspectos culturais da contemporaneidade em tempos de decomposição social. As estruturas que acreditávamos estáveis e as teorias que considerávamos como explicativas das realidades sociais já não se sustentam num mundo em que os atores ligados às redes sociotécnicas criam e recriam a todo instante suas formas de associação. No livro, o autor percorre este mundo como um lugar estranho, lançando-se num "voo baixo" sobre temas como: ser estrangeiro; a democracia que, a seus olhos, ganha o adjetivo de "canalha"; formas de hacktivismo; maneiras de escrever ciência e literatura; além de falar sobre os congressos acadêmicos, sempre de um ponto de vista crítico em relação a cultura ocidental dominante e às certezas magistrais. ; In The Whole World as Strange Place, an essay-like work, Canclini approachesmany cultural aspects of the contemporaneity in times of social decomposition. The structures that we believed to be stable and the theories we considered to explain the social realities no longer stand in a world in which actors are connected to socio technical networks and are creating and recreating their forms of association. In the book, the author crosses the world like a strange place, throwing itself in a "fly down" on subjects like: being foreign; the democracy, that in his concern gains the adjective "scoundrel"; forms of hacktivism; ways of writing science and literature; in addition to talking about academic congresses, always from a critical point of view regarding dominant Western culture and magisterial certainties.