Suchergebnisse

Na twaalf succesvolle internationale edities van het Congress of Qualitative Inquiry (ICQI) georganiseerd door de universiteit van Illinois viel de eer voor de eerste Europese editie te beurt aan de Katholieke Universiteit Leuven (van 7 tot 10 februari 2017). De oudste universiteit van de Lage Landen (1425) en de nog oudere stad Leuven met zijn tot twee maal toe in ere herstelde universiteitsbibliotheek, pas gerenoveerde stadhuis, het Groot Begijnhof en de Oude Markt vormden het prachtige decor voor drie dagen presentaties, posters, symposia, workshops en paneldiscussies over kwalitatief onderzoek. Het straatbeeld van Leuven, dat doorgaans door studenten wordt gedomineerd, was opvallend leeg. Na enige navraag bleek de 'tentamenweek' de oorzaak te zijn voor het massaal op kot jagen van een derde van de stadspopulatie.

Van 5 tot en met 7 mei 2005 vond in Urbana-Champaign, op een paar uurtjes rijden van Chicago, het eerste internationale congres over qualitative inquiry plaats. De organisator en tevens congresvoorzitter was Norman Denzin, een grote naam voor al wie met kwalitatieve methoden vertrouwd is. Er waren 865 deelnemers uit 51 landen en er werden ongeveer 450 papers voorgedragen.

Zo'n 900 onderzoekers uit 55 verschillende landen zochten elkaar op in de University of Illinois om de conferentie Qualitative Inquiry bij te wonen. Het congres, dat sinds 2005 jaarlijks door de International Association of Qualitative Inquiry (IAQI) georganiseerd wordt, stond dit jaar in het teken van Qualitative inquiry and the politics of evidence, ofwel de zoektocht naar meer erkenning van en waardering voor een alternatieve manier van bewijsvoering door kwalitatief onderzoek binnen academische instellingen en faculteiten, beoordelingscommissies, onderzoeksfondsen, professionele organisaties en wetenschappelijke tijdschriften. Ik was er als junior onderzoeker op het terrein van patiëntenparticipatie in wetenschappelijk onderzoek voor het eerst bij en zal verslag doen van de bijgewoonde lezingen en workshops.

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In this paper we analyze the Lithuanian Communist diaspora and attempts by Lithuanian Communists to influence the First World Lithuanian Congress, which was held in Kaunas in August 1935. This congress interested not only U.S. Communists, but also Lithuanian Communists based in Moscow. Their leader Zigmas Angarietis corresponded with the U.S. Lithuanian Communist Antanas Bimba and sent him suggestions on how to act at the congress. Delegates who were sent to the congress took into account those proposals and added their own: to get an opportunity for propaganda speeches, to call attention to the problems of Lithuanian workers, to show other delegates how workers and peasants in Lithuania live, and to raise questions about the state of democracy in Lithuania. Communist delegates were unable to do much at the congress, but they were active in discussions, they filed a petition with the signatures of about 14,000 people from the Lithuanian diaspora. On the last day of the congress, these delegates wrote and spread a proclamation condemning the congress, and adopted resolutions calling on the Lithuanian opposition to President Antanas Smetona's rule to unite under the "Popular Front" banner. Lithuanian Communists tried to arrange an agreement with Social Democratic and Peasant-Populist Party leaders to act together. There were a few meetings, but because of overall opinion differences and mutual distrust, these attempts failed. Local Lithuanian Communists, who of course could not be delegates of a diaspora congress, tried to be active near the congress hall, to raise red flags, and to hold a demonstration, but these attempts also failed. Nevertheless in this paper these are shown as good examples of everyday Lithuanian Communist activities, their methods, and their difficulties.

In this paper we analyze the Lithuanian Communist diaspora and attempts by Lithuanian Communists to influence the First World Lithuanian Congress, which was held in Kaunas in August 1935. This congress interested not only U.S. Communists, but also Lithuanian Communists based in Moscow. Their leader Zigmas Angarietis corresponded with the U.S. Lithuanian Communist Antanas Bimba and sent him suggestions on how to act at the congress. Delegates who were sent to the congress took into account those proposals and added their own: to get an opportunity for propaganda speeches, to call attention to the problems of Lithuanian workers, to show other delegates how workers and peasants in Lithuania live, and to raise questions about the state of democracy in Lithuania. Communist delegates were unable to do much at the congress, but they were active in discussions, they filed a petition with the signatures of about 14,000 people from the Lithuanian diaspora. On the last day of the congress, these delegates wrote and spread a proclamation condemning the congress, and adopted resolutions calling on the Lithuanian opposition to President Antanas Smetona's rule to unite under the "Popular Front" banner. Lithuanian Communists tried to arrange an agreement with Social Democratic and Peasant-Populist Party leaders to act together. There were a few meetings, but because of overall opinion differences and mutual distrust, these attempts failed. Local Lithuanian Communists, who of course could not be delegates of a diaspora congress, tried to be active near the congress hall, to raise red flags, and to hold a demonstration, but these attempts also failed. Nevertheless in this paper these are shown as good examples of everyday Lithuanian Communist activities, their methods, and their difficulties.

In this paper we analyze the Lithuanian Communist diaspora and attempts by Lithuanian Communists to influence the First World Lithuanian Congress, which was held in Kaunas in August 1935. This congress interested not only U.S. Communists, but also Lithuanian Communists based in Moscow. Their leader Zigmas Angarietis corresponded with the U.S. Lithuanian Communist Antanas Bimba and sent him suggestions on how to act at the congress. Delegates who were sent to the congress took into account those proposals and added their own: to get an opportunity for propaganda speeches, to call attention to the problems of Lithuanian workers, to show other delegates how workers and peasants in Lithuania live, and to raise questions about the state of democracy in Lithuania. Communist delegates were unable to do much at the congress, but they were active in discussions, they filed a petition with the signatures of about 14,000 people from the Lithuanian diaspora. On the last day of the congress, these delegates wrote and spread a proclamation condemning the congress, and adopted resolutions calling on the Lithuanian opposition to President Antanas Smetona's rule to unite under the "Popular Front" banner. Lithuanian Communists tried to arrange an agreement with Social Democratic and Peasant-Populist Party leaders to act together. There were a few meetings, but because of overall opinion differences and mutual distrust, these attempts failed. Local Lithuanian Communists, who of course could not be delegates of a diaspora congress, tried to be active near the congress hall, to raise red flags, and to hold a demonstration, but these attempts also failed. Nevertheless in this paper these are shown as good examples of everyday Lithuanian Communist activities, their methods, and their difficulties.

In this paper we analyze the Lithuanian Communist diaspora and attempts by Lithuanian Communists to influence the First World Lithuanian Congress, which was held in Kaunas in August 1935. This congress interested not only U.S. Communists, but also Lithuanian Communists based in Moscow. Their leader Zigmas Angarietis corresponded with the U.S. Lithuanian Communist Antanas Bimba and sent him suggestions on how to act at the congress. Delegates who were sent to the congress took into account those proposals and added their own: to get an opportunity for propaganda speeches, to call attention to the problems of Lithuanian workers, to show other delegates how workers and peasants in Lithuania live, and to raise questions about the state of democracy in Lithuania. Communist delegates were unable to do much at the congress, but they were active in discussions, they filed a petition with the signatures of about 14,000 people from the Lithuanian diaspora. On the last day of the congress, these delegates wrote and spread a proclamation condemning the congress, and adopted resolutions calling on the Lithuanian opposition to President Antanas Smetona's rule to unite under the "Popular Front" banner. Lithuanian Communists tried to arrange an agreement with Social Democratic and Peasant-Populist Party leaders to act together. There were a few meetings, but because of overall opinion differences and mutual distrust, these attempts failed. Local Lithuanian Communists, who of course could not be delegates of a diaspora congress, tried to be active near the congress hall, to raise red flags, and to hold a demonstration, but these attempts also failed. Nevertheless in this paper these are shown as good examples of everyday Lithuanian Communist activities, their methods, and their difficulties.