На основі документів британського уряду, тред-юніонів та консервативної партії визначені та проаналізовані напрямки реформи в промислових відносинах консервативного кабінету Е. Хіта, причиниїї поразки та ступінь впливу профспілок на державну політикуВеликобританії першої половини70-х рр. ХХ ст. ; On the basis of British government documents, trade-unions and the Conservative Party defines and analyzes trends in industrial relations reform conservative cabinet E. Heath and the causes of failure and degree of influence of trade unions inUKgovernment policy first half of the 70-ty years ХХ-th century.
The contribution of Lypynsky in the article in development of theoretical principles of Ukrainian conservatism and his practical political activity on expansion of national conservative parties are opened. ; The contribution of Lypynsky in the article in development of theoretical principles of Ukrainian conservatism and his practical political activity on expansion of national conservative parties are opened.
The contribution of Lypynsky in the article in development of theoretical principles of Ukrainian conservatism and his practical political activity on expansion of national conservative parties are opened. ; The contribution of Lypynsky in the article in development of theoretical principles of Ukrainian conservatism and his practical political activity on expansion of national conservative parties are opened.
Analyzes legislation and documents in the sphere of industrial relations conservative cabinet M. Thatcher and identified changes in restrictive practices of trade unions in British labor law. The factors reducing strike activity of trade unions in the UK 80's of XX century. ; Проаналізовані законодавчі акти та документи у сфері промислових відносин консервативного кабінету М. Тетчер та визначені зміни щодо обмежувальної практики профспілок в британському трудовому праві. Досліджені чинники зниження страйкової активності тред-юніонів Великобританії в 80-ті рр. ХХ ст.
На основі документів британського уряду, тред-юніонів та консервативної партії визначені та проаналізовані напрямки реформи в промислових відносинах консервативного кабінету Е. Хіта, причиниїї поразки та ступінь впливу профспілок на державну політикуВеликобританії першої половини70-х рр. ХХ ст. ; On the basis of British government documents, trade-unions and the Conservative Party defines and analyzes trends in industrial relations reform conservative cabinet E. Heath and the causes of failure and degree of influence of trade unions inUKgovernment policy first half of the 70-ty years ХХ-th century.
The Democratic Party (Demokratická strana - DS) was a member of the previous Slovakian government and having been a small but self-confident liberal-conservative party, it had been setting the reformist pace of the entire government. The article below employs Arendt Lijphart's account of the ideological dimensions of party conflicts to frame the analysis of the party programmatics, with a special attention to the pre-election period of the year 2002. The paper also includes a brief discussion of the Democratic Party's position within the Slovakian political system, mainly with regards to the discrepancy between its important role as an active member of the previous government and its popularity among Slovakian voters, which has dropped to 1% over the last few years and resulted in the Democratic Party's decision not to take part in the September's parliamentary election. The author concludes that such type of a political party could prove indispensable to a country in post-communist transition period that still has to undergo a good number of social, economic and legal reforms.
The characteristic of a democratic form of government is by V. Kuchabskyi considered. The concept of democracy by V. Kuchabskyi as destructive and not ineffective organization of political power is investigated. The subjective ideological factors that influenced the outlook of V. Kuchabskyi, including party and ideological identification, personal life circumstances have been identified. Key words: Kuchabskyi, democracy, conservatism, ideology, scientific, objectivity. ; Розглянуто характеристику В. Кучабським демократичної форми правління. Досліджено концепцію демократії В. Кучабського як деструктивної та недостатньо неефективної форми організації політичної влади. З'ясовано суб'єктивні ідеологічні чинники, що впливали на світогляд В. Кучабського, зокрема, партійна та ідеологічна ідентифікація, особисті життєві обставини.Ключові слова: Кучабський, демократія, консерватизм, ідеологія, науковість, об'єктивність.
The paper is devoted to the evolution of key aspects of the British Labour Party foreign policy program during the period of 1992-2010. The analysis of election manifestos makes it possible to conclude that in the 1990s the formation of the neoliberal political doctrine of the «New Labour» took place, which consolidated the Labour Party ultimate renunciation of socialist ideology, transition to social democratic principles, and recognized the appropriateness of some neoconservative reforms of Margaret Thatcher government (1979-1990). Such transformation allowed the Labour Party, headed by Tony Blair, to restore the confidence of the middle class, win the 1997 parliamentary election and remain in power until 2010. The author argues that with the coming to power of the Labour Party, took place a rethink of the British approach to foreign policy taking into account the realities of the post-bipolar world and the strengthening of globalization tendencies in international relations. In practice, that showed up in the use of approaches based on the principles of multilateralism and internationalism, which allowed Labour to establish more productive relationships with EU countries and international institutions, but also led to the country's involvement in US military interventions against Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003 p.), which caused sharp criticism both in the environment of the political elite and dissatisfaction from the side of British public. The mentioned factors became one of the main reasons for reducing the popularity of Labour, its further defeat in the general election (2010) and the Conservative Party returning to power. The events associated with the planned Great Britain leaving the EU determine the relevance of the in-depth study of the processes of the leading world powers foreign policy forming and the mechanisms of interaction between the authorities and the societies of the leading powers with democratic political systems. Familiarization with European experience will promote the development of Ukrainian democratic institutions and the creation of a foreign policy course forming mechanisms. ; Стаття присвячена еволюції ключових аспектів зовнішньополітичної програми Лейбористської партії Великої Британії протягом періоду 1992-2010рр. Аналіз передвиборчих програм дозволяє дійти висновку, що у 1990-хрр. відбулася трансформація партійної ідеології через запровадження доктрини «нового лейборизму» Тоні Блера, яка супроводжувалася відмовою від соціалізму та визнанням доцільності деяких неоконсервативних реформ уряду Маргарет Тетчер (1979-1990рр.). На думку автора, після перемоги на парламентських виборах (1997р.), уряд Блера провів перегляд основних засад британської зовнішньої політики задля їх адаптації до умов постбіполярного світу, використовуючи мультилатеральні підходи, що мало неоднозначні наслідки для Великої Британії.
The article examines the evolution of the European track in foreign policy of United Kingdom. For the deeper understanding author uses the analysis of the premiership of Labor Party (Tony Blair's second term of premiership and incomplete premiership of Gordon Brown) and Conservative Party (David Cameron). ; В статье рассматривается эволюция европейского трека во внешней политике Соединенного Королевства. Для этого автором используется анализ премьерства «новых» лейбористов (а именно: второго срока Тони Блэра и неполного срока Гордона Брауна) и консерваторов (Дэвида Кэмерона). ; У статті розглядається еволюція європейського треку у зовнішній політиці Сполученого Королівства. Для цього автором використовується аналіз прем'єрства «нових» лейбористів (а саме: другого строку Тоні Блера та неповного строку Гордона Брауна) та консерваторів (Девіда Кемерона).
From May 1979 till November 1990 in the UK the authority was in the hands of the Conservative Party led by Margaret Thatcher. At this period the main problems of Britain's economic integration to EU were the issues of common budget and European Monetary System. ; С мая 1979 по ноябрь 1990 года власть в Великобритании находилась в руках консервативной партии во главе с Маргарет Тэтчер. В данный период главными проблемами в экономической сфере интеграции Великобритании в ЕЭС были бюджетный вопрос и создание европейской валютной системы. ; З травня 1979 до листопада 1990 року влада у Великій Британії перебувала в руках консервативної партії на чолі з Маргарет Тетчер. У даний період головними проблемами в економічній сфері інтеграції Великої Британії до ЄЕС були бюджетне питання та створення європейської валютної системи.
The origin of the apartheid regime was based on the Calvinist idea of Afrikaners being "the nation privileged by God." This idea had resulted in sharp discrimination of the African population since the 1850's. This political process was even more strengthened during the Nationalist Party (NP) period of government after the 1948 elections. Afrikaner nationalism reached its peak in May 1961 with the unilateral declaration of an independent South African Republic. But the apartheid regime entered into a period of deep crisis at the end of the 70's, and the fragile status quo started to become untenable. The new Prime Minister PW Botha initiated a reform process, which was refused by conservative members. They withdrew from the NP and formed the Conservative Party (CP). Its strongly nationalistic rhetoric was caused by the increasing activity of black organizations, and was reflected in the results of the 1987 elections when it became the strongest opposition party with 30% of the votes. Nevertheless, the reform process continued. The new president FW de Klerk legalized the black organizations, released political prisoners, and arranged the national referendum in which white voters decided to end the apartheid regime. Together with the consecutive loss of influential positions in the army and the death of the CP's leader, it substantially weakened the position of the Afrikaner conservative right wing. Finally, one section of the right wing decided to terminate the boycott of negotiations and to participate in the forthcoming elections. The only Afrikaner party was called the Freedom Front (FF), but it gained only 2% of the votes. The peaceful course during and after the elections weakened the conservatives even further. In the elections of 1999 and 2004, the FF didn't exceed even 1% of votes and is now a marginalized political party. Some militarized illegal organizations still exist in South Africa, but the government has been successful in eliminating these groups. Afrikaner nationalism still exists, but due to the evolution of the political situation it is diminishing. Adapted from the source document.
The article analyzes the political situation in the East of Ukraine, studies the causes of armed conflict in the region. The purpose of this article is to assess the mass public expectations of new state formations in the east of Ukraine with regard to socialist transformation and correlation of these expectations with the strategic installations ruling in Russia. The first semantic unit of the article substantiates that Donbass in its current form is a product of Soviet industrialization, and therefore the mass consciousness is characterized by nostalgia for the recent past. It is with the socialism that calls for social justice, equality, democracy, against theft, corruption, oligarchs and private property are connected. Although these provisions are not recorded under the heading of "building socialism in the DNR and LNR", residents of these political formations in all their undertakings are inclined to see the very socialist component. The self-government is forced to reckon with the mood of the masses, sharing socialist rhetoric at least "in the outer form". The article analyzes the program of socio-political movement "New Russia Party". The second semantic unit of the article studies the strategy of conservative modernization in Russia, which includes: first, consolidation of the elites; second, uncompromising struggle with the moral justification for violations of the written law; and third, movement towards realistic legislation. The course for conservative modernization does not imply socialist methods in public administration and functioning of the economy. Thus, there is a real contradiction between the political expectations of some residents of the DNR and the LNR for the restoration of socialism and the real transformations in Russia itself, which have no relation to the socialist transformation. ; Статья посвящена анализу политической ситуации на Востоке Украины, исследованию причин военного конфликта в данном регионе. Проанализирована программа общественно-политического движения "Партия Новороссия", исследована стратегия консервативной модернизации в России, которая включает в себя: во-первых, консолидацию элит, во-вторых, бескомпромиссную борьбу с нравственным оправданием нарушений писаного закона, в-третьих, движение к реалистичному законодательству. Автор приходит к выводу о существовании реального противоречия между политическими ожиданиями некоторых жителей ДНР и ЛНР на реставрацию социализма и реальными преобразованиями в самой России, которые не имеют никакого отношения к социалистическим. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу політичної ситуації на Сході України, дослідженню причин військового конфлікту в даному регіоні. Проаналізована програма суспільно-політичного руху "Партія Новоросія". Досліджено стратегію консервативної модернізації в Росії, що включає в себе: по-перше, консолідацію еліт, по-друге, безкомпромісну боротьбу з моральним виправданням порушень писаного закону, по-третє, рух до реалістичного законодавства. Автор доходить висновку про існування реального протиріччя між політичними сподіваннями деяких жителів ДНР та ЛНР на реставрацію соціалізму й реальними перетвореннями в самій Росії, які не мають жодного відношення до соціалістичних.
The article analyses the evolution of the Slovak political party "Smer" (Direction) and its position in the party system of Slovak Republic. The article focuses on the shift of the party program from the "Centrist Populism" towards "Social Democracy." According to the first program documents the Party of "Smer" (Direction) was designed as pragmatic, non-ideological party. In the persistent conflict between authoritarianism vs. democracy "Smer" identified itself as the pro-democratic and pro-market force. Party policy before 2002 contained only few social democratic components; it was closer to the conservative or right-wing populist parties. After the parliamentary election 2002 and the failure of non-communist left "Smer" decided to become a member of the Socialist International (SI) and Party of European Socialists (PES). The process of the institutional approach to the international Social Democratic Party structures was accompanied by the substantial changes in the social and economic program of the party. The process was completed on the institutional level in May 2005, when Smer joined both SI and PES, and on the level of political program on the Party Congress in December 2005. In the process of so called "socialdemocratisation" of "Smer" the international factor played crucial role, especially the need to have an international partner in the European Parliament. "Smer" met the standards of the Social Democratic identity only in the social and economic affairs. The other five dimensions - environmental policy, participative democracy, cultural and human-rights dimension, supra-national dimension and the dimension of equality and freedom "Smer" met only partially or not at all, so these process remains unfinished. According to some political declarations "Smer" remains the populist party and the uncompromising critic of the right-wing government of Mikuláš Dzurinda, on the other side the official documents of the party anticipate only the moderate corrections of the economical and social reforms, ...
In the British policy and British establishment, the antisemitism issue is not a new one, and it has been discussed by a wide range of European experts and researchers for quite a long time. Latest events in the UK in recent months have proved topicality of the issue and have become a challenge for country leaders and the political elite. It should be noted that in the second half of the 20th century antisemitism became quite a widespread occurrence among British politicians, especially among a younger generation of politicians. First of all, it stemmed from the ideas of Arthur Toynbee who studied at Balliol College, the University of Oxford, where he lectured, therefore his ideas were mainly popularized among the student elite. Formally, the antisemitism-related scandal in the party started in March 2016 after an official statement delivered by the Chair of Oxford University Labour Club (OULC). He warned the public about antisemitism spread among students who managed the Club. The parliamentary committee was appointed immediately to investigate the facts. As a result, Conservatives urged Labourists to stop antisemitic statements. For long decades of the British two-party system, it was the first time when the Conservative leader publicly reproached the Labour leader for antisemitism in the Labour Party. Generally, one should note that the key political effect of the wider social antisemitic discussion in the press, Parliament and many political clubs was a decreased amount of citizens ready to support Labourists in the election, particularly the Jewish voters. Thus, according to the opinion poll taken by the Jewish Chronicle editorial office in May 2016, barely 8.5% British Jews would vote for Labourists if the national election took place the next day. Certainly, sharp antisemitism growth in the British Labour became one of the key events in the UK political life this year and a big surprise for the majority of Labour leaders. For decades, such a phenomenon has not been observed within one of the two most influential political parties. However, due to the proper and quick reaction of the society and leaders of the ruling Conservative Party in particular, the process has been successfully stopped. Leading policy-makers, foreign relations and xenophobia experts diagnosed this problem in due time, and the society and elite representatives started settling it. In our opinion, it may set the pace for political elites and parties of other European states using antisemitism statements in their activity quite often during elections and even put their antisemitic ideas on the election agendas. ; Статья является комплексным исследованием, посвященным проблеме антисемитизма в рядах лейбористов Великобритании. Автор анализирует основные идеологические причины, которые вызвали к жизни большое количество антисемитских инцидентов с участием ведущих лидеров партии. Изучаются течение общественной дискуссии и практические меры властей, которые касаются преодоления антисемитизма в этой влиятельной политической силе Великобритании. На основании материалов европейской прессы и работ западной историографии, автор проводит анализ ситуации с антисемитизмом в истеблишменте этой страны. В итоге делается вывод об актуальности событий для других европейских стран, представляющих угрозу роста расизма и антисемитизма. Автор утверждает, что реакция политической элиты Великобритании может служить примером для политических элит и партий других стран Европы. К сожалению, до сих пор многие партии не только достаточно часто используют антисемитскую риторику в своей деятельности во время выборов, но даже включают подобные идеи в свои предвыборные программы. ; Стаття є комплексним дослідженням, присвяченим проблемі антисемітизму у лавах лейбористів Великої Британії. Автор аналізує основні ідеологічні причини, які покликали до життя велику кількість антисемітських інцидентів із участю провідних лідерів партії. Вивчаються перебіг суспільної дискусії та практичні заходи влади, які стосуються подолання антисемітизму у цій впливовій політичній силі Великої Британії. На підставі матеріалів європейської преси та робіт західної історіографії, автор проводить аналіз ситуації з антисемітизмом у істеблішменті цієї країни. У підсумку робиться висновок щодо актуальності подій для інших європейських країн, які мають загрозу зростання расизму та антисемітизму. У підсумку автор стверджує, що реакція політичної еліти Великої Британії може слугувати прикладом для політичних еліт та партій інших країн Європи. На жаль, до цього часу деякі політичні сили не тільки досить часто використовують антисемітську ріторику у своїй діяльності під час виборів, але й навіть включають подібні ідеї у свої передвиборні програми.
The purpose of the article is to analyze the position taken by Serhiy Yefremov as leader of the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists after the Hetman regime was approved. On the basis of a complex of sources (journalism, party documents, memoirs, diaries), within the current historiographical discourse, the main questions that concern S. Yefremov at that time (negotiations on the entry of essays into the hetman's cabinet, evaluation of domestic politics, attitudes towards the I World War, prospects for the post war system).In May 1918, the UPSF declared its support for the sovereignty and independence of the Ukrainian State and emphasized the need to strengthen it. Under the conditions of the neo-conservative regime of Hetman P. Skoropadsky, the proposals for entry into government offices (M. Ustimovich, M. Vasylenko, F. Lyzohub) were received, which were mainly answered by refusal. Foreign Minister D. Doroshenko was in charge of the post of Foreign Minister. Later the structures of the new government included O. Lototsky, P. Stebnytsky and S. Shelukhin.Yefremov approved the individual steps of the new government: he spoke positively about the prospect of creating a national guard, advocated the annexation of Crimea to Ukraine, participated in the founding of the National Library and welcomed the formation of the Ukrainian State University in Kamianets-Podilsky. During September – November 1918, in speeches in the newspaper «Nova Rada», Serhiy Yefremov lived with anticipation of the end of the World War, traced the vicissitudes of peace talks and welcomed attempts to reconcile the warring parties.In January 1919, a publicist submitted a series of articles «Skoropadschyna» («Governance of Skoropadsky») in the «Nova Rada», qualifying the Hetman's power as a foreign, anti-democratic, force-bound nation. At the same time, Yefremov opposed the overthrow of the Hetman's government, recognizing the need for stability and heredity of the state tradition.
