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Liberal Democrats as a co-governing party: between idealism and pragmatism Five years of joint governing by Conservative Party with the Liberal Democrats tends to make the balance, especially such an unusual phenomenon in British politics. This article includes an assessment of motivation and objectives of liberals in the coalition government based on the dyad of idealism - pragmatism. Answering the question whether the decision of the Liberal Democrats to participate in a coalition government with the Conservatives was idealistic or pragmatic, the author argues that the motivation came from two sources. Idealism was provided by defense of electoral reform and several other elements of liberals' program (in the field of economic and European policy), pragmatism was showed by an electoral referendum and the number of ministries headed by the Liberal Democrats. If the measure of effectiveness in politics is to make itself the presence of liberals in the cabinet, five years of joint governance is proof of this. But if this measure would be the volume of support provided to the party, it's such a great outflow of voters which testifies to the failure. The article verifies hypothesis that the participation of the Liberal Democrats in government was a "tragic" decision from the beginning, taking into account the five-year period of rule by the coalition on the eve of the next election. ; Pięć lat wspólnych rządów Partii Konserwatywnej z Liberalnymi Demokratami skłania do dokonania bilansu, zwłaszcza tak nietypowego zjawiska w brytyjskiej polityce. Niniejszy artykuł zawiera ocenę motywacji i celów liberałów w koalicji rządowej w oparciu o diadę idealizm - pragmatyzm. Odpowiadając na pytanie, czy decyzja Liberalnych Demokratów o udziale w koalicji rządowej z Konserwatystami była idealistyczna czy pragmatyczna, autorka twierdzi, że motywacja pochodziła z obu źródeł. O idealizmie świadczy obrona reformy wyborczej i kilku innych elementów programu liberałów (w zakresie polityki gospodarczej czy europejskiej), o pragmatyzmie zaś przeprowadzenie referendum wyborczego czy liczba ministerstw kierowanych przez Liberalnych Demokratów. Jeśli miarą skuteczności w polityce uczynić samą obecność liberałów w gabinecie, to pięć lat wspólnych rządów jest tego dowodem. Jeśli zaś tę miarę stanowić miałaby wielkość udzielanego partii poparcia, to tak wielki odpływ wyborców świadczy o porażce. Artykuł weryfikuje hipotezę, że udział Liberalnych Demokratów w rządzie z Partią Konserwatywną był decyzją od początku "tragiczną", uwzględniając pięcioletni okres rządów koalicji w przededniu kolejnych wyborów.

The aim of the article is to investigate a cooperation between the Members of the European Parliament in the European Conservatives and Reformist Group. ECR Group was formed in the European Parliament in 2009 and the biggest parties in ECR are the British Conservative Party and Polish Law and Justice. United Kingdom will leave the European Union and the question is whether the ECR group is enough institutionalised to survive after Brexit? The Author of the article uses the analysis of the scholar literature, reports and ECR's political programs, and tries to find answers to the following research questions: how did the conservative parties cooperate within the ECR? What is the internal structure of the ECR group? What positions were held by ECR in the European Parliament?

Due to the social and economic costs the problem of climate change has recently become one of the factors which antagonizes or merges national political systems and their entities. The case of Norway as a leading European producer and exporter of oil and gas seems to deserve particular attention. Although the main political actors in the country, such as the Norwegian Labour Party (DnA), the Conservative Party of Norway (H), the Socialist Left Party (SV), the People's Christian Party (Kr.F), the Centre Party (S) and the Liberal Party (V) have quite similar ideas about the major objectives of the national climate policy, their opinions differ in operational matters. The position of the Progress Party (Fr.P) is an important exception to the approach towards the discussed issue. This article aims to analyse the programme assumptions about the climate policy and climate protection of all parliamentary groups and assess their practical implementation in the past decade.

Due to the social and economic costs the problem of climate change has recently becomeone of the factors which antagonizes or merges national political systems and their entities. The case of Norway as a leading European producer and exporter of oil and gasseems to deserve particular attention. Although the main political actors in the country,such as the Norwegian Labour Party (DnA), the Conservative Party of Norway (H), theSocialist Left Party (SV), the People's Christian Party (Kr.F), the Centre Party (S) andthe Liberal Party (V) have quite similar ideas about the major objectives of the nationalclimate policy, their opinions differ in operational matters. The position of the ProgressParty (Fr.P) is an important exception to the approach towards the discussed issue. Thisarticle aims to analyse the programme assumptions about the climate policy and climateprotection of all parliamentary groups and assess their practical implementation in thepast decade. ; Problem zmian klimatu ze względu na koszty społeczne i ekonomiczne staje się w ostatnich latach jednym z czynników antagonizujących bądź scalających narodowe systemypolityczne i występujące tam podmioty. Casus Norwegii jako czołowego w Europie producenta oraz eksportera ropy i gazu wydaje się zasługiwać na szczególną uwagę. Głównepodmioty polityczne w tym państwie, jak: Norweska Partia Pracy (DnA), Partia Konserwatywna (H), Socjalistyczna Partia Lewicy (SV), Chrześcijańska Partia Ludowa (Kr.F),Partia Centrum (S), Partia Liberalna (V) wyrażają w kwestii celów narodowej politykiklimatycznej dość istotną zbieżność, choć różnią się w kwestiach operacyjnych. Istotnymwyjątkiem w podejściu do omawianej problematyki jest stanowisko Partii Postępu (Fr.P).Celem artykułu jest analiza założeń programowych w obszarze polityki klimatyczneji ochrony klimatu wszystkich ugrupowań parlamentarnych oraz ocena ich praktycznejimplementacji w minionej dekadzie.

At the turn of the 20th century, the Palace of Westminster became the witness to one of the most significant and long-lasting power struggles between the Houses of Parliament regarding the influence of each chamber on the implementation of the legislative function in the parliamentary procedure. This paper, written as part of broader studies on the internal transformations of the British Parliament, presents the social and political background of the supremacy war that was openly waged between two political forces, i.e., the Conservative Party and the Liberal Party, reinforced by their respective tactical allies. An attempt is also made to discuss the legal result of the dispute, which notably came in the form of "The Parliament Act 1911", as well as to trace – based on the current state of knowledge and the preserved shorthand notes and transcripts of parliamentary speeches – the general climate of this conflict and its social and political contours. ; Na przełomie XIX i XX wieku w parlamencie westminsterskim rozegrał się jeden z najważniejszych, trwający wiele lat akt konkurencji między obydwoma izbami parlamentu o wpływ na realizację funkcji ustawodawczej w procedurze parlamentarnej. W niniejszym artykule, będącym wynikiem znacznie szerszych studiów nad przekształceniami wewnętrznymi parlamentaryzmu brytyjskiego, przedstawiono społeczne i polityczne tło tej walki toczącej się na forum obydwu izb między dwiema siłami politycznymi: Partią Konserwatywną i Partią Liberalną, wzmocnioną przez taktycznych sojuszników. W tekście starano się przedstawić prawny wynik tego sporu w postaci słynnego Parliament Act 1911, ale także – na podstawie dzisiejszego stanu wiedzy opartego również na zachowanych stenogramach wystąpień parlamentarnych – klimat tego sporu oraz jego społeczne i polityczne tło.

At the turn of the 20th century, the Palace of Westminster became the witness to one of the most significant and long-lasting power struggles between the Houses of Parliament regarding the influence of each chamber on the implementation of the legislative function in the parliamentary procedure. This paper, written as part of broader studies on the internal transformations of the British Parliament, presents the social and political background of the supremacy war that was openly waged between two political forces, i.e., the Conservative Party and the Liberal Party, reinforced by their respective tactical allies. An attempt is also made to discuss the legal result of the dispute, which notably came in the form of "The Parliament Act 1911", as well as to trace – based on the current state of knowledge and the preserved shorthand notes and transcripts of parliamentary speeches – the general climate of this conflict and its social and political contours. ; Na przełomie XIX i XX wieku w parlamencie westminsterskim rozegrał się jeden z najważniejszych, trwający wiele lat akt konkurencji między obydwoma izbami parlamentu o wpływ na realizację funkcji ustawodawczej w procedurze parlamentarnej. W niniejszym artykule, będącym wynikiem znacznie szerszych studiów nad przekształceniami wewnętrznymi parlamentaryzmu brytyjskiego, przedstawiono społeczne i polityczne tło tej walki toczącej się na forum obydwu izb między dwiema siłami politycznymi: Partią Konserwatywną i Partią Liberalną, wzmocnioną przez taktycznych sojuszników. W tekście starano się przedstawić prawny wynik tego sporu w postaci słynnego Parliament Act 1911, ale także – na podstawie dzisiejszego stanu wiedzy opartego również na zachowanych stenogramach wystąpień parlamentarnych – klimat tego sporu oraz jego społeczne i polityczne tło.

Predomination of Liberal Democratic Party of Japan in the Party System – Selected AspectsThe Japanese party system, according to assumptions of Giovanni Sartori's classification, should be considered as the predominant-party system. Liberal Democratic Party is occupying a dominant position in this system. The LDP has been in power since 1955, except for a brief period in 1993 and 2009, when the party was deprived of power because of electoral defeats. In remaining elections, the party has been achieving victories and thanks to that the LDP gained an absolute majority in the parliament and could self-govern. The LDP should be considered as a conservative political power, realizing the neoliberal program in the economy. Among the reasons for the dominance of the party, particular attention should be paid to the fact that it bases on the rural electorate and that the electoral system works to its advantage

The author of the paper presents a typology of parliamentary parties in Poland on the basis of what he deems to be the key element when establishing a party, namely its political platform. He outlines social-democratic, liberal, Christian-democratic, conservative, people's parties, independence parties and the parties he terms as non-standard ones. He concludes by presenting a table with an interesting list of all the parliamentary parties from the first to the seventh term. ; The author of the paper presents a typology of parliamentary parties in Poland on the basis of what he deems to be the key element when establishing a party, namely its political platform. He outlines social-democratic, liberal, Christian-democratic, conservative, people's parties, independence parties and the parties he terms as non-standard ones. He concludes by presenting a table with an interesting list of all the parliamentary parties from the first to the seventh term.

Czech and Hungarian Right: ODS and Fidesz in the party systems. An attempt of qualitative and quantitative analysis The analysis of article touches the strength and position that characterize the dominant rightist parties in the Czech Republic (ODS) and Hungary (Fidesz). There are three parts in the narrative structure of the article. The first one is connected with qualitative side of the proces of birth, development and contemporary situation of ODS and Fidesz. The second one refers the two parties to their native systems of parties. The third one takes quantitative analysis of the two parties' influence on public life: index of party participation in governments, index of governmental responsibility of a party and index of electoral support measured during parliamentary elections (takes into account a position of a party inside a family of conservative and Christian‑democratic parties as well). The role of ODS and Fidesz in the party systems of the Czech Republic and Hungary comes from the party strategic behaviour and programs and from the surrounding environment (other parties, institutions etc.). These factors are complementary and influence high position of Fidesz and low of ODS nowadays.

Główna hipoteza badawcza postawiona w artykule brzmi: postulatyprogramowe (wyborcze) partii PiS, PO i ZL, miały decydujący wpływ na sukces wyborczy tych partii w wyborach parlamentarnych w Polsce w 2015 roku. Celem autora była charakterystyka programów wyborczych prawicowych i lewicowych partii oraz koalicji wyborczych przed wyborami parlamentarnymi w 2015 r. Scharakteryzowane zostały programy wyborcze poszczególnych komitetów wyborczych. W artykulepodjęto próbę charakterystyki partii politycznych posiadających największy potencjał wyborczy i reprezentujących główne nurty ideowe w Polsce: konserwatywny, liberalny oraz socjaldemokratyczny. Tekst ma charakter interdyscyplinarny, problem badawczy został przeanalizowany z perspektywy politologicznej, socjologicznej i filozoficznej. Weryfikując hipotezę postawioną w pracy, zauważono, iż występuje dużeprawdopodobieństwo, że to właśnie (socjalny) program wyborczy partii PiS, miał kluczowy wpływ na jej wynik wyborczy. Próba odpowiedzi na postawione pytanie badawcze może wnieść istotny wkład w dalsze badanie procesu rywalizacji wyborczej partii politycznych w Polsce. ; The main research hypothesis of the article is as follows: the postulates of th electoral manifestos of the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO) and United Left (ZL) parties had a crucial impact on their success or failure in the 2015 parliamentary elections in Poland. The manifesto of each party is briefly described here.Owing to the interdisciplinary nature of the text, it applies political, sociological and philosophical approaches. During the verification of the main hypothesis it turns out that both PiS and PO emphasized social issues (mainly of economic character) during their electoral campaigns. This common factor was a feature distinguishing these two parties from the others during the elections. It can be assumed, with a fair degree of probability, that this was a key factor in the victory of PiS. The article attempts tospecify the underlying ideological currents of political parties in Poland in 2015 (Conservatives, Liberals, Socialists). The analysis may contribute to the further investigation of rivalry in the electoral process in Poland.

The purpose of the article is to point out the outlook of Local Censorship Office in Poznań to articles about political changes in Poland in 1956, which were published in Gazeta Poznańska. The previous research on the attitude of the press and censorship during the "Polish October" focused primarily on newspapers which were considered revisionist. Gazeta Poznańska was edited by Regional Committee of the Polish United Workers` Party and presented an official conservative point of view. The article was based on the documents from State Archive in Poznań. The basis of arrangements presented in the article were the result of the analysis of source documents created by Local Censorship Office in Poznań. They made it possible to create a category of texts which were consistently excluded from publication. This group included articles on the increase in wages and focused on the movements of Soviet troops in Poland. Censorship also blocked opinions that evaluated the earlier period of the Communist Party governments too critically and suggested dissatisfaction with the ongoing changes. The activity of censorship in Gazeta Poznańska in the year 1956 also indicates what type and level f criticism of the Communist Party at that time was considered to be admissible. The outlook of Local Censorship Office in Poznań to Gazeta Poznańska in the period of 1956 changes in Poland showed what type and level of criticism was acceptable in the Polish United Workers' Party's press.

The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate. ; The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.

The current Serbian authorities (aligned with the Serbian ProgressiveParty) have pushed Serbia towards effective reforms over the past severalyears and improved its image on the international arena through an intensifieddiplomatic offensive after 2015. This has led to a situation in which theSerbian state became a political and economic partner in both regional andintegration projects. The latter is demonstrated by the arduous but progressiveaccession process to the European Union.After 2000, international and Serbian public opinion greeting the end of theregime of Slobodan Milošević expected rapid democratisation of the statebased on statements by Serbian politicians who had declared a West Europeancourse of the state. The short-lived rule of Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić,confirmed this; however, the policy of his successors was no longer so unambiguous.For almost a decade, Serbia oscillated between populism anddeclared democratisation, without making major changes, expected by bothsociety and the European Union.When after the year 2012 the Serbian Progressive Party came to power (theparty was founded as a conservative grouping and had radical roots), itseemed that the Serbian state would be pushed towards a more conservative,anti-European and nationalist direction. However, that did not happen.Opinion about the last six years of the group's rule is varied. This paper aimsto try to answer the question whether during the party's rule, Serbia has beendemocratising and whether in this era of nationalist movements and populism,the country has a chance at real democratisation and finishing the processof accession to the EU?

The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the 'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and inter- pretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.

*This is an English version of an original article: Yavuz Yildirim, "Los Efectos Del Movimiento Del Parque Gezi En La Renovacion Del Debate Sobre La Democratizacion En Turquia" in: Un Retrato De La Turquia Contemporanea (eds. Federico Donelli, Alessia Chiriatti, Manuel Férez), Mexico: Universidad Anahuac Mexico, 2016, pp. 299-310.The text presents the history of attempts at democratization of the political system in Turkey, where despite the nominal presence of democratic institutions, changes traditionally have come from the top. Following a brief presentation of the unsuccessful civil movements from the 1970s onwards, it focuses on the 2010s transition in approaches to building democratic culture, and in particular on the Gezi Park resistance, where a relatively minor local issue sparked a country-wide citizens' protest against the conservative democracy of the ruling AK Party. The event is shown as an entirely new type of protest, a spontaneous civil movement with horizontal structure, inspired by the Occupy movements, and an expression of the new generation's approach to politics. It also gave rise to a movement which contributed to rethinking the Turkish democratization process by breaking with the established thinking with a bottom-to-top approach.