There existed a fundamental similarity in the policies of the Roblin and Schreyer administrations during the years from 1958 to 1977. By means of historical analysis, this thesis traces several major fields of public policy which characterized the Roblin Progressive conservatives and the Schreyer New Democrats, demonstrating that although there were ideological differences between the two governments, the policies of the two administrations reflected a significant continuity. Both administrations maintained an interventionist presence in economic and social matters. Both governments were more active in their earlier years in office, and both slowed down somewhat in their later years. This thesis focuses on five policy areas: education, health and we1fare, urban renewal, northern development and general economic policy. A substantial continuity of policy was evident in all of these areas, demonstrating that the period of interventionist government in Manitoba initiated by Roblin, was maintained by the Schreyer administration.
Letter - A handwritten version of a letter written by Ruth Gorman sent to the Progressive Conservative Party and New Democrat Party, Alberta (1 page) ; WCC
In 1850 the future looked bleak to John Alexander Macdonald, then a rising young star on the political horizon of Canada West. As the year began he faced a series of crises which threatened to put an end to his ambitions for the years ahead. His career in politics seemed almost doomed and his law business was on the verge of failure. This state of affairs was complicated further when his invalid wife announced that she was expecting a child. The fortunes of the Conservative party in the province of Canada were seriously imperilled at the end of 1849. The Tories were an impotent minority in the legislative assembly of the province at a time when the traditional colonial system upon which they had relied seemed about to collapse. The repeal of the Corn Laws and Timber Duties removed Canada's exports from the preferential position they had occupied in imperial markets, and the British acceptance of the principle of free trade destroyed the old foundation of the colonial Tories' political supremacy. The passage of the Rebellion Losses Bill by the Canadian assembly, and Lord Elgin's assent to it, completed the ruin of the Tories' philosophy. With their faith and loyalties rattled, the Conservatives groped toward new policies and new principles. No one was more aware of the Conservative dilemma than John A. Macdonald, the Receiver-General in the last Conservative administration. Macdonald had entered public life in 1843 as an alderman in Kingston, and the next year had become that city's representative in the Legislative Assembly of the United Province of Canada. In three years on the back-bench he had gained recognition as a moderate and disciple of William Henry Draper, and in 1847 was elevated to the cabinet. With Draper's resignation, Macdonald remained the moderates' spokesman and undeclared candidate for the party's leadership. However, the victory of the Reformers in the 1848 election, and the subsequent passage of legislation anathema to traditionalist Tories, drove the Conservatives to desperation. The ...
The first and largest influx of Ukrainian immigrants to Manitoba came between 1896 and 1914. Having left oppressive conditions in Eastern Europe, they desired equality with other Canadian citizens, but initially their political participation was neither welcomed nor encouraged. In 1899 the Conservative opposition in Manitoba came to power by characterizlng them as a political threat to the the province's British heritage and character. For four years, the new government invoked legislation designed to deny Ukrainians and other Eastern Europeans the vote. By 1901, however, this attitude changed to a manipulative paternalism as both Liberals and Conservatives sought to win votes through the work of various political agents. The Conservatives in particular established a political machine which conceded Ukrainians and others the right to benefit from the bilingual educational clause of the 1896 Laurier-Greenway agreement. By 1910, the Liberal party headed a reform coalition in opposition to the Conservative government. Coming to power in 1915, during a period of intense wartime patriotism, it repealed legislation providing bilingual education. Meanwhile, the Ukrainian community in the province was fragmented into rival factions, including conservative Catholics, liberal nationalists and radical socialists, as well as being subjected to various "colonizing" efforts by French Catholics and British Protestant clergy. Restrictive legislation and social hostility necessitated an initial political participation by Ukrainians which was turbulent and defensive in nature. Political participation and representation was first achieved at the local municipal level, and later in 1915, provincially, with the first Ukrainian Canadian being elected to the legislature. The effect of wartime nativism and Liberal intolerance was to move the Ukrainians towards greater commnunity-oriented political activity, independent of the previous manipulation by party interests. By 1922, the Ukrainians had achieved a permanent legislative ...
Political parties in Malta may be said to begin about a century ago in the 1880's. Committees, groups, factions and alignments that existed before this date. especially during the time of the Italian risorgimento. did not have the character of parties. But after the increased strategic importance of Malta following the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 and the unification of Italy, at a time when great power rivalry in the Mediterranean and elsewhere became known as ·'the new imperialism", more defined rival groupings emerged to contest political elections as parties. These had a manifesto, a recognisable leadership and base of support. party organs in the form of newspapers. They made electoral battle in the name of the party: candidates contested elections no longer as individuals but as party candidates. Briefly, there were two parties : the so-called Reform Party and the so-called Partite Antiriformista (or Anti-Reform Party). The former was reformist in an anglophile direction, the latter conservative in a patriotic sense. The difference between the parties may be gleaned to some extent from the different type of leader or mentor each had. ; N/A
SUMMARIUM Factio Liberalis hispana introducit in sua causa quaestionem religiosam anno 1899. Probabiliter sibi est unica subsistendi possibilitas impulsui Factionis Conservatoris, propinqui traditionalismo alphonsino a Leone XIII alito. Quapropter proponit legislationem quae praesertim privatae docentiae, fere exclusive rellgiosae, . vegilantiam statalem refert, ac maxime et vigilantiam institutorum perfectionis evangelicae. Haec omnia faciunt quaestionem iuridicam interpretationis articuli 29 in Concordato anno 1851 facto, qui ad litterum statum ad sustinendus institutos tres masculinos determinatos cogit, non ceterorum futuro constituto. Disputatio, primum inter liberales et traditionalistas, pervenit deinde diplomatica septembre anni 1901. Prosequitur non confecta post annos nunc examinatos. Pero hos annos novissima res publica, Sagasta praeside, ad vigilandos institutos quasdam promulgat cautiones, praesertim dispositionem regiam septembre anni 1901. Aplicatione autem ulteriori monstrat intentionem duntaxat politicam. Sunt cautiones quae ad opinionem destinantur, secreto autem cum Vaticano negotiatae. Ad hoc auctor consultavit fundos Archivi Generalis Ministerii Rerum Exteriorum, quod includit partem Archivi Legationis hispanae apud Vaticanum. Consultavit etiam documenta Archivi Aedis Regiae Matritensis, et litteras cottidianas varie intentionis, et annales rerum gestarum at que recentem bibliographiam. --- ABSTRAT The Spanish Liberal Party introduced the religious question to its program in 1899. This measure was probably considered necessary for subsistence, given the strenght of the Conservative Party, which favoured to Sorne extent, the Alphonsine traditionalism fostered by Leo XIII. Consequently it proposed legislation affecting, aboye aH,. state supervision of private teaching -almost exclusively religious- and especiaHy the control of Institutes of christian perfection, aH of this gave rise to the juridical problem of the interpretation of Article 29 of the Spanish Concordat which literaHy obliges the State to defend three specüicaHy-named male Institutes without special mention of other cases. Discussion between the Liberals and Traditionalists at a diplomatic level first occurred in September 1901 and still continued, without definite conclusions having been reached, at the end of the period which is studied here. In this period, the last I.iberal Government with Sagasta as President, promulgated sorne measures relating to the control of the Institutes, and, especially, the Royal Decree of 19-9-1901. But the manner of its posterior application clearly shows that it was merely intended as apurely political measure. It was intended to placate public opinion and had, in fact, been secretly negotiated with the Holy See. The following sources were consulted for purposes of thls present study: the General Archives of the Spanish Foreign Office, the documents of the Spanish Embassy to the Holy See,. the Archives of the Royal Palace in Madrid, the daily press of various tendencies, historiography and recent bibliography.
One of the memorable features of 1984 will be the political language that passed for an analysis of Presidential elections. Professors and pundits were particularly resourceful in their use of political language: The only group to vote solidly Democratic was held responsible for the Party's failure. The Democratic Party's overwhelming defeat was attributed to its enormous success with black people. This political feat was made plausible by the simple expedient of linguistic reclassification. Black people ceased to be a cultural or "interest group" in 1984. They became, instead, a "special interest." The new political language of racial politics communicates two seemingly contradictory messages in one language: The black community is told its salient issues are low priority items. The language used to say it, however, enables the speaker to sound neither racist nor conservative. Democratic Party spokespeople are therefore able to keep a straight face when they tell their most loyal constituency to lay low, lay off, or take a back seat to party defectors. Thus, at the very moment when black people are positioned to demand their share of center stage in American politics, sociologists and political scientists are helping to develop a rationale for keeping them backstage, or in the wings. This essay explores the intellectual activities that contribute to the new political language. It focuses on two questions: 1) How and why black people became a special interest and what difference it makes? 2) What is the sociological analysis that reclassifies affirmative action as "reverse discrimination"? Together, these two activities provide the formula for minimizing priority items on the black political agenda with a language that sounds neither racist nor neo-conservative. Note: This working paper was originally published by the Institute for the Study of Social Change, now the Institute for the Study of Societal Issues. It was subsequently published in Socialist Review, vol. 16, no. 3 & 4, May-August 1986.
Article in West Salem Sentinel about Brooks Hays supporting President Gerald Ford in wake of Watergate scandal ; Sentinal [sic] - W-Salem [handwritten annotation] 'Tonic' for U. S. Hays Shares Hope in Ford Aug. 10, '74 [handwritten annotation]By GENIE CARR Sentinel Staff Reporter A longtime Democratic congressman who worked with, and against, Gerald R. Ford, said yesterday the new President will be "a good tonic for the country." Brooks Hays, former representative from Arkansas who was foiled in a comeback attempt when defeated in 1972 by Wilmer Mizell in the Fifth Congressional District of North Carolina, said by telephone from his home in Washington that Ford "is a fine man, a man of impeccable integrity. I think "it will be good for the nation to have a President who is respected as much as he is by Congress. That was one of Mr. Nixon's problems. "I don't mean we won't have cleavage, but it will always be with personal good will." Hays, who is chairman of the North Carolina Human Relations Commission, has maintained a home in the state since 1968 when he was appointed director of the ecumenical institute at Wake Forest Universty [sic]. Hays is a former president of the Southern Baptist Convention and in 1973 accepted a part-time unsalaried position as lay minister in residence at the Capitol Hill United Methodist Church in Washington. He was one of 100 people asked by the Senate Watergate Committee to submit his thoughts on the long-range implications of the Watergate scandal. Hays, once a presidential aide himself (to President Lyndon B. Johnson), recommended that Congress take steps to limit the size and power of the White House staff. During the interview yesterday, Hays praised Ford's even-tempered manner and his ability to get along with everyone. Although Ford represented a conservative district in Congress and was generally known as a conservative himself, Hays characterized him as a "'tolerant conservative - the kind that makes those on the other side wonder if they're right. He is so considerate of other peoples' feelings." Hays said he thought it would be "rash" to make predictions about what kind of president Ford will be, but he indicated he feels hopeful about. "I say it's rash to predict the character of his administration because any man is governed, sometimes to quite an extent, by the tone, feeling and attitudes of his own political party," Hays said. "I hope his party will let him exercise bold leadership. "I think he is tremendously serious about his responsibility. His attitude at this stage reminds me of Mr. Truman's, attitude, one of humility. And I think that's good." Hays and Ford served about two decades in the House at the same time, Hays having been elected for the first time in 1942 and Ford in 1948. They sat on opposite sides, Hays said, "but there is a camaraderie that disregards party lines." Hays said that in response to some people's criticism that Ford "hasn't just towered above the ranks of statesmen," he would suggest that the new President may have "latent and hidden talents" that may come out now. Ford "has a penetrating mind," Hays said, and his very lack of "what some would say are colorful dramatics" may be what the country needs at this time.
Biographical information: Bernard "B.J." Brinkman was born June 8, 1926, in Farming, Minnesota, to Bernard and Theresa (Egerman) Brinkman. He married Viola Schouviller on Aug. 8, 1949. The couple had five children. A Democrat, Brinkman was first elected to the Minnesota state legislature in 1964 and served until 1986. He served as state representative for District 26 (1965-1966), District 26A (1967-1972), and District 16B (1973-1986). Although district boundaries changed over the years, he generally represented eastern and central Stearns County from just west of St. Cloud to Richmond. He also served as chairman of the Richmond, Minnesota, school board ca. 1960. Brinkman served in the US Navy from 1943-1945. Moving to Richmond in 1953, he was employed by Great Northern Railway from 1949 to 1958. He then owned and operated Brinky's Liquor and Gas Station from 1957 to 1986. He died April 24, 2006. Transcript summary: In an oral history interview conducted on July 12, 1973, B.J. Brinkman discussed growing up on a farm in Farming Township, his naval service in World War II and working at Great Northern Railway. His union activity while at Great Northern led to his involvement in politics and public service. When he first entered the Legislature in 1965, members were elected without party designation and caucused as liberals or conservatives. Brinkman was a Democrat in a strong Republican area but argued that the "man" was more important that the party. Although district boundaries changed over the years, he generally represented eastern and central Stearns County from just west of St. Cloud to Richmond, Minnesota. Brinkman recounted how he supported legislation to lower the beer brewer tax by 50 percent, which helped Cold Spring Brewing Company stay competitive with brewers from other states. He also supported no-fault auto insurance that among other benefits, aimed to lower insurance costs. In a heavily Catholic district, he also supported providing transportation for private school students.
The use of money in congressional elections will be the principal issue of this thesis. The money decides who will mount a serious contest and who will not. In determining the effect of money in congressional races, it is hypothesized that campaign spending has a much greater effect on the challenger's chances of winning than it does on the incumbent's. One of the many implications of this thesis is that people and groups determine how well a candidate will do on election day. Such topics as long term trends in the House, congressional competition, voting behavior, conservative and liberal political action groups and why people contribute to their congressional candidates are examined. The different methods that congressional incumbents use to fend off well-financed and executed challenges against their seats are examined. In the final chapter, a statistical analysis is employed which updates Gary C. Jacobson's multivariate analysis on congressional spending. Using his methodology, 209 congressional districts in the 1980 election are analyzed. The results obtained are generally consistent with those of Jacobson. Challenger's expenditures are found to be the most important in determining the outcome of an election. Incumbents gauge their spending to that of the challenger. In addition, the challenger's party strength is an important factor affecting election results. However, the results of this study indicate a smaller increase in the challenger's vote due to an increase in spending than does Jacobson's study.
This thesis explores the relationship between rural struggles and popular organisation in the Cape between 1928 and 1933. It focuses on the attempts by militants in the ANC(Western Province) and later the Independent ANC to organise in the rural areas during a period of crisis for agriculture. In the first chapter the history and trends in the nationalist movement before 1930 is discussed. It is argued that the conservative petty bourgeoisie dominated the organisation for much of the time, but that more militant positions were adopted on a few rare occasions. The second chapter endeavours to show that the transition to capitalist agriculture had been completed in the Western Cape. ·It then examines the specificity of the crisis in agriculture during the Depression: a crisis which was manifested in the form of an acute labour shortage on the farms, combined with unemployment in the towns. This, it is argued, provided a fertile ground for organisation The third chapter examines the rural struggles in the Western Cape. It analyses the alliance in the ANC(WP) between the moderate Garveyists and the militants linked to the Communist Party, and the reasons for the subsequent breakdown of this alliance. It discusses both the success of the organisation in coping with violent repression, and its failure to cope with the state's more subtle strategies. The militants were eventually expelled from the ANC. Most rural branches then broke away to form the Independent ANC. Chapter 4 discusses the formation of the IANC and raises some questions about the nature of its political programme. It then proceeds to focus on organisation in the Southern Cape where all the branches had joined the IANC. The fifth chapter discusses the organisation in the Midlands area of the Eastern Cape. It attempts to explain the lack of success in Graaff-Reinett. It then proceeds to examine the organisation in Middelburg where is appears that it had learnt to cope with at least some of the problems experienced in the Western Cape. The sixth chapter analyses in some detail the issues that were taken up by the IANC in the Midlands, and how these were reflected in its discourse. Among the issues raised are unemployment, resistance to passes and local control measures, the problem of women's participation and the struggle that was waged against the conservative petty bourgeoisie in the ANC. The seventh chapter first discusses organisation in Cradock. It then proceeds to describe how the struggle in the Midlands built up to a climax at the end of 1931, until massive repression smashed the organisation. Thereafter the organisation continued only at a low level. The conclusion attempts to draw together some of the themes raised above. First, it discusses the relationship between the petty bourgeoisie and the militants. Second, it argues that the organisation's approach was essentially "agitational", and that this accounts partly for its effectiveness, as well as many of its weaknesses. Lastly an attempt is made to evaluate the significance of the organisation.
Thomas Greenway has been considered a peripheral figure in dissertations, theses, articles, and books dealing with aspects of Manitoba's history which bear on national issues. Consequently, the tendency has been to rely on J. W. Dafoe's Clifford Sifton in Relation to His Times for an assessment of Greenway's position as Premier of Manitoba. Further studies, relying to a large extent on the Sifton Papers, have considered Greenway as a vacillating, weak-willed individual who was dominated first by Joseph Martin and then by Clifford Sifton. This study of Thomas Greenway's political career will determine if this assessment has been accurate. Since little has been done on Greenway's Ontario apprenticeship, consideration of that period may indicate his political principles as well as to explain his conversion from the Liberal-Conservative to the Liberal party. His subsequent move to Manitoba and the primary motive for it will be examined along with his activities in Manitoba provincial politics. The main emphasis of this political biography will involve a study of the period from January, 1888, to January, 1900, when Greenway was Premier of Manitoba. The major issues to be considered will be federal disallowance policy, the Canadian Pacific monopoly, entry of the Northern Pacific into Manitoba, and the Manitoba School Question. Greenway's role in disallowance and the Canadian Pacific Railway monopoly will be studied in some detail to determine whether he deserves credit for these achievements or would they have resulted had John Norquay and. D. H. Harrison continued in power in Manitoba. The entry into Manitoba of the Northern Pacific has raised at least two related questions which this study will attempt to answer. Were Greenway and Martin bribed to permit the American road access to the province and was there competition in freight rates between the Northern Pacific and the Canadian Pacific Railways? The answers to these questions will have a direct bearing on the origins of the Manitoba School Question.
The term "right" has a wide variety of connotations. On a very general level, it connotes a social commitment to the dignity and autonomy of the individual, an "affirmation of free human subjectivity against the constraints of group life." On a somewhat more specific level, one can distinguish procedural and substantive connotations. Procedural connotations concern official enforcement institutions. For example, in American legal culture, "right" often connotes judicial enforceability. Substantive connotations concern benefits or powers, such as freedom of speech or ownership of property, in civil society. This essay is about the substantive connotations of the notion of "right" that has dominated liberal discussion of the welfare system for the past fifty years. By liberal, I mean to include officials and academics associated with the center-left politics of the mainstream of the Democratic party. Until very recently, this group has had a near monopoly in setting the terms of establishment discourse about welfare policy and an unusual degree of autonomy in influencing the design of the welfare system. Perhaps the central substantive theme of liberal welfare discourse is the analogy of welfare benefits to traditional private law norms associated with contract and property. The private law analogy is in turn linked to an ideal of individual independence and self-sufficiency and to an ambition to immunize distributive arrangements from collective reassessment and revision. On a practical level, it is linked to an aversion to direct or explicit redistribution, and especially to needbased or means-tested redistribution. This essay suggests that the substantive rights theme has had a peculiarly conservative influence in liberal welfare discourse: It has tended to inhibit redistribution efforts that otherwise would have been supported by the distributive and humanitarian concerns of the broader liberal program. The substantive rights theme has been advanced as both jurisprudence and political strategy. As jurisprudence, it has replicated some of the problems that the Progressive legal scholars emphasized in the classical legal thought of the substantive due process era. As political strategy, it has suffered from the disadvantage that it succeeds only by virtue of the homage it pays to the order it seeks to change. I will try to illustrate these points with discussions of the two instances in which the rights theme has been most dramatically institutionalized: the Social Security program and the welfare rights movement, by which I mean both the ongoing practice of lawyer-initiated judicial review of administrative welfare decisions and the more ephemeral efforts at recipient mobilization of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Although this essay is written from a perspective sympathetic to the general humanitarian and distributive concerns of the liberal program, it has been influenced by a variety of perspectives. Part of the argument resembles criticisms of the welfare system which have long been associated with conservatives. Part of it has been influenced by a few people writing from the left who have recently expressed doubts about some of the long-standing themes of liberal welfare rights discourse. Perhaps the strongest influence on it is the work of the New Deal social workers and their disciples, who developed from within the liberal welfare establishment an alternative conception of welfare rights that challenged but lost out to the private law conception. My purpose is to trace a particular set of jurisprudential themes through the liberal welfare discourse, not to provide a comprehensive account of the welfare system. In social insurance, the substantive rights themes have been widely influential, but they are far from the only influence, and a full assessment of social insurance would require a variety of political and economic analyses that I do not intend to provide here. In public assistance, the greatest influence of ideas of right has been in terms of procedure. Substantive rights themes have played a narrow role. Accordingly, my remarks about public assistance concern only a narrow dimension of the development of these programs.
Article in Nation's Business (Chamber of Commerce of the United States) ; DECISIONS IN WASHINGTON continued from page 41 Lonely struggles with clashing advice often precede actions by the President the lag in developing professional standards resulted in individual hardships giving rise to complaints about our sprawling bureaucracy. Washington administrators have made some headway in dealing with the problem. One of our conservative friends, a critic of the concentration of authority, recently expressed admiration for what he termed "a new professionalism" in the federal departments. Even though Congress must often reach compromise and consensus, it can act very quickly when it needs to. This was demonstrated in the summer of 1963. On July 22, President Kennedy sent Congress a message calling for legislation to stop the threatened railroad strike. By August 28, Congress completed action on legislation to require compulsory arbitration on certain issues of the labor dispute and to prohibit the strike. One fact which makes this speed seem even more remarkable is that the Senate Commerce Committee, which had to act on the legislation, was at the same time considering the controversial public accommodations provision of the civil rights bill. Many of its meetings had to be held at night and on Saturday. Government growth The effect of government growth in Washington certainly is related to any appraisal of the President's problems, for the enormous increase in the volume of judgments which have to be rendered in departmental affairs eventually is reflected in the pressures upon the chief executive. What a change from the days of George Washington, who reportedly insisted that every letter from a federal office should bear his signature. It is axiomatic that only the tough decisions are made at the White House. "The easy ones are settled down the line," President Eisenhower told his successor. My former White House colleague, Ted Sorensen, a key assistant to President Kennedy, was in an excellent position to evaluate the procedures favored by Mr. Kennedy. He maintained that there was no systematic formula for Mr. Kennedy's decisions. This I believe to have been the case under most other presidents. The patterns have reflected the personality and intellectual qualities of the executive. Mr. Truman apparently took pride in assuming responsibility for decisions. I recall visiting him once as a member of a congressional delegation seeking to induce him to take a certain course. After saying "no," he added with a big, friendly smile-but in a tone that convinced us he meant it: "And this is my decision. Don't you boys go back up there on the Hill and say Dean Acheson did it." President Eisenhower was inclined to delegate questions to advisers, generally cabinet members. Presidential friends also have generally been available for help in special situations and have been used by modern presidents, who find specialized knowledge an indispensable requirement in this scientific age. Still the President, having the final responsibility for decisions, must become familiar with many intricate questions and must in a major crisis base his policy on judgments that extend beyond technical and specialized considerations. His personal knowledge of history and government, of the nation's economy, its people, the Congress-and indeed the world's life-must often be tapped. His meditations upon a multitude of complex matters must precede the final decision on questions of vital concern. He consequently becomes on occasion a lonely individual, struggling with conflicting ideas and advice. Assistance and advice for the President come from staff members with competence in a variety of fields, the cabinet members and a vast army of technical aides including independent sources who may not always regard their service solemnly since, as has been said, "their daily salt did not come from the presidential table." Even in day-to-day routine the President carries insuperable burdens. Without help given by aides who surround him and determine when, how and by whom the protective wall is penetrated, he would scarcely find any satisfactions in filling the world's pre-eminent office. He must look at scores-sometimes hundreds-of documents every day and must be sure that the appropriate initials are in the proper place before affixing his signature. Congressional decisions From the point of view of the member of Congress, decisions on legislative matters usually involve a great deal more than the wishes of the President. Even the President's warmest friends and closest party cohorts may be unresponsive at times. Attitudes of the folks at home must be taken into account if the member of Congress is to continue in office. The congressman's task-balancing the local and regional interest with that of the nation-must be sympathetically viewed by presidents, particularly those who have served in Congress. A president represents the national interest and must picture the national goals. But the congressional leader has the map-he knows what will be required to reach them. This requires the President to negotiate-a procedure that has political and ethical guidelines which both sides must respect. A good example of its use was the handling of the Senate action on the 1964 civil rights legislation. Senate Republican Leader Everett Dirksen was committed to civil rights, but he was concerned about some of the mechanisms proposed in the measure as submitted. He asked for and received the modifications that reflected minority party participation. This action helped to give the bill a bipartisan flavor - Congressman William M. McCulloch, ranking Republican on the Judiciary Committee, had helped significantly in the House-and virtually made the final results a classic example of government by consensus. We pride ourselves, and rightly so, on the system established by our founding fathers which called for separate executive, legislative and judicial branches. But it should be noted that no cognizance was taken of the role of political parties in this dynamic process. James Madison in Federalist Paper No. 10 talks of the new Constitution being designed to eliminate the need for parties. In practice, however, we have found that to make our governmental institutions function properly, the party system is essential. It is through the party system that we bridge the gulf between the executive and legislative 64 NATION'S BUSINESS - JANUARY 1965
