Suchergebnisse

[DE] Die Rezeptionsgeschichte des Werks von Carl Schmitt lässt sich grob in zwei Etappen gliedern. Während zunächst seine Kritik an der liberalen Demokratie im Zentrum des Interesses stand, verlagerte sich der Fokus nach dem Ende des Kalten Krieges auf seine Philosophie der internationalen Beziehungen. In diesem Artikel wird gezeigt, dass auch Jürgen Habermas' aufmerksame Lektüre von Schmitts Texten diesen Schritten weitgehend folgt. Statt einer naiven Verwendung und Übernahme Schmitt'scher Kategorien findet sich bei Habermas allerdings eine kritische Aneignung ihres explikativen Potenzials. Darüber hinaus zeigt er große Vorbehalte gegenüber zentralen Ideen des sogenannten »Kronjuristen des Dritten Reiches«. Dies betrifft insbesondere das in alternativen politischen Kreisen bis heute weit verbreitete Konzept des »Politischen«. [EN] While initially criticism of liberal democracy was the aspect of Carl Schmitt's work which received attention, since the end of the Cold War interest has shifted towards his philosophy of international relations. Throughout this article it is shown that to a large extent Jürgen Habermas' attentive reading of certain Schmitt texts follows in these steps. Rather than naively using Schmitt's categories, Habermas practices a critical appropriation of his explanatory potential. Nevertheless, he manifests enormous reservations regarding the elongated shadow cast by his ideas and, in particular, by his concept of the political which is so prevalent today in alternative political circles. ; Peer reviewed

Die englischen Konservativen des mittleren 19. Jahrhunderts geben Rätsel auf. Wie kam es, dass sie 1867 eine Wahlrechtsreform durchsetzten, die sogar weiter ging als die Forderungen der Reformliberalen? Und was machte in der Umwälzungsphase zwischen ländlicher Gesellschaft und Industrienation ihren spezifisch konservativen Charakter aus? In dieser Studie analysiert der Autor die wichtigsten Grundlagen des konservativen politischen Denkens und zeigt an Fallbeispielen auf, was sie für das konkrete politische Handeln bedeuteten. So gelingt es ihm, den englischen Konservatismus als vor allem anti-radikalen und zivilgesellschaftlich orientierten Radikal-Konservatismus zu begreifen. Die Wahlrechtsreform war in diesem Zusammenhang eine Vorwärtsverteidigung, um durch eine Demokratisierung der bestehenden Verhältnisse eine echte Demokratie zu verhindern.

Since election results routinely show that elderly people are especially prone to cast their votes for the German Conservatives and do hardly sympathize with the Greens, the question arises: Does the ageing of the electorate go along with an increasing asymmetry of electoral chances? The article examines whether the electoral success of the Conservatives in the elderly population stems from a long-standing party affiliation or from emerging conservative attitudes in the lifecourse. Using Data from the German Socio-economic Panel (SOEP) the results provide support for cohort effects: In the prospering era after World War II, many people established an affiliation towards the Conservatives and retained it. The Babyboomers instead show (1) a much lesser extent of support for the Conservatives (2) a much higher sympathy towards the Greens and (3) a higher rate of disenchantment with political parties at the same time. In sum, the ageing of the electorate may result in better electoral chances for the Greens rather than the conservatives.

Immediately after the Second World War, when disarray and introspection prevailed in Germany, many intellectuals sought to understand the origins and nature of national socialism. Conservative thinkers also contemplated the past events and were unanimous in denouncing national socialism as one of the most devastating manifestions of modern civilisation. From this perspective, the ravages of an increasingly depersonalized and secularized mass society led the Germans into the arms of Hitler's "pseudo-religion". This interpretation of national socialism came from a long established culture of anti-modernism. Yet, paradoxically, this view made equally possible the renewal of conservative political thinking in terms of anti-totalitarianism. Thus, this change helped prepare the democratization of the conservative German elite. (Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte / FUB)

Francis Fukuyama said good-bye to the neo-conservatives due to the arguments about US foreign policy. In retrospect, he tells, not without sympathy, the history of the neo-conservative school of thought & makes proposals of how their freedom loving legacy could be used for a new, multilaterally oriented foreign policy. Adapted from the source document.

Main description: Ever since the 1950s there has been a "Conservative Internationale" in Western Europe that has received virtually no public notice. Johannes Grossmann traces the intersecting paths of major conservative politicians, entrepreneurs, and journalists in multiple transnational elite circles, their influence on decision-making processes, their contribution to the Europeanization of political thought, and their shifting ideologies from 1945 to 1990.

Conservatives and the ecological Basic Law

The Austro-fascist goal of re-Catholicizing society entailed the restoration of a highly hierarchical gender order, resulting in legal discrimination against women. This article analyzes how the two women's organizations that existed within the Austro-fascist unity party Vaterländische Front responded to the regime's gender policies. Both organizations, Mutterschutzwerk (headed by former journalist Mina Wolfring) and Frauenreferat (headed by Countess Franziska Starhemberg, president of the Catholic women's organization), specifically targeted housewives and mothers on the basis of their politics of gender difference. Using three axes of inequality – class, gender and religion – as an analytical tool, the article highlights how gender and class differences were conceived and implemented within the context of a Catholic and politically authoritarian system. ; The Austro-fascist goal of re-Catholicizing society entailed the restoration of a highly hierarchical gender order, resulting in legal discrimination against women. This article analyzes how the two women's organizations that existed within the Austro-fascist unity party Vaterländische Front responded to the regime's gender policies. Both organizations, Mutterschutzwerk (headed by former journalist Mina Wolfring) and Frauenreferat (headed by Countess Franziska Starhemberg, president of the Catholic women's organization), specifically targeted housewives and mothers on the basis of their politics of gender difference. Using three axes of inequality – class, gender and religion – as an analytical tool, the article highlights how gender and class differences were conceived and implemented within the context of a Catholic and politically authoritarian system.