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In the second part, misconceptions of realism after the Cold War are analysed. It is shown that the shifts in content of contemporary realist theories are path-dependent and rooted in "Waltz paradox". The paradox led to three different modes of realist enterprise: (i) conservative reaction; (ii) "middle way"; and (iii) radical reaction. These stages purport the gradually increasing deviation from the original descriptive principles of realism. Conservative reaction is based on a false assumption that states can follow rational winning strategies. Middle-way "realists" (mis)treat the political struggle for power only as an outgrowth of specific circumstances. More and more of them follow the liberal agenda, trying to find and neutralise the "irrational factors", and thereby secure the rational (universally acceptable) political outcomes. Finally, radical reaction means reconstruction of realism as an entirely prescriptive discourse and moral guidelines for peaceful accommodation and liberal political order. The implications of these theoretical changes are exemplitied by discussing standard "realistic" explanations of US foreign policy after the Cold War. It is shown that none of today's "realist" approaches is realistic enough to grasp the operation of the principles once known to realism. The findings of this research challenge the false truths about the relation between political realism, scientific IR enterprise and political practice.

In the second part, misconceptions of realism after the Cold War are analysed. It is shown that the shifts in content of contemporary realist theories are path-dependent and rooted in "Waltz paradox". The paradox led to three different modes of realist enterprise: (i) conservative reaction; (ii) "middle way"; and (iii) radical reaction. These stages purport the gradually increasing deviation from the original descriptive principles of realism. Conservative reaction is based on a false assumption that states can follow rational winning strategies. Middle-way "realists" (mis)treat the political struggle for power only as an outgrowth of specific circumstances. More and more of them follow the liberal agenda, trying to find and neutralise the "irrational factors", and thereby secure the rational (universally acceptable) political outcomes. Finally, radical reaction means reconstruction of realism as an entirely prescriptive discourse and moral guidelines for peaceful accommodation and liberal political order. The implications of these theoretical changes are exemplitied by discussing standard "realistic" explanations of US foreign policy after the Cold War. It is shown that none of today's "realist" approaches is realistic enough to grasp the operation of the principles once known to realism. The findings of this research challenge the false truths about the relation between political realism, scientific IR enterprise and political practice.

In the second part, misconceptions of realism after the Cold War are analysed. It is shown that the shifts in content of contemporary realist theories are path-dependent and rooted in "Waltz paradox". The paradox led to three different modes of realist enterprise: (i) conservative reaction; (ii) "middle way"; and (iii) radical reaction. These stages purport the gradually increasing deviation from the original descriptive principles of realism. Conservative reaction is based on a false assumption that states can follow rational winning strategies. Middle-way "realists" (mis)treat the political struggle for power only as an outgrowth of specific circumstances. More and more of them follow the liberal agenda, trying to find and neutralise the "irrational factors", and thereby secure the rational (universally acceptable) political outcomes. Finally, radical reaction means reconstruction of realism as an entirely prescriptive discourse and moral guidelines for peaceful accommodation and liberal political order. The implications of these theoretical changes are exemplitied by discussing standard "realistic" explanations of US foreign policy after the Cold War. It is shown that none of today's "realist" approaches is realistic enough to grasp the operation of the principles once known to realism. The findings of this research challenge the false truths about the relation between political realism, scientific IR enterprise and political practice.

In the second part, misconceptions of realism after the Cold War are analysed. It is shown that the shifts in content of contemporary realist theories are path-dependent and rooted in "Waltz paradox". The paradox led to three different modes of realist enterprise: (i) conservative reaction; (ii) "middle way"; and (iii) radical reaction. These stages purport the gradually increasing deviation from the original descriptive principles of realism. Conservative reaction is based on a false assumption that states can follow rational winning strategies. Middle-way "realists" (mis)treat the political struggle for power only as an outgrowth of specific circumstances. More and more of them follow the liberal agenda, trying to find and neutralise the "irrational factors", and thereby secure the rational (universally acceptable) political outcomes. Finally, radical reaction means reconstruction of realism as an entirely prescriptive discourse and moral guidelines for peaceful accommodation and liberal political order. The implications of these theoretical changes are exemplitied by discussing standard "realistic" explanations of US foreign policy after the Cold War. It is shown that none of today's "realist" approaches is realistic enough to grasp the operation of the principles once known to realism. The findings of this research challenge the false truths about the relation between political realism, scientific IR enterprise and political practice.

The right-wing populist Law and Justice party , which came to power in 2015 in Poland, sought not only to implement its conservative and Christian ideas through the executive and the legislative powers, but also to influence the justice. This article presents an analysis of legal acts adopted or amended on the initiative of this ruling party, which shows how the judicial power has been systematically usurped by this political party, in spite of the constitutional principle of the separation of powers, and states that the principle of judicial independence has been violated.

The right-wing populist Law and Justice party , which came to power in 2015 in Poland, sought not only to implement its conservative and Christian ideas through the executive and the legislative powers, but also to influence the justice. This article presents an analysis of legal acts adopted or amended on the initiative of this ruling party, which shows how the judicial power has been systematically usurped by this political party, in spite of the constitutional principle of the separation of powers, and states that the principle of judicial independence has been violated.

The right-wing populist Law and Justice party , which came to power in 2015 in Poland, sought not only to implement its conservative and Christian ideas through the executive and the legislative powers, but also to influence the justice. This article presents an analysis of legal acts adopted or amended on the initiative of this ruling party, which shows how the judicial power has been systematically usurped by this political party, in spite of the constitutional principle of the separation of powers, and states that the principle of judicial independence has been violated.

The right-wing populist Law and Justice party , which came to power in 2015 in Poland, sought not only to implement its conservative and Christian ideas through the executive and the legislative powers, but also to influence the justice. This article presents an analysis of legal acts adopted or amended on the initiative of this ruling party, which shows how the judicial power has been systematically usurped by this political party, in spite of the constitutional principle of the separation of powers, and states that the principle of judicial independence has been violated.

Radical cystectomy is the standard of treatment for muscle-invasive transitional cell carcinoma of the bladder in European Union and in United States. During the last few decades, several clinical trials were performed with the aim to evaluate new treatment methods as an alternative to radical cystectomy for selected patient groups. According to some clinical trials, it is clear that bladder preservation is possible without compromising overall survival of these patients. Organ preservation requires a combined-modality treatment including transurethral resection of bladder tumor, radiation therapy, and systemic chemotherapy. Incorporation of chemotherapeutic agents such as gemcitabine or taxanes in bladder-sparing protocols improves the results of conservative treatment of locally advanced bladder cancer. Pretreatment selection criteria and the most important prognostic factors are macroscopically complete transurethral resection of bladder tumor, absence of hydronephrosis, and lower T stage.

Radical cystectomy is the standard of treatment for muscle-invasive transitional cell carcinoma of the bladder in European Union and in United States. During the last few decades, several clinical trials were performed with the aim to evaluate new treatment methods as an alternative to radical cystectomy for selected patient groups. According to some clinical trials, it is clear that bladder preservation is possible without compromising overall survival of these patients. Organ preservation requires a combined-modality treatment including transurethral resection of bladder tumor, radiation therapy, and systemic chemotherapy. Incorporation of chemotherapeutic agents such as gemcitabine or taxanes in bladder-sparing protocols improves the results of conservative treatment of locally advanced bladder cancer. Pretreatment selection criteria and the most important prognostic factors are macroscopically complete transurethral resection of bladder tumor, absence of hydronephrosis, and lower T stage.

Radical cystectomy is the standard of treatment for muscle-invasive transitional cell carcinoma of the bladder in European Union and in United States. During the last few decades, several clinical trials were performed with the aim to evaluate new treatment methods as an alternative to radical cystectomy for selected patient groups. According to some clinical trials, it is clear that bladder preservation is possible without compromising overall survival of these patients. Organ preservation requires a combined-modality treatment including transurethral resection of bladder tumor, radiation therapy, and systemic chemotherapy. Incorporation of chemotherapeutic agents such as gemcitabine or taxanes in bladder-sparing protocols improves the results of conservative treatment of locally advanced bladder cancer. Pretreatment selection criteria and the most important prognostic factors are macroscopically complete transurethral resection of bladder tumor, absence of hydronephrosis, and lower T stage.

Radical cystectomy is the standard of treatment for muscle-invasive transitional cell carcinoma of the bladder in European Union and in United States. During the last few decades, several clinical trials were performed with the aim to evaluate new treatment methods as an alternative to radical cystectomy for selected patient groups. According to some clinical trials, it is clear that bladder preservation is possible without compromising overall survival of these patients. Organ preservation requires a combined-modality treatment including transurethral resection of bladder tumor, radiation therapy, and systemic chemotherapy. Incorporation of chemotherapeutic agents such as gemcitabine or taxanes in bladder-sparing protocols improves the results of conservative treatment of locally advanced bladder cancer. Pretreatment selection criteria and the most important prognostic factors are macroscopically complete transurethral resection of bladder tumor, absence of hydronephrosis, and lower T stage.

The article investigates the assumption that there is a correlation between the individual's psychological setting and political attitudes and the individual's attitude toward scientific information and the scientific community. In other words, the issue is whether the approvability of scientific data by the individual is essentially a subjective and ideological relationship between distinct scientific problems and relevant evaluative directives. I propose the following research guidelines: a) that the division of the political worldview into the conservative and the liberal reveals a propensity to explain away the political discourse as a set of opposites, and could be fine-tuned by means of neurophilosophical scepsis; b) wonders if there is a representation of science that could contribute to effective science policy-making c) also investigates if the intolerance to various political and scientific views in Western universities is solved by the considered correlation.

The article investigates the assumption that there is a correlation between the individual's psychological setting and political attitudes and the individual's attitude toward scientific information and the scientific community. In other words, the issue is whether the approvability of scientific data by the individual is essentially a subjective and ideological relationship between distinct scientific problems and relevant evaluative directives. I propose the following research guidelines: a) that the division of the political worldview into the conservative and the liberal reveals a propensity to explain away the political discourse as a set of opposites, and could be fine-tuned by means of neurophilosophical scepsis; b) wonders if there is a representation of science that could contribute to effective science policy-making c) also investigates if the intolerance to various political and scientific views in Western universities is solved by the considered correlation.

Historically, Pakistan has nurtured an interpretation of Islam based on Sufi philosophy, which has a reputation of being more tolerant and open-minded. Recent decades have, however, seen a rise in conservative Islam exported from Saudi Arabia; Sunni Wahhabism has become more common in Pakistan largely due to a sociohistorical context, which includes the 1970s oil crises, the 1979 Iranian revolution as well as the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Petrodollars have given the Saudi kingdom the necessary resources to finance Wahhabi imperialism, the Iranian revolution has politicized Shia Muslims (who are seen as a threat by the Sunni), and the Afghan war has resulted in the creation of militarized Islam, supported and funded by the USA and Saudi Arabia. General Zia ul-Haq would then take power in Pakistan and capitalize on Saudi support for the hardline Islamization of the country, a policy which has left a trail of sectarian Sunni/Shia violence in its wake.