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Speech delivered by John Davenport, assistant managing editor of 'Fortune' Magazine, at the 1962 Pepperdine College Freedom Forum. ; x1962

From the Rice Thresher Archive, a collection of newspaper articles published in the student newspaper for Rice University. Genre: News

Photocopy of typescript. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, 1980.--21 cm. ; Bibliography: leaves 364-381. ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Brigham Young University, 1976. ; Mode of access: Internet.

(Thesis) Thesis -- University of Florida. ; (Bibliography) Bibliography: leaves 136-140. ; Manuscript copy. ; Vita. ; (Statement of Responsibility) William V. Meredith, Jr.

Cover title: Nelson Rockefeller's candidacy, a white paper. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Constitutional law, like other law, is rooted in the conservative tradition of the legal system as a whole and thus more willingly pays court to the muse of history and the force of precedent than to the muse of sociology and the demand for revision. It is therefore not surprising that lawyers read constitutions as law, in the ordinary meaning of that word, and that judges apply constitutional provisions as they do other law. The Constitution of the United States was not cast in legal mold by accident, but by design that was itself the product of ineluctable history. A written Constitution seemed necessary not only to assure adequate authority in the central government, but more importantly to give permanent protection against the potential abuses of government with which there was familiarity enough. The distrust of British forms of government, whether in terms of absolute monarchy or of parliamentary supremacy, had provoked the Declaration of Independence and its ringing denunciation of the "repeated injuries and usurpations" of the "present King of Great Britain." Even after military victory was assured, continuing mistrust of centralized authority had dictated the weak alliance of nation and states provided for in the Articles of Confederation, which proved to be more a charter of "thou shalt nots" than a formula for effective government.

The apolitical attitudes that made inner emigration possible were well established in Germany in the decade preceding 1933. Three main ideas from the tradition of "inwardness" were used to justify the exclusion of politics from literature: the timelessness of the inner life, the notion of the genius as hero of society, and the religious function of art. These ideas were propagated especially by the Dresden literary journal, Die Kolonne (1929-1932), to which such leading poets as Günter Eich, Peter Huchel, and Elisabeth Langgässer contributed. Literature of the period reveals a preference for the themes of nature and of myth, insofar as these express the cyclical renewal of the cosmos, and for the motifs of childhood and of cultural pessimism. Apparently apolitical writers were actually politically conservative, and in at least one case, conservatism was associated with an authoritarian upbringing. This link may help explain the extraordinary survival of apolitical attitudes beyond 1945.

Reflections With Edmund Burke By Timothy P. Sheehan New York: Vantage Press, 1960. Pp. 288. $5.00 reviewer: Law Review Staff

In the course of the memorial exercises in honor of Justice McReynolds, held in the Supreme Court of the United States on March 31, 1948, the Attorney General made the significant statement that McReynolds was neither liberal nor conservative." This observation was made in connection with the statement that the Justice, when he was appointed to the Court, was considered a liberal, and when he left the Court, a conservative. His characterization as a liberal was by reason of his experience as a prosecutor in antitrust cases; his reputation for conservatism rests upon his attitude toward legislative measures and economic theories that are characteristic of the so-called New Deal. Stated differently, McReynolds is thought of in certain circles as a liberal advocate, but an ultra-conservative judge. Both points of view reflect misconceptions of the man and the basic philosophy by which his life was ordered.

The first and largest influx of Ukrainian immigrants to Manitoba came between 1896 and 1914. Having left oppressive conditions in Eastern Europe, they desired equality with other Canadian citizens, but initially their political participation was neither welcomed nor encouraged. In 1899 the Conservative opposition in Manitoba came to power by characterizlng them as a political threat to the the province's British heritage and character. For four years, the new government invoked legislation designed to deny Ukrainians and other Eastern Europeans the vote. By 1901, however, this attitude changed to a manipulative paternalism as both Liberals and Conservatives sought to win votes through the work of various political agents. The Conservatives in particular established a political machine which conceded Ukrainians and others the right to benefit from the bilingual educational clause of the 1896 Laurier-Greenway agreement. By 1910, the Liberal party headed a reform coalition in opposition to the Conservative government. Coming to power in 1915, during a period of intense wartime patriotism, it repealed legislation providing bilingual education. Meanwhile, the Ukrainian community in the province was fragmented into rival factions, including conservative Catholics, liberal nationalists and radical socialists, as well as being subjected to various "colonizing" efforts by French Catholics and British Protestant clergy. Restrictive legislation and social hostility necessitated an initial political participation by Ukrainians which was turbulent and defensive in nature. Political participation and representation was first achieved at the local municipal level, and later in 1915, provincially, with the first Ukrainian Canadian being elected to the legislature. The effect of wartime nativism and Liberal intolerance was to move the Ukrainians towards greater commnunity-oriented political activity, independent of the previous manipulation by party interests. By 1922, the Ukrainians had achieved a permanent legislative ...

In 1850 the future looked bleak to John Alexander Macdonald, then a rising young star on the political horizon of Canada West. As the year began he faced a series of crises which threatened to put an end to his ambitions for the years ahead. His career in politics seemed almost doomed and his law business was on the verge of failure. This state of affairs was complicated further when his invalid wife announced that she was expecting a child. The fortunes of the Conservative party in the province of Canada were seriously imperilled at the end of 1849. The Tories were an impotent minority in the legislative assembly of the province at a time when the traditional colonial system upon which they had relied seemed about to collapse. The repeal of the Corn Laws and Timber Duties removed Canada's exports from the preferential position they had occupied in imperial markets, and the British acceptance of the principle of free trade destroyed the old foundation of the colonial Tories' political supremacy. The passage of the Rebellion Losses Bill by the Canadian assembly, and Lord Elgin's assent to it, completed the ruin of the Tories' philosophy. With their faith and loyalties rattled, the Conservatives groped toward new policies and new principles. No one was more aware of the Conservative dilemma than John A. Macdonald, the Receiver-General in the last Conservative administration. Macdonald had entered public life in 1843 as an alderman in Kingston, and the next year had become that city's representative in the Legislative Assembly of the United Province of Canada. In three years on the back-bench he had gained recognition as a moderate and disciple of William Henry Draper, and in 1847 was elevated to the cabinet. With Draper's resignation, Macdonald remained the moderates' spokesman and undeclared candidate for the party's leadership. However, the victory of the Reformers in the 1848 election, and the subsequent passage of legislation anathema to traditionalist Tories, drove the Conservatives to desperation. The ...

The 1919 sedition and deportation ammendments in Canada were not merely the product of anti-radical hysteria induced by the Winnipeg General Strike, but were consistent with the ideological propensity of the Conservative-Unionist and Bennett governments to suppress alien and left-wing dissent. This tendency was reflected in earlier, anti-radical enactments by Borden's government under the War Measures Act, providing, among other things, for the summary internment and deportation of suspected alien radicals. For the most part the stringent measures passed in 1919 represented the conversion of wartime powers to peace-time legislation. The conservative ideology that inspired these amendments was manifested in the vigorous application of deportation powers by immigration and other officials during the Red Scare of 1919-20 and the depression of the early thirties. It was further sustained by the stubborn refusal of the Conservative majority in the Senate to approve repeal legislation repeatedly passed by the House of Commons, even in the context of domestic stability in the 1920s. Ultimately, conservative reaction was superseded by liberalism in the form of civil liberties legislation passed by Mackenzie King's government. The emergence of the repeal of Section 98 of the Criminal Code as a major issue in the 1935 Dominion election and Bennett's corresponding defeat had demonstrated the Canadian public's desire that its governments address themselves, not to the suppression of radicalism, but to the solution of economic problems underpinning social unrest.

Reprint of the 1841 ed. ; "Dedicated to the Whigs, Conservatives, Democrats, and Locos focos . of the United States." ; Mode of access: Internet.

Letter - A handwritten version of a letter written by Ruth Gorman sent to the Progressive Conservative Party and New Democrat Party, Alberta (1 page) ; WCC

Prior to dissolution in 1861, the Conservative ministry was a minority government insofar as Canada West was concerned. The election campaign that followed was a bitter, hard-fought affair that gave the government a small majority in the West. This majority was obtained only through the support of candidates who contested their ridings as Coalition Reformers, as Independent candidates, or a Conservatives advocating a number of Liberal policies. These members were not always reliable. Indecisive and humiliating as it turned out to be, the election helped point out the need for some very serious cooperation between the province's political leaders, if the crisis that developed during the early 1860's were to be overcome.