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The idea of constitutional accountability of public government officials dates back to the Constitution of May 3, 1791, even though it was only rather briefly adhered to in the political practice in the Duchy of Warsaw, and later in the times of the Second Polish Republic and the Third Polish Republic. On the one hand, the analysis of legislative acts concerning the notion of constitutional accountability in the abovementioned periods of Polish history reveals its constant development with regard to the terms of reference of the positions subject to constitutional accountability and the authorities involved in the process, but, on the other hand, the study also points to the relative lack of efficacy connected with the politicisation of the Parliament, which makes the notion of constitutional accountability a spectacular form of implementation of the principle of political accountability.

The ideology of the free market, at the beginning of the transformation was used in a propagandistic manner that was similar to the one used in the communist period of the Polish history. The Author presents a convincing polemic debate with the neoliberal dogmas and myths. The Book also includes the lessons learnt from the Icelandic banking crisis that are relevant for any constitutional reformer. Finally, it offers a suggestive prospect to increase the efficacy of the Polish State.

The hereby paper undertakes the analysis of the genesis and evolution of the Finland's Parliament Eduskunta from the moment of its establishment till nowadays, including the characteristics of its present constitutional position, being a result of its development during the centuries, with paying special attention to the current normative state and made on the basis of the hitherto constitutional practice. The article aims at deriving the origin and presenting the development of this organ in Finland, which in consequence leads to reliable conclusions in the field of determining its current constitutional position in the system of the supreme state authorities of Finland. The subject of the paper particularly focuses mostly on the analysis of the beginnings of Eduskunta's formation and Finnish parliamentarianism, as well as its further evolution during different periods of its history, i.e. the time when Finland was included into the Kingdom of Sweden, the period when it was incorporated into the Russian Imperium and after it gained independence in 1917. The work also concentrates on the analysis of Eduskunta's current constitutional position, its composition, internal structure, functions and competences presented on the basis of the exegesis of the provisions of the binding Basic Law of 1999 and the Parliament's Rules of Procedure. The constitutional principles referring to the Parliament also seem to be of particular significance in this context, for they contribute to a more precise definition of Eduskunta's constitutional position, as well as to pointing out its originality and dissimilarity regarding parliaments of other contemporary democratic states. ; W niniejszym opracowaniu przeprowadzono analizę genezy i ewolucji parlamentu finlandzkiego – Eduskunty: od chwili jego ustanowienia do czasów współczesnych, w tym – na podstawie dotychczasowej praktyki ustrojowej – dokonano charakterystyki obecnej pozycji ustrojowej tego parlamentu, będącej wynikiem jego rozwoju na przestrzeni wieków, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem aktualnego stanu normatywnego. Artykuł ma na celu ustalenie źródeł powstania oraz przedstawienie rozwoju tego organu w Finlandii, co w konsekwencji prowadzi do wiarygodnych wniosków w zakresie określenia jego obecnej pozycji ustrojowej w systemie naczelnych organów państwowych Finlandii. Przedmiot pracy koncentruje się przede wszystkim na analizie początków Eduskunty i parlamentaryzmu fińskiego, a także dalszej ewolucji Eduskunty w różnych okresach, tj. w czasach, gdy Finlandia była włączona do Królestwa Szwecji, funkcjonowała w obrębie Imperium Rosyjskiego oraz po uzyskaniu przez nią niepodległości w 1917 r. Opracowanie koncentruje się też na analizie obecnej pozycji ustrojowej Eduskunty, jej składu, organizacji wewnętrznej, funkcjach oraz kompetencjach przedstawionych na podstawie egzegezy postanowień obowiązującej ustawy zasadniczej z 1999 r. oraz regulaminu parlamentu. Zasady konstytucyjne odnoszące się do parlamentu również wydają się mieć w tym kontekście szczególne znaczenie, ponieważ przyczyniają się one do dokładniejszego zdeterminowania pozycji ustrojowej Eduskunty, a także wskazują na jej oryginalność i odmienność w stosunku do parlamentów innych współczesnych państw demokratycznych.

The historicity of the Constitution of the Fifth French Republic has a special dimension. In the preamble and in the articles of the first Chapter, reference is made to the heritage of the French Revolution and identification with its principles is emphasised. We are therefore dealing with a case of the Constitution that explicitly refers not to the entire historical heritage of France but to an exceptional moment in its history. This reference has a very real meaning because the legacy of the French Revolution affects the constitutional reality of today's France. This applies in particular to the specially conceive d idea of the sovereignty of the nation, the principles of indivisibility and the secularity of the Republic. At the same time, under the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, there has been an interpretation of the legacy of the Revolution in terms that are critical of the Jacobin tradition, which allowed for a broad consensus on it. On the other hand, it can be argued that the Constitution is not fully representative in the dimension of history, as the legacy of pre-revolutionary France occupies a vital place in public education and in the politics of memory.

The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate. ; The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.

Artykuł recenzowany / peer-reviewed article ; The study is an attempt to describe and analyse the first constitutional act of independent Finland. Th e Constitution Act of 1919 defined the Finnish political system. Although it was an object of ideological arguments (monarchist vs. republican tradition), its provisions, and especially the strong position of the president as an executive power with legislative competences, resulted from a compromise. Despite that, the classical division into three powers was introduced into the Finnish political and legal system. The act was not ideal, yet at that stage in the history of Finland it was an expected result of a compromise with strong constitutional foundation for the political and legal progress of a developing country ; W studium podjęto się próby przedstawienia i zbadania pierwszego aktu o charakterze konstytucyjnym wydanego w niepodległej Finlandii: Aktu o Formie rządów z 1919 r. Dokument przede wszystkim jednoznacznie zdefiniował formę rządów, która wcześniej była przedmiotem licznych sporów ideologicznych (tradycje monarchistyczne contra idee republikańskie), co doprowadziło nawet do wybuchu wojny domowej. Osiągając kompromis, do fińskiego porządku prawnego wprowadzono urząd prezydenta z silną władzą wykonawczą i licznymi kompetencjami ustawodawczymi, wybieranego w pośrednich wyborach powszechnych. Rzeczywista pozycja ustrojowa prezydenta została zatem bardzo silnie ugruntowana. Pomimo tego, w fińskim systemie konstytucyjnym zastosowano klasyczny trójpodział władzy (legislatywa nie została unormowana w badanym akcie). Akt o Formie rządów z 1919 r. był na ówczesnym etapie rozwoju fińskiej państwowości dokumentem niezbędnym i wyczekiwanym. Nie była to ustawa doskonała, ale przepisy w niej zawarte, dzięki kompromisowemu charakterowi, umożliwiły dalszy rozwój fińskiego państwa oparty na solidnych fundamentach ustrojowych.

The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the 'Round Table' resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for 'control of the past', of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian 'models of historical policy'. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and inter- pretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.

The article is a reconstruction of the position of the European Parliament and its delegates to the Convention on the Future of Europe towards the greatest institutional reform of the European Union in the history of European integration. The author analyzes the impact of the European Parliament on the provisions of the draft Constitutional Treaty, concerning, among other things: the axiology of the Union, the institutional system, the role of national parliaments and enhanced cooperation. These studies made it possible to observe that the European Parliament, like the European Commission, was one of the Community institutions which was particularly interested in strengthening the transnational factor in the process of European integration, including the European Union's institutional system. Therefore, during the debate, the representatives of the European Parliament stated their demands for: further enlargement of the powers of Parliament in the legislative process, changes in decision-making procedures in the Council of the European Union, as well as strengthening the position of the European Commission in the European Union's institutional system. Analysis showed that this position was the consensus worked out from the varied opinions of European political groups, which were presented by individual members of the European Parliament involved in the institutional issues

The study concerns the factors influencing the shape of the Polish administrative judiciary, ranging from their conceptual patterns in the interwar period to the present day. Therefore, the article presents the history of administrative judiciary reforms as well as the constitutional and statutory foundations of the Polish administrative judiciary and their most important changes. The following parts of the study discuss issues related to the structure and internal organization of administrative courts, their jurisdiction and the concept of "administrative court case" as the subject of proceedings before an administrative court. The basic principles of administrative court proceedings as well as the types and nature of court decisions, including their appealability, validityand enforceability, were also discussed. The last part highlights the challenges faced by the Polish administrative judiciary and the prospects for its further reforms. ; Opracowanie dotyczy czynników mających wpływ na kształt polskiego sądownictwa administracyjnego, począwszy od ich koncepcyjnych wzorców w okresie międzywojennym, po czasy współczesne. W związku z tym w artykule przedstawiono historię reform sądownictwa administracyjnego oraz konstytucyjne i ustawowe podstawy polskiego sądownictwa administracyjnego i ich najważniejsze zmiany. W kolejnych częściach opracowania omówiono zagadnienia dotyczące struktury i organizacji wewnętrznej sądów administracyjnych, ich właściwość oraz pojęcie "sprawy sądowoadministracyjnej" jako przedmiotu postępowania przed sądem administracyjnym. Przybliżono też podstawowe zasady postępowania sądowoadministracyjnego oraz rodzaje i charakter rozstrzygnięć sądowych, w tym ich zaskarżalność, prawomocność i wykonalność. W ostatniej części zwrócono uwagę na wyzwania stojące przed polskim sądownictwem administracyjnym oraz perspektywy jego dalszych reform.

The study concerns the factors influencing the shape of the Polish administrative judiciary, ranging from their conceptual patterns in the interwar period to the present day. Therefore, the article presents the history of administrative judiciary reforms as well as the constitutional and statutory foundations of the Polish administrative judiciary and their most important changes. The following parts of the study discuss issues related to the structure and internal organization of administrative courts, their jurisdiction and the concept of "administrative court case" as the subject of proceedings before an administrative court. The basic principles of administrative court proceedings as well as the types and nature of court decisions, including their appealability, validity and enforceability, were also discussed. The last part highlights the challenges faced by the Polish administrative judiciary and the prospects for its further reforms. ; Opracowanie dotyczy czynników mających wpływ na kształt polskiego sądownictwa administracyjnego, począwszy od ich koncepcyjnych wzorców w okresie międzywojennym, po czasy współczesne. W związku z tym w artykule przedstawiono historię reform sądownictwa administracyjnego oraz konstytucyjne i ustawowe podstawy polskiego sądownictwa administracyjnego i ich najważniejsze zmiany. W kolejnych częściach opracowania omówiono zagadnienia dotyczące struktury i organizacji wewnętrznej sądów administracyjnych, ich właściwość oraz pojęcie "sprawy sądowoadministracyjnej" jako przedmiotu postępowania przed sądem administracyjnym. Przybliżono też podstawowe zasady postępowania sądowoadministracyjnego oraz rodzaje i charakter rozstrzygnięć sądowych, w tym ich zaskarżalność, prawomocność i wykonalność. W ostatniej części zwrócono uwagę na wyzwania stojące przed polskim sądownictwem administracyjnym oraz perspektywy jego dalszych reform.

Evolution of European political sytems in Zygmunt Cybichowski's works (1879-1946)The article presents briefly constitutional reflection of Zygmunt Cybichowski (1879-1946), a world-famous expert in law who became a radical Polish nationalist in 1930s and unsuccessfully tried to collaborate with the Third Reich during WW II. His thought concentrated particularly on two types of democratic system: liberał democracy and so-called 'nationalist democracy'.As a scholar, Cybichowski was following the 'national method' in law studies. According to his method, every legał system, including constitution, rose from a specific, particular culture of its own nation. The same rule or institution could have different meaning in various cultures of law - there were no two similar constitutions among the nations of the world. Understanding legał and political system of any country depended entirely on profound knowledge of local history and traditions.Cybichowski was considered that during interwar period political systems of all European countries underwenta process of totalizing - a rapid expansion of government power and functions. This phenomenon was the most advanced in 'nation­al democracies': fascist Italy and the Third Reich. Cybichowski maintained thatthese two states were truły democratic (but not liberał) because, in his opinion, democra­cy existed in every political system in which authorities were accepted by their peo- ple and followed the people's will. For Cybichowski democracy and dictatorship were not contradictory to each other - a dictatorial government could have democratic base. According to him, pre-war Poland had an intermediate regime which contained elements of the both types of democracy. This regime formally retained liberał institutions, but in political practice it started to create institutions typical for 'nationalist democracy' such as 'national political organization' and a 'national chieftain'.

Evolution of European political sytems in Zygmunt Cybichowski's works (1879-1946)The article presents briefly constitutional reflection of Zygmunt Cybichowski (1879-1946), a world-famous expert in law who became a radical Polish nationalist in 1930s and unsuccessfully tried to collaborate with the Third Reich during WW II. His thought concentrated particularly on two types of democratic system: liberał democracy and so-called 'nationalist democracy'.As a scholar, Cybichowski was following the 'national method' in law studies. According to his method, every legał system, including constitution, rose from a specific, particular culture of its own nation. The same rule or institution could have different meaning in various cultures of law - there were no two similar constitutions among the nations of the world. Understanding legał and political system of any country depended entirely on profound knowledge of local history and traditions.Cybichowski was considered that during interwar period political systems of all European countries underwenta process of totalizing - a rapid expansion of government power and functions. This phenomenon was the most advanced in 'nation­al democracies': fascist Italy and the Third Reich. Cybichowski maintained thatthese two states were truły democratic (but not liberał) because, in his opinion, democra­cy existed in every political system in which authorities were accepted by their peo- ple and followed the people's will. For Cybichowski democracy and dictatorship were not contradictory to each other - a dictatorial government could have democratic base. According to him, pre-war Poland had an intermediate regime which contained elements of the both types of democracy. This regime formally retained liberał institutions, but in political practice it started to create institutions typical for 'nationalist democracy' such as 'national political organization' and a 'national chieftain'.