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Introduction -- PART I: The Rule of Law – General reflections -- Estado de Derecho y Democracia -- The Rule of Law and Democracy in Latin America -- Rule of Law, Democracy and the digital sector -- Preconditions to avoid constitutional crisis: some reflections on appointment procedure of constitutional justices -- Rule of law as a universal "value" -- Rule of Law Concept and its Development by the EU Constitutional Justice -- PART II: Rule of Law and Pandemic -- The Main Trends in Constitutional Jurisprudence Developed by Constitutional Courts during the COVID-19 Pandemic -- Emergencia y Jurisdicción Constitucional -- Common courts' right to constitutional review in the face of the threat to the rule of law – the case of Poland -- Pandemic and the Rule of Law -- The emergency in Estonia, fundamental rights and the rule of law -- Limitations of civil rights during a period of introduction of extraordinary measures in Poland vis-à-vis the pandemic caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus -- Limiting fundamental rights by governmental regulations – An illiberal response to the COVID-19 pandemic in Poland -- Constitutional Restrictions of Human Rights under the State of Emergency -- Health State of Emergency and Management of the Pandemic – The Italian Experience -- The Covid 19 pandemic and Italian constitutional law. Some reflections on the sources of law -- Estado de Derecho y Restricción de Derechos Fundamentales durante la Pandemia en Brasil: La Actuación del Supremo Tribunal -- Protecting the Rule of Law: Once again about the Legitimacy and Competences of the Constitutional Courts -- El Constitucionalismo ante la pandemia del Covid-19 en el Perú -- Rule of Law and the Pandemic – The Experience of the Republic of Moldova -- Estado de Derecho y lesiones de los Derechos Fundamentales en el estado de alarma o emergencia por el COVID-19 -- PART III: Conclusion -- Concluding Remarks.

The global appeal of liberal constitutional democracy—defined as a competitive multiparty system combined with governance within constitutional limits—cannot be taken for granted due to the existence of competing forms of government that appear successful along a number of practical dimensions and consequently enjoy high levels of public acceptance. Proponents of liberal constitutional democracy must be prepared to explain and defend its capacity to satisfy first-order political needs. A system of government is unlikely to command popular acceptance unless it can plausibly claim to address the problems of oppression, tribalism, and physical and economic security. Along these dimensions, the advantages of liberal constitutional democracy over the alternatives of social democracy of the type seen in Scandinavia, and bureaucratic authoritarianism of the type seen in parts of Asia, are not self-evident. Within Asia alone, functional alternatives to liberal constitutional democracy run the gamut from illiberal nondemocracy in China, to liberal one-party rule in Japan, to illiberal constitutional democracy in Singapore, to liberal constitutional nondemocracy in Hong Kong, to hereditary monarchy in Bhutan. ; El atractivo global de la democracia constitucional liberal –definida como un sistema multipartidario competitivo con un gobierno con límites constitucionales– no puede tomarse por sentado dada la existencia de la competencia de otras formas de gobierno que parecen exitosas en una serie de aspectos prácticos y como consecuencia gozan de altos niveles de aceptación. Los defensores de la democracia constitucional liberal deben estar preparados para explicar y defender la capacidad de este modelo para satisfacer las necesidades políticas de primer orden. Un sistema de gobierno no puede manejar aceptación popular a menos que asegure poder lidiar con los problemas de opresión, tribalismo y falta de seguridad física y económica. Considerando ello, las ventajas de la democracia constitucional liberal por sobre las alternativas de la democracia social del tipo visto en Escandinavia, y la burocracia autoritaria del tipo visto en algunas partes de Asia, no son tan evidentes. Tan solo en Asia, la gama de alternativas a la democracia constitucional liberal van desde la no-democracia no-liberal en China, un gobierno liberal unipartidario en Japón, la democracia constitucional no-liberal en Singapur, la no-democracia constitucional liberal en Hong Kong, y la monarquía hereditaria en Bután.

In recent decades, as a result of climate change and the high temperatures presented during the so-called "El niño Phenomenon", there has been a marked lack of water in the municipal aqueducts in Colombia and the Huila region. This problematic that generates concern in the authorities and in the general population, has aroused the interest in the academy to debate if the different legal provisions in the Colombian legislation are sufficient to deal with the environmental crisis and especially the loss of surface water resources which affects access to the liquid for human consumption. In that order, from the identification and analysis of the legal and jurisprudential development of the Constitutional Court related to environmental protection and especially to the issue of water, it was noticed that since the 20th century, due to innumerable problems caused by economic activity with negative impact on human health, the first environmental standards provided some corrective measures on the use of the water used for human consumption. Going by the Decree Law 2811 of 1974, which adopted the National Code of Renewable Natural Resources and Protection to the Environment, and a heavy regulatory environmental development, up to the political Constitution of 1991, considered to be a "green Constitution". The regulatory and jurisprudential production regarding the legal protection of water as a generator of life has intensified since then. ; En las últimas décadas, como consecuencia del cambio climático y las altas temperaturas presentadas durante el "Fenómeno del Niño", se ha acentuado en Colombia y el Departamento del Huila la escasez de agua en los acueductos municipales. Esta problemática que genera preocupación en las autoridades y en la población en general, ha despertado el interés en la academia a debatir si las diferentes disposiciones legales existentes la legislación colombiana son suficientes para hacer frente a la crisis ambiental y especialmente a la pérdida de recursos hídricos superficiales, lo cual ...

The number of aforados has been discussed in recent times in Spain. Most authors, after saying that this procedural exception exists only exceptionably in the Comparative Constitucional Law, request a substantial decrease of its figure in our country. However, this research of Comparative Constitutional Law reveals that the aforamiento is usual in relation to the Head of State and the Government members in the European constitutionalism. By contrast, the parliamentary aforamiento is an exceptional situation. Anyway, the Comparative Constitutional Law, although useful, should not be decisive in order to take decision about the future of this privilege in our country. In this regard, it is absolutely necessary to take into account its objectives and the causational and proportionately relationship between the adopted measure (aforamiento)and the achievement of those objectives in the political, institutional and social context of the specific country. And the truth is that the arguments to justify this institution, an exception to the principle of equality, are certainly weak. ; El número de aforados en nuestro país ha sido objeto de una fuerte polémica en los últimos tiempos en España. La mayoría, tras afirmar que esta institución se prevé de forma absolutamente excepcional en los países con los que compartimos una tradición jurídica común, solicita una reducción sustancial de esta cifra. Sin embargo, este análisis de derecho constitucional comparado revela que el aforamiento es una práctica habitual con relación a los Jefes de Estado (en el marco de una responsabilidad, eso sí, muy limitada) y a los miembros de Gobierno en el constitucionalismo europeo. Sí que es excepcional, sin embargo, el aforamiento parlamentario. En todo caso, el recurso al derecho comparado, aunque útil, no debe ser el elemento decisivo en la decisión sobre el futuro de esta institución en nuestro país. En este sentido resulta inexcusable tomar en consideración los fines pretendidos por la misma y la relación de causalidad y proporcionalidad existente entre su previsión y la consecución de dichos fines en el marco político, institucional y social del país de referencia en el que se inserta. Y lo cierto es que los fundamentos para justificar su presencia en nuestro país son un tanto endebles para conducir, como conducen, a limitar el principio de igualdad ante la ley.The number of aforados has been discussed in recent times in Spain. Most authors, after saying that this procedural exception exists only exceptionably in the Comparative Constitucional Law, request a substantial decrease of its figure in our country. However, this research of Comparative Constitutional Law reveals that the aforamiento is usual in relation to the Head of State and the Government members in the European constitutionalism. By contrast, the parliamentary aforamiento is an exceptional situation. Anyway, the Comparative Constitutional Law, although useful, should not be decisive in order to take decision about the future of this privilege in our country. In this regard, it is absolutely necessary to take into account its objectives and the causational and proportionately relationship between the adopted measure (aforamiento)and the achievement of those objectives in the political, institutional and social context of the specific country. And the truth is that the arguments to justify this institution, an exception to the principle of equality, are certainly weak.

Since the begining of Modern Constitutionalism in the 19th century, amongthe essential elements that derived from the North American and FrenchRevolutions and conditioned the conception of the Modern State, are theidea of the Constitution as superior law product of the popular sovereigntythat prevails over any other State act; and the idea that the government, alsoproduct of the popular will, must be established following a representative andemocratic political regime. The development of these elements in contemporaryWorld has given rise to new tendencies in Constitutional Law allowingto identity such elements, in addition and in them selfs, as constitutionalrights of the citizens. In such framework, this essay is a reflection preciselydevoted to identify and define, the right to the Constitution, and the right todemocracy, as fundamental rights of constitutional rank within the internalorder of Latin American Countries. ; Desde los inicios del constitucionalismo moderno en el siglo xviii, entre loselementos esenciales que surgieron de las revoluciones norteamericana yfrancesa y que desde entonces condicionaron la concepción del Estado, haprevalecido tanto la idea de la existencia de una Constitución concebida comonorma suprema producto de la voluntad popular, que prevalece sobre todos losotros actos del Estado, como la idea de que los Gobiernos, igualmente productode la voluntad popular, se deben estructurar conforme a un régimen políticorepresentativo y democrático. El desarrollo de esos elementos en el mundocontemporáneo ha dado origen a nuevas tendencias en el derecho constitucionalque han conducido a identificar dichos elementos en sí mismos, además,como derechos de los ciudadanos. En tal marco, este estudio constituye unareflexión tendiente a identificar y precisar tanto el derecho a la Constitucióncomo el derecho a la democracia en cuanto derechos fundamentales de rangoconstitucional en el orden interno de nuestros países latinoamericanos.

Die vorliegende Arbeit liefert einen Vorschlag, um die politischen Redetexte mit dem Bereich des Verfassungsrechts, besonders mit dem Bereich der Lehre, zu verknüpfen. ; A proposal is drawn to provide for political discursive texts within the world of constitutional law, particularly within its study. ; Se elabora una propuesta para incardinar los textos políticos discursivos dentro del mundo del Derecho constitucional, especialmente dentro de su enseñanza.

This study investigates the current profiles of the amicus curiae and its importance in the deployment of constitutional justice. Also analyzes its usefulness as an instrument of viability of citizen participation in the judicial debate around issues of social and institutional interest, and evaluates its qualitative contribution to the lines of reasoning of the domestic and international human rights courts, on the basis of growth opportunities for interaction of Constitutional Law, Constitutional Procedural Law and International Human Rights Law. ; El presente estudio indaga sobre los perfiles actuales del amicus curiae y su importancia en el despliegue de la justicia constitucional. Analiza asimismo su utilidad como instrumento para viabilizar la participación ciudadana en el debate judicial en torno a asuntos de interés institucional y social, y evalúa su aporte cualitativo al acervo argumental de los tribunales internos e internacionales de derechos humanos, sobre la base del crecimiento de los espacios de interacción del derecho constitucional, el derecho procesal constitucional y el derecho internacional de los derechos humanos.

Abstract:This essay critically examines the historical decision of withdrawal from the EU adopted in United Kingdom in the Brexit referendum of 23 June 2016 under a European Constitutional Law perspective. Indeed, the focus is put on the negative impact of the Brexit in building a Europe of human rights. From this point of view, the author highlights the United Kingdom's permanent hesitation between a claim for the British supremacy and a need for strengthening a Common European Constitutional culture, by taking into account the dynamics of either «accession» or «partial out-puts» in relation to both the EU and the Council of Europe and their main human rights instruments. On the other hand, the paper submits to scrutiny the inconsistencies of the British Government's official «Brexit White Paper» in the field of fundamental rights. The author concludes that the Brexit might be a wrong historic decision weakening the British Constitutional culture and, correlatively, an opportunity for the other EU Member States to optimize the European integration process as well as the quality of their own democratic regimes. ; Resumen:El presente artículo examina críticamente la decisión histórica de retirada de la UE adoptada en el Reino Unido en el referéndum del Brexit de 23 de junio de 2016, desde una perspectiva de Derecho Constitucional Europeo. En efecto, se hace hincapié en el impacto negativo del Brexit en la construcción de una Europa de los derechos humanos. Desde este punto de vista, se destaca la permanente actitud vacilante del Reino Unido entre el reclamo de la supremacía británica y la necesidad de fortalecer una cultura constitucional europea común, teniendo en cuenta las dinámicas de la «adhesión» y de la «exclusión parcial» tanto en relación con la UE como con el Consejo de Europa y sus principales instrumentos de derechos humanos. Por otra parte, el artículo somete a análisis las inconsistencias del «Libro Blanco del Brexit» presentado como documento oficial del Gobierno británico en el campo de los derechos fundamentales. En fin, se concluye que el Brexit puede ser una decisión histórica equivocada que debilita la cultura constitucional británica y, correlativamente, una oportunidad para que los demás Estados miembros de la UE optimicen el proceso de integración europea y la calidad de sus propios regímenes democráticos.Summary:I. Introduction: the Brexit as a result of the eurosceptic british constitutionalism. II. The United Kingdom as a promoter (paradoxically) of a comprehensive Europe of rights. 1. The emblematic constitution in London of the Council of Europe. 2. The late assumption of the basic standards of European rights culture. III. The initial exclusion and successive british exceptions to the european rights community. 1. The EFTA and the promotion of the integrated Europe of rights, without integrating it. 2. Partial exceptions on rights in the revisions of the European Treaties. 3. The total amendment to the Europe of rights: rejection of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. IV. The Brexit road map as an abandonment of the European constitutional order of rights. 1. Distancing from the European catalog of rights. 2. Disregard for the CJEU. 3. The road map at the crossroads: the thin frontier between the European Union and the Council of Europe. V. Final thoughts: the commitment to the strengthening of a Europe of rights, despite Brexit.Abstract:This essay critically examines the historical decision of withdrawal from the EU adopted in United Kingdom in the Brexit referendum of 23 June 2016 under a European Constitutional Law perspective. Indeed, the focus is put on the negative impact of the Brexit in building a Europe of human rights. From this point of view, the author highlights the United Kingdom's permanent hesitation between a claim for the British supremacy and a need for strengthening a Common European Constitutional culture, by taking into account the dynamics of either «accession» or «partial out-puts» in relation to both the EU and the Council of Europe and their main human rights instruments. On the other hand, the paper submits to scrutiny the inconsistencies of the British Government's official «Brexit White Paper» in the field of fundamental rights. The author concludes that the Brexit might be a wrong historic decision weakening the British Constitutional culture and, correlatively, an opportunity for the other EU Member States to optimize the European integration process as well as the quality of their own democratic regimes.

After 25 years of validity, 15 years after its entry into operation in a democratic regime and 5 years of processing through, the 1980 Constitution was -finally- reformed with the purpose of overcoming the vestiges of authoritarianism present in its text and taking a step quasi-definitive at the institutional level to complete the transition to "full" democracy. In this work, I intend to verify that, at least, in terms of the constitutional reform procedure, our constitution still has a very rigid structure that is not in agreement with the democratic principle present in the Bases of Institutionality and that, consequently, it must inform the entire Basic Charter. ; Tras 25 años de vigencia, 15 años después de su entrada en funcionamiento en régimen democrático y 5 años de tramitación mediante, la Constitución de 1980 fue -finalmente- reformada con el propósito de superar los vestigios de autoritarismo presentes en su texto y dar un paso cuasi-definitivo a nivel institucional para concluir la transición a la "plena" democracia. En este trabajo, pretendo verificar que, al menos, en materia de procedimiento de reforma constitucional, nuestra constitución posee aún una estructura muy rígida que se aviene mal con el principio democrático presente en las Bases de la Institucionalidad y que, en consecuencia, debe informar toda la Carta Fundamental.

The paper examines the amendment to the Organic Constitutional Law of Political Parties regarding the inclusion of freedom of information as a right of which party members are entitled. As it is a matter reserved for the internal regulation of political parties, all legally constituted parties are researched so as to determine whether or not they have rules that enable exercising of the right. The research shows that only a minority of political parties have regulations that go beyond the law. However, important omissions are observed at the level of parties' regulations. The paper concludes that the absence of adequate internal regulation for the exercise of the right may hinder access to party information by its members. ; El artículo analiza la reforma a la Ley Orgánica Constitucional de los Partidos Políticos en materia de derecho de acceso a la información partidaria, dando cuenta de la incorporación de este derecho como un derecho de titularidad de los afiliados a un partido. Al constituir una materia reservada a la regulación interna de los partidos políticos, se investigan todos los partidos legalmente constituidos para determinar si cuentan o no con reglas que habiliten el ejercicio del derecho. La investigación constata que solamente una minoría de partidos cuentan con normativas que van más allá de la regulación legal. Sin embargo, se observan importantes omisiones a nivel de la regulación partidaria. El texto concluye que la ausencia de una regulación interna adecuada para el ejercicio del derecho puede obstaculizar el acceso a la información de los partidos por parte de sus afiliados.

In order to participate in the centennial celebration of the Constitution of Queretaro this article analyzes the relationship between the concepts of constitution and revolution with special emphasis to the Mexican particular case. For this, some historical analysis is introduced to contextualize the constitution and the role of ending point and starting point that has played in the Mexican revolutionary process. The essay continues with a more detailed analysis of the g revolutionary elements incorporated or consolidated by the Constitution of 1917, particularly the social-labor constitutionalism, the recovery of national sovereignty and the Mexican republican laicism. The next point consists in the analysis from the perspective and methodology of comparative constitutional law of some Mexican constitutional element that have not had the attention they seem to merit for its innovative character and deepening of democratic principles. Finally, the article ends with a conclusion where some of the issues discussed previously are reviewed and with an invitation to the Mexican people to continue drawing the idyll between its constitution and its revolution.

The author develops in his work "the institutional organization of the Constitutional Court", in order to delve, from the position of a university professor, into highly relevant aspects of Constitutional Law, often stressed by its important political implications. The objective of this exhibition is to analyze the current structure of the Constitutional Court, both in its relationship with other powers of the State, as well as briefly its powers. ; El autor desarrolla en su trabajo "la organización institucional del Tribunal Constitucional", en pos de adentrarse, desde la postura de un profesor universitario, en aspectos altamente relevantes del Derecho Constitucional, muchas veces tensado por sus importantes implicancias políticas. El objetivo de esta exposición es analizar la actual estructura del Tribunal Constitucional, tanto en su relación con otros poderes del Estado, como también someramente sus competencias.

Como movimiento político emergente, el populismo ha sido principalmenteestudiado desde una dimensión sociológica y política, pero también puede analizarsea partir del Derecho Constitucional. En realidad, el populismo refleja el agotamientode algunos de los principios esenciales sobre los que se ha sustentado el DerechoConstitucional occidental: la fe ciega en las encuestas electorales, el abuso de lademocracia representativa (frente a la democracia directa), la falsificación de la formade gobierno debido tanto a los grupos de presión como inadecuados usos en lospartidos políticos, o la pérdida de poder de los medios de comunicación tradicionales,todo ello ha desembocado en una crisis constitucional que ha favorecido el crecimientode los populismos. ; As an emerging political movement populism has been mainly studied from asociological and political point of view, but it can be also analyzed through Constitutionallaw. In fact, populism reflects the exhaustion of some of the main principles of westernConstitutional Law: blind faith in electoral polls, overuse of representative democracy(versus direct democracy), falsification of form of government due both to lobby systemand bad habits in political parties or the loss of power of traditional mass media haveall introduce a Constitutional crisis that have favored the growth of populisms.

The duty of contribution to public expenditure is the main object of study of the Constitutional Financial Law. Although the referred duty corresponds originally to the legislator, who is the one obligated by the constitutional mandate to seek wealth and wherever it finds it establishes taxes through the law, this duty has as a final destination the citizens, who in their condition of "taxpayers" are obliged to pay all the taxes established in the law. This relationship between citizens and the State is developed through the bond of a set of principles governing the contribution to public expenditure through which a set of taxpayer rights are born and configured. In that sense, constitutional law is the legal branch that regulates the relationship of duties and rights between the State and taxpayers, a complex legal branch even from the theoretical conception, as well as regulatory environment, since there is no consensus about the level of relationship with other branches such as Administrative Law. This article aims to clarify its epistemological affiliation, clarify the type and level of relationship with other branches of public law, and briefly study its field of action. ; El deber de contribución al gasto público es el principal objeto de estudio del Derecho Constitucional Financiero; si bien el referido deber está originalmente dirigido al legislador, quien por mandato constitucional, tiene la obligación de buscar riqueza y allí donde la encuentre establecer tributos a través de la ley, este deber tiene como destinatario final a los ciudadanos, quienes en su condición de "contribuyentes" están obligados a pagar los tributos establecidos en la ley. Esta relación entre ciudadanos y Estado se desarrolla en el marco de un conjunto de principios que rigen la contribución al gasto público a través de los cuales nacen y se configuran un conjunto de derechos del contribuyente. En ese sentido, el Derecho constitucional financiero es la rama jurídica que regula las relaciones de deberes y derechos entre el Estado y los contribuyentes, rama jurídica compleja tanto desde la concepción teórica, como del espectro regulatorio, pues no existe consenso sobre el nivel de relación con otras ramas como el Derecho Administrativo. Este artículo pretende aclarar su filiación epistemológica, aclarar el tipo y nivel de relación con otras ramas del Derecho público, y estudiar brevemente su ámbito de acción.