Suchergebnisse

The aim of the article is to present the issues related to the time limits set for individual organs of public authority (the Sejm, the Senate, the President of the Republic of Poland) for the performance of specific activities within the legislative procedure. These time limits should be calculated according to conventional rules, that is, from the beginning of the day following the day on which the act on which the legal provisions are binding begins. However, the action will also be effective if it is performed on the same day on which the said event occurred. Violation of the time limit in legislative proceedings is of fundamental importance for the act, as a normative act, within the scope of its validity. As part of the review of the constitutionality of the law, the Constitutional Tribunal also examines the correctness of the proceedings in which the law was adopted. According to the latest jurisprudence of the Constitutional Tribunal, violation of the minimum time limits required for the performance of individual activities, which have only been specified in the Rules of Procedure of the Sejm, may constitute an independent basis for declaring the entire act unconstitutional. This view differs significantly from the existing, well-established approach to this subject. The effects of violating the time limits of the legislative procedure can also be considered at the level of the rights (competences) of individual authorities within a specific proceeding. The signing of the act by the President after the expiry of the constitutional time limit should be deemed legally effective. The admissibility of issuing by the Constitutional Tribunal of scope judgements should be considered in cases of violation of the rules of correct legislation, leading to the omission or reduction of vacatio legis. ; Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie problematyki związanej z terminami wyznaczonymi poszczególnym organom władzy publicznej (Sejm, Senat, Prezydent RP) na wykonanie określonych czynności w ramach postępowania legislacyjnego. Terminy te należy obliczać według reguł konwencjonalnych, a więc od początku dnia następnego po dniu, w którym nastąpiła czynność, z którą przepisy prawa wiążą rozpoczęcie terminu. Czynność będzie jednak skuteczna również wtedy, gdy zostanie wykonana w tym samym dniu, w którym nastąpiło wspomniane zdarzenie. Naruszenie terminu w postępowaniu ustawodawczym ma zasadnicze znaczenie dla ustawy, jako aktu normatywnego, w zakresie jej obowiązywania. Trybunał Konstytucyjny, w ramach kontroli konstytucyjności prawa, dokonuje także badania prawidłowości postępowania, w którym doszło do jego ustanowienia. Według najnowszego orzecznictwa TK naruszenie terminów minimalnych, wymaganych przy dokonywaniu poszczególnych czynności, które zostały określone jedynie w regulaminie Sejmu, może stanowić samodzielną podstawę do stwierdzenia niekonstytucyjności całej ustawy. Stanowisko to odbiega znacząco od dotychczasowego, ugruntowanego stanowiska w tym przedmiocie. Skutki naruszenia terminów postępowania ustawodawczego można rozważać również na płaszczyźnie uprawnień poszczególnych organów, w ramach konkretnego postępowania. Podpisanie ustawy przez Prezydenta, po upływie konstytucyjnego terminu, powinno zostać uznane jako prawnie skuteczne. Należy rozważyć dopuszczalność wydawania przez Trybunał Konstytucyjny wyroków zakresowych w sytuacjach naruszenia reguł poprawnej legislacji, prowadzących do pominięcia lub skrócenia vacatio legis.

Deprivation of an entity of acquired rights deriving from an administrative act is possible through the combined application of administrative provisions of substantive and procedural law. The limits of durability acquired under an administrative decision rights are the constitutional principle of the protection of acquired rights and the general principles of administrative procedure. The permanence of the right acquired by the administrative decision is not absolute. Repeal or change of the administrative decision is possible only in the mode provided in the law, since the administrative decision makes use of the presumption of regularity. The deprivation of administrative and legal powers in the area of public law takes place in the context of an assessment of the implementation of an administrative decision carried out by a state body. This assessment is possible with the use of two procedural institutions for the expiry of an administrative decision and a substantive institution for the withdrawal of rights. The body assesses whether the addressee of an administrative act has implemented the administrative decision not only in accordance with its content but also the provisions of the generally applicable law. The deprivation of a party of an acquired right is often accompanied by the need to award damages (grant compensation). The procedure and premises for claiming compensation liability have been regulated in the provisions of substantive administrative law. The principle of the effectiveness of public administration bodies is one of the basic principles of administrative law. Its application is not limited only to the creation of law, but also includes the application of law by public administration bodies. The problem of the efficiency of operations of state bodies is of particular importance not only in the area of enforceability of an administrative decision, but also its authorising function. The efficiency of operations of entities in the State structure is assessed through the prism of the implementation of a given administrative decision.

Deprivation of an entity of acquired rights deriving from an administrative act is possible through the combined application of administrative provisions of substantive and procedural law. The limits of durability acquired under an administrative decision rights are the constitutional principle of the protection of acquired rights and the general principles of administrative procedure. The permanence of the right acquired by the administrative decision is not absolute. Repeal or change of the administrative decision is possible only in the mode provided in the law, since the administrative decision makes use of the presumption of regularity. The deprivation of administrative and legal powers in the area of public law takes place in the context of an assessment of the implementation of an administrative decision carried out by a state body. This assessment is possible with the use of two procedural institutions for the expiry of an administrative decision and a substantive institution for the withdrawal of rights. The body assesses whether the addressee of an administrative act has implemented the administrative decision not only in accordance with its content but also the provisions of the generally applicable law. The deprivation of a party of an acquired right is often accompanied by the need to award damages (grant compensation). The procedure and premises for claiming compensation liability have been regulated in the provisions of substantive administrative law. The principle of the effectiveness of public administration bodies is one of the basic principles of administrative law. Its application is not limited only to the creation of law, but also includes the application of law by public administration bodies. The problem of the efficiency of operations of state bodies is of particular importance not only in the area of enforceability of an administrative decision, but also its authorising function. The efficiency of operations of entities in the State structure is assessed through the prism of the implementation of a given administrative decision.

Over the last two decades, family law has undergone changes in Western Europe, widening the definition of marriage to include same-sex couples. In addition, some East European countries offer a legal recognition of civil unions of same-sex couples, while others do not offer any legal recognition at all. This diversity in family law has been recently challenged by developments at the European level. It is argued here that this constitutes an adaptational pressure on those European Union (EU) member states that do not offer any or offer only formal recognition of same-sex couples. We examine two cases when member states faced such an adaptational pressure, namely Estonia and Latvia, focusing on the interplay of two types of factors. First is that of formal institutions which, due to their constitutional role or their expertise in the EU law, may act as facilitators of legal changes. On the other hand, there are also political actors which have tried to constrain such an adaptation. We examine here especially the role of two political parties which have made a considerable effort to oppose the change in the two countries. It is argued here that the ideological orientation of these parties explains, at least partly, their opposition to the ongoing Europeanization of family law. The paper concludes with a discussion of the main findings and their implications.

Art. 1 Konstytucji Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej z 2 kwietnia 1997 r. deklaruje, że Rzeczpospolita Polska stanowi dobro wspólne wszystkich obywateli. Pojęcie dobra wspólnego sięga swoimi korzeniami idei republikańskiej oraz myśli chrześcijańskiej. Co więcej, można wyróżnić dwie różne tradycje myślenia o dobru wspólnym: klasyczną, skupiającą się na dobru wspólnym rozumianym jako warunkach niezbędnych obywatelom do rozwoju oraz etatystyczną, która koncentruje się na interesie państwowym i racji stanu. Te dwie tradycje myślenia o dobru wspólnym mają także swoje normatywne odzwierciedlenie w polskim konstytucjonalizmie. Już w Konstytucji 3 Maja widać pewne nawiązania do klasycznego pojmowania dobra wspólnego. Natomiast tradycja racji stanu wpłynęła przede wszystkim na kształt Konstytucji kwietniowej. Tradycja ta została jednak świadomie porzucona przez ustrojodawcę w Konstytucji z 2 kwietnia 1997 r. na rzecz powrotu do koncepcji klasycznej. Mimo to, konstytucyjna zasada dobra wspólnego nie zawsze jest rozumiana w orzecznictwie w sposób spójny z zamysłem ustrojodawcy. Zrozumienie różnych tradycji ideowych stojących za pojęciem dobra wspólnego wydaje się być istotne dla właściwej praktyki stosowania i stanowienia prawa. ; The first article of the Polish Constitution of April 2, 1997, declares that the Republic of Poland is common good to all its citizens. The term - common good is built on two pillars: republicanism and Christian social thought. What is more, two different traditions of thought concerning the common good could be distinguished: the classical one which focuses on the conditions that are necessary for the development of citizens, and the statist one which focuses on the state, its prosperity and the interest of it. Those two traditions have their normative resemblance also in the Polish constitutionalism. Some influence of the first tradition can be noticed in the Constitution of May 3, 1791. The second tradition of the common good is primarily embodied in the April Constitution of Poland, but remains rather abandoned in the current one in favor of the classical view. Nevertheless, the constitutional principle of common good is not always perceived coherently with the will of the constitutional legislator. The understanding of different traditions of thoughts that formulated the category of common weal remains crucial for the practice of law, as well as for the proper legislation.

Civil-law non-employment contracts are abused when employing Polish citizens and foreigners. Contrary to Poles, non-Polish citizens are exposed to linguistic difficulties (the law does not specify a standard of a translation of their contracts), and an application for Polish short-term simplified immigration employment system (a declaration on entrusting work to a foreigner in the territory of the Republic of Poland) does not contain information about differences between civil law and employment contracts. Based on a synthetic theoretical-conceptual analysis the author claims that Polish law exposes foreigners to a higher risk of discrimination. The article aims to prove that mismatch between excessively long court proceedings and short validity of residence permits, as well as linking validity of a visa with employment in a specific employer deprive foreigners from a possibility to effectively personally participate in court proceeding in their employment case. Previous analysis related to seasonal works performed by foreigners had not focused on the nature of the contracts. This article is, therefore, innovative research. It verifies if Polish law discourages employers from abusing civil contracts with such foreigners, if it is in line with the ILO Recommendation No. 198, and if it meets Polish constitutional standard regarding legal clarity. The innovativeness of the research theme can also be derived from the fact that although declarations are the most popular foreigner's employment scheme in Poland and in the European Union, previous research have not focused on human rights of beneficiaries of the declaration scheme. ; Niepracownicze stosunki zatrudnienia cywilnoprawnego są nadużywane podczas zatrudniania obywateli polskich i cudzoziemców. W przeciwieństwie do Polaków obywatele państw pozaunijnych eksponowani są na trudności językowe (prawo nie określa standardu tłumaczenia ich umów), a wniosek o zezwolenie na pobyt w ramach polskiego krótkoterminowego uproszczonego systemu zatrudnienia cudzoziemców ...

The article covers the legal and tax aspects of the implementation of general anti-avoidance clause in Polish tax law, including the historical outline of the clause, its essence, and the usefulness of achieving the legislator's intended effects. The article deals with the disadvantages and advantages of the clause, its compliance with constitutional regulations, as well as the institution of GAAR protective tax opinions and the position of the Council on counteracting tax evasion. ; Artykuł omawia prawne i podatkowe aspekty wdrożenia do polskiego prawa podatkowego klauzuli o przeciwdziałaniu unikania opodatkowania, rys historyczny klauzuli, jej istotę oraz przydatność dla osiągnięcia zamierzonych przez ustawodawcę efektów. Artykuł odnosi się również do kwestii wad i zalet klauzuli, konstytucyjności regulacji oraz instytucji opinii zabezpieczających i pozycji Rady do Spraw Przeciwdziałania Unikaniu Opodatkowania.

The institution of expropriation is an instrument for public authorities to actuate discharge of public tasks that are important for general needs of society. Substantive conditions of expropriation determine activities of public administrative authorities that reach for this instrument while specifying protection of ownership rights under the Polish legal system. In addition, they guarantee constitutional standards of expropriation that also include expropriation procedures regulated by statutes that protect owners' interests against excessive public legal interference with their rights. Securing rights of expropriated property owners is of paramount importance in the perspective of both standards of democratic rule of law and their compliance with axiology of the provisions of the Polish Constitution. The conclusions reached in this paper will help to assess how they fulfil the constitutional determinants of expropriation. ; Instytucja wywłaszczenia jest narzędziem w rękach władzy publicznej urzeczywistniającym realizację zadań publicznych ważnych z punktu widzenia potrzeb ogólnospołecznych. Materialnoprawne przesłanki wywłaszczeniowe determinują aktywność organów administracji publicznej w sięganiu po ten instrument, będąc jednocześnie dookreśleniem ochrony prawa własności w polskim porządku prawnym. Ponadto stanowią gwarancję dochowania konstytucyjnych standardów wywłaszczenia, przez które rozumie się także ustawowo uregulowane procedury wywłaszczeniowe, w ramach których chronione są interesy właścicieli przed nadmierną publicznoprawną ekspansją w ich prawa. Zabezpieczenie praw właścicieli nieruchomości wywłaszczanych ma ogromne znaczenie z punktu widzenia zarówno standardów demokratycznego państwa prawnego, jak i ich zgodności z aksjologią przepisów Konstytucji RP. Poczynione w niniejszym artykule ustalenia pozwolą na ich ocenę pod względem spełnienia konstytucyjnych determinantów wywłaszczenia.

The article presents the attitude of Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro – a key statesman and political writer in the 17th-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth – toward the principle of necessitas frangit legem. At the beginning, the intellectual sources of his understanding of this principle are discussed. Two groups are referenced: one referring to the Christian legal view on necessitas and the other connected with the question of the reason of state. Then four aspects of Fredro's thought and political activity are analyzed. Firstly, his reference to necessitas treated as the justification of the amendment of the old law. Secondly, various examples of his flexible attitude toward law. All of them express Fredro's opinion on the key role of prudence in the process of applying law. Thirdly, the question of the infringement of law is discussed by referring to his concept of the exception from law and his reaction to Siciński's veto. Fourthly, it is pointed how in the context of the political conflict during the 1660s Fredro adopted a much stricter attitude toward observing the law. In the end, the conclusions state that Fredro's case is a good example of the dilemma of Polish political thought and practice of how to combine effective governance with the respect for constitutional forms. ; Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy stosunku Andrzeja Maksymiliana Fredry, jednego z kluczowych mężów stanu i pisarzy politycznych siedemnastowiecznej Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów, do zasady necessitas frangit legem. Na początku omówiono źródła intelektualne kształtujące jego rozumienie tej zasady. Wskazano na dwie grupy: związaną ze spojrzeniem chrześcijańskiej myśli prawniczej na necessitas oraz odnoszącą się do kwestii racji stanu. Analizie poddano cztery aspekty myśli i działalności Fredry. Po pierwsze, wskazano na odwołanie do necessitas jako uzasadnienia zmiany starego prawa. Po drugie, przedstawiono różne przykłady elastycznego podejścia do prawa, wyrażające opinię Fredry o kluczowej roli roztropności w procesie stosowania prawa. Po trzecie, omówiono problem naruszenia prawa, odnosząc go do Fredrowskiej koncepcji wyjątku od prawa oraz do jego reakcji na weto Sicińskiego. Po czwarte, wskazano, jak Fredro – w kontekście konfliktu politycznego lat 60. XVII w. – przyjął znacznie bardziej sztywne stanowisko wobec przestrzegania prawa. W konkluzjach stwierdzono, że przypadek Fredry stanowi dobry przykład dylematów dotyczących sposobu połączenia skutecznego rządzenia z poszanowaniem form konstytucyjno-ustrojowych, przed jakim stanęła zarówno myśl polityczna, jak i praktyka Rzeczypospolitej.

The aim of this article is to try to reconstruct the potential changes to the electoral system to the Sejm and the Senate resulting from the announcements of the politicians of the Law and Justice party, as well as to indicate the impact of such changes on the election results based on the data from the 2019 elections. These studies indicate that such changes would lead to a significant strengthening of the party with the largest number of votes, in fact leading to the marginalization of the smallest parliamentary parties. As a result, there would be a far-reaching disproportionality of the choices and a violation of the material aspect of the principle of equality. In addition, an artificial majority would be created that could, under certain circumstances, constitute a constitutional majority despite relatively low public support.

Evolution of European political sytems in Zygmunt Cybichowski's works (1879-1946)The article presents briefly constitutional reflection of Zygmunt Cybichowski (1879-1946), a world-famous expert in law who became a radical Polish nationalist in 1930s and unsuccessfully tried to collaborate with the Third Reich during WW II. His thought concentrated particularly on two types of democratic system: liberał democracy and so-called 'nationalist democracy'.As a scholar, Cybichowski was following the 'national method' in law studies. According to his method, every legał system, including constitution, rose from a specific, particular culture of its own nation. The same rule or institution could have different meaning in various cultures of law - there were no two similar constitutions among the nations of the world. Understanding legał and political system of any country depended entirely on profound knowledge of local history and traditions.Cybichowski was considered that during interwar period political systems of all European countries underwenta process of totalizing - a rapid expansion of government power and functions. This phenomenon was the most advanced in 'nation­al democracies': fascist Italy and the Third Reich. Cybichowski maintained thatthese two states were truły democratic (but not liberał) because, in his opinion, democra­cy existed in every political system in which authorities were accepted by their peo- ple and followed the people's will. For Cybichowski democracy and dictatorship were not contradictory to each other - a dictatorial government could have democratic base. According to him, pre-war Poland had an intermediate regime which contained elements of the both types of democracy. This regime formally retained liberał institutions, but in political practice it started to create institutions typical for 'nationalist democracy' such as 'national political organization' and a 'national chieftain'.

Evolution of European political sytems in Zygmunt Cybichowski's works (1879-1946)The article presents briefly constitutional reflection of Zygmunt Cybichowski (1879-1946), a world-famous expert in law who became a radical Polish nationalist in 1930s and unsuccessfully tried to collaborate with the Third Reich during WW II. His thought concentrated particularly on two types of democratic system: liberał democracy and so-called 'nationalist democracy'.As a scholar, Cybichowski was following the 'national method' in law studies. According to his method, every legał system, including constitution, rose from a specific, particular culture of its own nation. The same rule or institution could have different meaning in various cultures of law - there were no two similar constitutions among the nations of the world. Understanding legał and political system of any country depended entirely on profound knowledge of local history and traditions.Cybichowski was considered that during interwar period political systems of all European countries underwenta process of totalizing - a rapid expansion of government power and functions. This phenomenon was the most advanced in 'nation­al democracies': fascist Italy and the Third Reich. Cybichowski maintained thatthese two states were truły democratic (but not liberał) because, in his opinion, democra­cy existed in every political system in which authorities were accepted by their peo- ple and followed the people's will. For Cybichowski democracy and dictatorship were not contradictory to each other - a dictatorial government could have democratic base. According to him, pre-war Poland had an intermediate regime which contained elements of the both types of democracy. This regime formally retained liberał institutions, but in political practice it started to create institutions typical for 'nationalist democracy' such as 'national political organization' and a 'national chieftain'.

The first part of the article is dedicated to the classic approach to security in three areas: the security of the individual, the state and on the international stage. Then the author conducts an analysis of the interdisciplinary approach to security. He characterised the behavioural as well as sociological and economic theories. The author analyses the government policies pertaining to internal security in the last fifteen years. He explained the legal and constitutional rules of the government administration in Poland and then characterised the system of institutions responsible for security within the country involving a critical analysis of internal security policy, i.a. its effectiveness and efficiency. The author formulates the thesis which holds that within the last fifteen years the governments have failed to design an effective policy of internal security, so far. The postulated concepts and governmental proposals have been designed as temporary measures and under political pressure without much consideration for systemic solutions. The policy of internal security lacks the systemic approach deriving from the theory of organisation.

Autorzy omawiają pierwszy rok rządów partii Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, która przeprowadza w sądownictwie zmiany ustrojowe w drodze uchwalania zwykłych ustaw. Jedne działania rządu polegają na poszerzeniu kompetencji władzy wykonawczej wobec władzy sądowniczej w oparciu o sprzyjającą egzekutywie interpretację istniejących przepisów, inne – na zmianach legislacyjnych. O ile nikt nie kwestionuje potrzeby zmian w wymiarze sprawiedliwości ukierunkowanych na zwiększenie efektywności działania sądów, o tyle zdecydowana większość wprowadzanych bądź planowanych zmian budzi zaniepokojenie środowiska sędziowskiego. Po prowadzonych w 2016 r. działaniach rządzącej partii Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, mających na celu podporządkowanie bądź sparaliżowanie Trybunału Konstytucyjnego oraz wprowadzeniu zmian w ustawie o Prokuraturze zmierzających do podporządkowania jej czynnikowi politycznemu, po działaniach mających na celu poszerzenie uprawnień władzy wykonawczej wobec sądów powszechnych oraz rozwiązań legislacyjnych o wydźwięku represyjnym wobec sędziów sądów powszechnych – w stycznia 2017 r. został ogłoszony projekt zmian ustawy o Krajowej Radzie Sądownictwa. Projekt ten fundamentalnie i wbrew Konstytucji zmienia materię ustroju Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, prowadzi do upolitycznienia Rady oraz pozbawia organy samorządu sędziowskiego realnego wpływu na proces wyboru kandydatów na sędziów. ; The paper examines the first year of the Law and Justice Party's (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) government which has implemented many changes in the system of justice in Poland by virtue of ordinary acts of parliament. Some of the measures taken by the government were aimed at increasing the competences of the executive powers over the judiciary by a reference to a preferential interpretation of the existing regulations, whereas others focused on the implementation of changes in the legislative. While there are no doubts that the system of justice needs modifications to increase the efficiency of courts, most changes currently implemented or planned to beimplemented raise serious concerns among the judges. In 2016, the ruling party aimed first at subordinating or paralysing the work of the Constitutional Tribunal; later it went on to implement changes in the Prosecutor's Office with a view of making it politically dependent, increasing at the same time the competences of the executive, by, among other things, new legislative solutions. In January 2017 a draft of an act of parliament to amend the National Chamber of the Judiciary was announced. If implemented it will bring about fundamental and unconstitutional changes to the political system of the Republic of Poland and will politicise the Council, depriving self-governing judiciary bodies of the actual say in the process of identifying candidates for judicial appointments.

The reconstruction of public administration is one of the most important structural tasks. Decentralization through Self- government is the most advanced form of the enforcement of public administration. However, it is not a sufficient reorganization undertaking. For decentralization to be efficiently implemented, certain general conditions should be met. One of them is a deep reconstruction of t he central government administration, which in its present form is not correlated with a new political structure of the State, its new tasks and with a new position of Government (as set forth in the Constitutional Act of 17 October 1992). Besides, there exists a need to provide for a smooth course of, and correlation between, the making of politics by the Government and the functioning of the administrative apparatus. In such a context, a new conception of creating districts (powiaty) as a new unit of territorial division and self-governmental authority seems premature. It needs to be added that the position of a district in the draft Law is not unequivocal. In particular, it is not clear to what extent the district bodies are to represent the district community, and to what extent they will only be the executors of certain tasks set forth in the Law. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016