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Purpose: An analysis of Higher education in India gives insight into its present system, the transformation it has undergone and its future outlook. In this paper, we have made an honest attempt to understand the system, constitution, transformation, opportunities and challenges, and to offer necessary suggestions. Design/Methodology/Approach: It is a qualitative conceptual study, based on secondary data. Secondary data is collected from websites, research papers, journals, articles, various surveys & Government reports. This study includes discussion with experts from the field of Higher education. Findings/Result: Based on detail analysis of the constitution, transformation, NEP 2020 for a futuristic outlook in Indian Higher Education, SWOT analysis and challenges. There is a crucial need to relook at the financial funds, access and equity. To boost higher education in India, it is necessary to adopt strategic approach for tackling the various challenges. Originality/Value: This paper analyses and interprets the transformation of Indian Higher Education system with reference to its constitutions, SWOT analysis and challenges. Based on the detail analysis new suggestions has been recommended. Paper Type: A study on transformation of Indian Higher Education system: Present Scenario and Future Outlook.

The circumstances and contexts that set Qatar on a road of prosperity are gaining momentum every new day. From a small British colony country as late as 1970, Qatar has undergone evolution beginning with settling on its current name after numerous suggestions for the Arab state. Thus, the study interest was to answer two research questions; what is the basis of the success stories of Qatar and lessons for other third world countries? And Is Qatar headed to another level of categorization to leverage into the status of first world countries? The study is mainly guided by structural functionalism theory. The study entailed a systematic literature review approach through which various current literature were analyzed. The progress is largely attributed to the effective strategies entailing financial investment, cultural branding, and policy re-engineering. The political stature and efficient constitution controlled by effective leadership are contributions to milestones observed in the country.

,Ex-convicts must wait for a five-year gap after passing their prison term and announce their background if they want to run for governor, regent, or mayor, according to the Constitutional Court's decision Number 56/PUU-XVII/2019. The election of regional heads is an activity in the context of implementing a government system in the form of democracy. In the implementation of regional head elections, to get quality regional leaders, it takes qualified candidates promoted by political parties as well as those who run independently. Among the requirements for a regional head candidate, both at the provincial and district/city levels, a candidate must not be in a status of an ex-convict. The research method in this research was normative juridical. This research shows that based on the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, ex-convicts are also citizens who have the same political rights as other citizens. The existence of a provision that is a requirement to run as a candidate for the regional head in the election clearly limits or even negates a person's right to participate in exercising their rights. The decision of Constitutional Court No.42/PUUXIII/2015 states that ex-convicts can participate in regional head elections with certain conditions.

If there was a referendum in Mozambique today, an overwhelming majority of the people would vote against their government having anything to do with the current model of democracy. They know all too well that there has definitely been a considerable welfare reduction to them as a result of the way this thing called "Representative Democracy" has been being played out in their country during the past decade. There is no doubt that the overwhelming majority of the Mozambican people if not, most African governments would prefer to see fundamental changes in their countries' relations with this Western model of democracy. There is a virtual consensus among the general public, vocally expressed in the local media, as well as among officials, who naturally prefer putting forth their views in more private settings, that the relationship between citizen and the democratic institutions has been detrimental to the country, that far from helping it to become politically and economically viable, these institutions have been capitalising on, exacerbating and perpetuating Mozambique's crisis. The research was based on participant observation, and it also involved a bibliographic review of relevant documents in the area of political participation, philosophy and other documents such as the 2004 Constitution of the Republic of Mozambique, Mozambican legislation, reports and research already published by other organizations.

The term "freedom of expression" is quite broad and holistic. It includes, within its ambit, not only the conventional freedom of speech and freedom of media, but also the freedom of thoughts, cultural expression, conscience, and intellectual inquiry. Freedom of expression ensures an individual's right to express his/her views openly within the domain of constitution, which also contains the right to be criticial of the prevailing injustices, illegal, anti-social activities, and incompetence and failure of ¬¬¬the government. All this is with a guarantee of safety and without any apprehension or fear of retaliation. Freedom of expression, in contemporary times, also embraces the right to be informed and seek information by the public, to express opinions, and advocate amendments, including changing the regime without resorting to violent means through peaceful measures available in the public domain, with reasonable restrictions. In the past decade and half, Turkish experience as a transitional democracy presents an interesting case study to explain as to how the state of freedom of expression is causally related to the failure of the EU-driven reform process undertaken by the ruling AKP (Turkish: Adaletve Kalkınma Partisi) since the year 2002, when the party won the Parliamentary elections in Turkey for the first time. The issue about the press freedom and freedom of expression in Turkey has for very long time, attracted a great amount of scholarly attention and provoked extensive debate both inside and outside Turkey. Although Turkey remains one of the rare democracy in the West Asia, a region with strong monarchic and semi-monarchic tradition of government, a series of development in the past years has raised several interrogations about the qualitative and quantitative aspects of democracy in Turkey under the AKP.

Direct elections for regional heads by the people began after the issuance of Law no. 32 of 2004 concerning Regional Government. After the implementation of direct regional head elections by the people for 12 years, there were pros and cons regarding the implementation of direct regional head elections so that Law No. 22 of 2014 concerning the Regional Head Election in a representative manner by the DPRD which was later canceled through Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Perpu) No. 1 of 2014 concerning Direct Regional Head Election by the People. The issuance of a Government Regulation in Lieu of a Law is intended so that democracy at the regional or local level can develop where regional people can directly elect their leaders at the regional or local level. This research is a normative legal research where the focus of the study is the norms contained in Perpu No. 1 of 2014 which returns the regional head elections directly elected by the local people. This research approach uses a qualitative juridical approach, namely examining from the legal side in addition to providing explanations regarding the considerations issued by the president's Perpu and the public's response to direct regional head elections. The purpose of this study is to determine the process of regional head elections that are directly elected by the local people so that the development of democracy at the local level can run well. The results obtained from this research are that direct regional head elections by the local people reflect more of a democratic nature than through representation and are in accordance with the wishes of the constitution that sovereignty is in the hands of the people.

This research addresses the issue of the mutual influence between the administrative judge and the constitutional judge using a comparative analytical approach. In the beginning, the researcher discusses the role of the administrative judge in protecting the rights and freedoms of individuals by presenting the basic elements that prove the effective implementation of this control, such as proportionality and disciplinary decisions. The research also discusses the primary constitutional issue in France, or what some call the review of raising the issue of the unconstitutionality, to demonstrate the strengthening of the role of the judge and his involvement in reviewing the constitutionality of laws. Then the research discusses the role of the constitutional judge in protecting the rights and freedoms based on the achievements of the French constitutional judge, starting with his decision on freedom of association (1971), in which he enshrined the constitutional value of the preamble of the 1958 constitution. What gives the decisions of the Constitutional Council the utmost significance is their compulsory as they are imposed on the judiciary and administration automatically (the power of the case). Then the research addresses and analyzes the positive mutual impact between the constitutional judge and the administrative judge, so it first presents the confirmed influence of the administrative judge, as he turns into a miniature constitutional council through his role in reviewing the unconstitutionality. The researcher also presents the position of the jurist Bernard Stern, who believes that the administrative judge is the one who does not want to violate the authority of the Constitutional Council while he can enforce strong and violent control over the work of the Constitutional Council. Even though the issue of mutual influence between the administrative judge and the constitutional judge is fluctuating, the harmony and cooperation between them remain the master of the situation.