Today research in linguistics and discourse analysis is increasingly turning its attention to web-mediated communication, looking at genres which – whether they be derived from migration of traditional genres to the web, or generated anew in the Hypermedia Computer-Mediated Environment (Hoffman/Novak 1996) – exhibit properties that are peculiar to this environment (e.g. hypertextuality, dispersion across different layers of the hypertext, configuration in lexias, etc.), making them at least partially different from traditional printed texts. Hence the question of whether the repertoire of analytical tools developed for the latter is suitable for use in the analysis of web-mediated genres. This question has been posed in various methodological perspectives (i.e. text linguistics: e.g. Garzone 2002; genre analysis: e.g. Askehave/Ellerup Nielsen 2005, Garzone 2007; Giltrow/Stein 2009; Santini/Meheler/Sharoff 2010; argumentation theory: Carter 2000; Lewiński 2010; Degano 2012, etc.) This chapter focuses on the weblog, a relatively 'young' web-mediated genre, which has traditionally been seen as characterised by three main constitutive features – the reverse chronology of its entries, the frequent updating, and the combination of links with personal commentary (cf. e.g. Miller/Shepherd 2004: 4; Herring/Kouper et al. 2005: 1) – and by a typically individualistic existential dimension, having originated as a form of communication especially suitable for self expression (Herring/Scheidt et al. 2005; Miller/Shepherd 2004, 2009; Garzone 2012). Another recurrent peculiarity of the blog is that in most cases it consists of two different text formats, posts and comments, which are communicatively heterogeneous and have different characteristics. This chapter uses corpus linguistics to investigate the genre of the weblog, starting with a discussion of the criteria to be applied in the construction of a corpus of texts belonging to this genre, in consideration of its distinctive characteristics, first and foremost the presence of comments in addition to posts. In particular, the analysis focuses on the so called 'blawgs', i.e. blogs used for the dissemination of legal knowledge and for debate in the field of the law. This is one of a diversified range of textual forms in specialised and professional communication into which blogs have evolved, largely losing their original individualistic dimension. Blawgs are quite numerous today being used for various different purposes, e.g. academic and professional duties, forms of scholarship, scholarly conversations and exchanges, instant academic publication (Berman 2006, 2007; Kerr 2006; Solum 2006; Volokh 2006). They also represent a genre that enables writers in this area of specialization to reach much larger audiences than those traditionally addressed. The main purpose of this chapter is to explore the distinctive features of the blawg as a genre in order to verify the degree to which it has changed evolving from a personal, diary-like format at the intersection between private and public (Miller/Shepherd 2004) into a form of academic, professional or journalistic expression, and whether this evolution has been so extensive as to jeopardise its generic integrity. A further aim is to assess the degree of variation within the genre, considering different types of law blogs. The corpus on which this study is based comprises texts from five legal blogs, three from the UK and two from the US, and is examined on the basis of textual evidence retrieved by means of computerized analysis, using Wordsmith Tools 5.0 (Scott 2011). The traits considered are part of the core generic features of the blawg, with special attention for indicators that are associated with the personal/existential component, and in particular self-mention (Hyland 2001), as well as the lexical verbs associated with it, especially metadiscursive and narrative verbs. Some other elements of metadiscourse are also examined as providing evidence of a strong personal authorial presence, in keeping with the originally personal and individualistic character of the genre. In order to identify the peculiarities of the texts analysed within the more general picture of legal communication, the data obtained from the blawg corpus are compared with data relative to other types of (meta)legal texts: research papers included in the law section of the CADIS corpus (courtesy of University of Bergamo, group coordinated by M. Gotti), and with awards from Kluwer Bank, issued from 1998 to 2002. In addition to the literature on web communication referred to above, the specific analytical toolkit deployed in this research includes studies on blogs from various disciplinary perspectives (e.g. Blood 2002; Herring/Kouper et al. 2005; Herring & Paolillo 2006; Puschmann 2007; Giltrow/Stein eds 2009; Myers 2009; Grieve/Biber et al. 2010) as well as studies of law blogs, mainly by legal scholars (e.g. Caron 2006; Kerr 2006). References Askehave, Inger / Ellerup Nielsen, Anne 2004. Webmediated Genres – A Challenge to Traditional Genre Theory. Working Paper nr. 6. Aarhus: Center for Virksomhedskommunication. Berman, D. 2007. More grist for the blog-scholarship debate [Blog post]. Sentencing Law and Policy, March 19, 2007. http://sentencing.typepad.com/sentencing_law_and_policy/2007/03/more_grist_ for_.html. Berman, D. A. (2006). Scholarship in action: The power, possibilities and pitfalls for law professor blogs. Public Law and Legal Theory Working Series n. 6, Center for Interdisciplinary Law and Policy Studies, the Ohio State University Mortz College of Law, http://ssrn.com/abstract=898174. Blood, Rebecca 2002. Weblogs: A History and Perspective. In We've Got Blog. How Weblogs are Changing our Culture. Cambridge, MA. Perseus, 7-16. Caron, Paul L. 2006, Are Scholars Better Bloggers? Bloggership: How Blogs are Transforming Legal Scholarship. Washington University Law Review, 84/5: 1025-1042. Caron, Paul L. 2006. Are Scholars Better Bloggers? Bloggership: How Blogs are Transforming Legal Scholarship. Washington University Law Review, 84/5: 1025-1042. Carter, Locke M. 2003. Argument in hypertext: Writing strategies and the problem of order in a nonsequential world. Computers and Composition. 20, 3-22. Degano, Chiara 2012. Argumentative Genres on the Web: The Case of Two NGOs' Campaigns. In Campagna, Sandra / Garzone, Giuliana (eds) Evolving Genres in Web-mediated Communication. Bern: Peter Lang, 99-129. Garzone G. 2012. Where Do Web Genres Come from? The Case of Blogs. In Campagna, Sandra / Garzone, Giuliana (eds) Evolving Genres in Web-mediated Communication. Bern: Peter Lang, 227-253. Garzone, Giuliana 2002. Describing E-commerce Communication. Which Models and Categories for Text Analysis?. In Evangelisti, Paola / Ventola, Eija (eds). TEXTUS (English in Academic and Professional Settings). 14/2, 279-296. Garzone, Giuliana 2007. Genres, Multimodality and the World-Wide Web: Theoretical Issues. In Garzone / Catenaccio / Poncini (eds), 15-30. Giltrow, Janet / Stein, Dieter 2009. Genres in the Internet. Innovation, Evolution and Genre Theory. In Giltrow, Janet / Stein, Dieter (eds) Genres in the Internet: Issues on the Theory of Genres. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1-25. Grieve, Jack / Biber, Douglas / Friginal, Eric / Nekrasova, Tatiana 2010. Variations Among Blogs: A Multi-dimensional Analysis. In Mehler, Alexander / Sharoff, Serge/ Santini, Marina. Genres on the Web: Computational Models and Empirical Studies 1st ed. New York: Springer, 303-322. Henninger, Daniel 2006. When Blogs Rule. We'll All Talk Like --- Wall Street Journal, April 21, 2006, A17. Herring, Susan / Paolillo, John C. 2006. Gender and Genre Variation in Weblogs. Journal of Sociolinguistics 10/4, 439-459. Herring, Susan C. / Kouper, Inna / Paolillo, John C. / Scheidt, Lois Ann / Tyworth, Michael / Welsch, Peter / Wright, Elijah / Yu, Ning 2005. Conversations in the Blogosphere: An Analysis 'From the Bottom Up'. Proceedings of the 38th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences. IEEE. Herring, Susan C. / Scheidt, Lois Ann / Wright, Elijah / Bonus. Sabrina 2005. Weblogs as a bridging genre. Information Technology & People 18/2, 142-171. Hoffman, Donna L. / Novak, Thomas P. 1996. Marketing in Hypermedia Computer-Mediated Environments: Conceptual Foundations. Journal of Marketing. 60(July), 50-68. Hyland, Ken 2001. Humble Servants of the Discipline? Self-mention in Research Articles. English for Specific Purposes. 20/3, 207-226. Hyland, Ken 2005. Metadiscourse. Exploring Interaction in Writing. London: Continuum. Kerr, Orin S. 2006. Blogs and the Legal Academy, George Washington University Public Law and Legal Theory Working Paper No. 203, Available at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per _id=328150, accessed 1 October 2012. Lewiński, Marcin. 2010. Internet political discussion forums as an argumentative activity type. A pragma-dialectical analysis of online forms of strategic manoeuvring in reacting critically. Amsterdam: SicSat. Available online: at , accessed 1 October 2012. Miller, Carolyn R. / Shepherd, Dawn 2004. Blogging as Social Action: A Genre Analysis of the Weblog. In Gurak, Laura et al. (eds) Into the Blogosphere: Rhetoric, Community, and Culture of Weblogs. , retrieved 04/08/2010. Miller, Carolyn R. / Shepherd, Dawn 2009. Questions for Genre Theory from the Blogosphere. In Giltrow, Janet / Stein, Dieter (eds) Genres in the Internet: Issues on the Theory of Genres. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 263-290. Myers, Greg 2009. The Discourse of Blogs and Wikis. London: Continuum. Puschmann, Cornelius 2009. Lies at Wal-Mart. Style and the Subversion of Genre in the Life at Wal-Mart blog. In Giltrow, Janet / Stein, Dieter (eds) Genres in the Internet: Issues on the Theory of Genres. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 49-84. Santini, Marina / Mehler, Alexander/ Sharoff, Serge. 2010. Riding the Rough Waves of Genre on the Web. In Mehler, Alexander/ Sharoff, Serge/ Santini, Marina. Genres on the Web: Computational Models and Empirical Studies. Scott, Mike 2011. Wordsmith Tools 5.0. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Solum, Lawrence B. 2006. Blogging and the transformation of legal scholarship. Paper presented at Bloggership: How blogs are transforming legal scholarship, http://ssrn.com/paper=898168 Volokh, Eugene 2006. Scholarship, blogging and trade-offs: On discovering, disseminating and doing. Paper presented at Bloggership: How blogs are transforming legal scholarship. Washington University Law Review, 84/5, 1089-110. Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.wustl.edu/lawreview/ vol84/iss5/5
As the world is preparing to scale up its efforts to combat global climate change, groups are increasingly recognizing the vital role forests play in maintaining ecological, social, economic and cultural well-being. They are beginning to affirm more that forest tenure plays a fundamental role in determining the fate of the world's forests. In many countries, questions are raised on whether tropical forests should be publicly, commonly or privately owned. For many countries the forest management policies will likely involve a combination of: i) protected areas of sufficient size to provide habitat protection, and in a contiguous pattern; ii) forest concessions with enforceable performance-based management criteria; iii) community forests and community forest concessions managed by communities and indigenous groups. The challenge is to undertake the land use planning commitment and implementation to achieve this in the face of pressure from internal and external interests. Forest concessions of various types are the dominant form of forest tenure in almost all the forest countries of West and Central Africa. They are also the dominant types of forest tenure in Asia (Malaysia, Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, and Cambodia). In South America, Peru and Bolivia introduced forest concession as a possible tenure model in the early 90's with the strong support of international NGOs. In Brazil, after two failed attempts, the government has passed its new forest management law in 2006. Bolivia and Brazil have much in common regarding forest tenure conflicts and challenges to enforce new rules in the forestry sector. Forest concession implementation in these countries has generated many expectations and investments in law changes.This research work focuses on the main barriers faced by Bolivian and Brazilian forest authorities in implementing forest concession on the scale initially planned. The studies required a mapping of the property rights regimes over forest and forest resources as well as a theoretical approach of economic sociology. This approach, which provides elements to evaluate the process of social market construction, is dependent upon four essential factors: property rights, governance structures, rules of exchange and conceptions of control. The political-cultural approach emphasizes the historic perspective of the markets to understand the role of dominant groups and challengers in action arenas. It also considers the participation of social actors like governments, firms and consumers, among others, and their incentives for cooperative actions based on the cognitive ties that bind them. This empiric study focused on each country's geographically-delimited regions of Amazon: in the Bolivian lowlands region and in the Brazilian Cuiabá-Santarém Highway (namely BR-163). That's because they are the main targets for forest concession implementation. We show in this study that under a tenure uncertainty scenario, in which there are battles for territorial pieces and political alliances are forged that prefer other land use (and forests uses also) patterns the forest concessions implementation on a large scale will be jeopardized in these territories. ; Les forêts (tempérées et tropicales) couvrent près de quatre milliards d'hectares de la planète (FAO, 2005, 2009). On estime que la plupart de ces forêts (75%) sont dans le domaine publique et sont administrées par les gouvernements nationaux, locaux ou régionaux (RRI et OIBT, 2009). Dans plusieurs pays, développés et en voie de développement, la concession forestière est un moyen d'accorder et de règler les droits de propriété sur ces forêts publiques (Gray, 2000, 2002, White et Martin, 2002). La concession est un acte juridique pris par une autorité publique qui attribue à une personne privée, un droit d'utilisation ou un privilège (FAO, 1999, p.8). Dans la législation brésilienne, ainsi que dans le droit français, cette définition comprend également l'idée que l'acte de concession porte sur la délégation des droits et des devoirs du gouvernement à un agent privé. Cette relation est médiatisée par un contrat et implique la nécessité d'un paiement pour le concessionnaire (Karsenty, 2007, Brésil, 2006). Au niveau international, les plus anciennes expériences de concessions forestières sont dans les pays de l'Afrique (de l'ouest et centrale). Dans ces régions, les études montrent l'adoption du modèle depuis la fin du XIXe siècle (Coquery-Vidrovitch, 2001). On estime qu'il y a environ 55 millions d'hectares de forêts publiques affectés dans six pays de la région d'Afrique centrale (Cameroun, Gabon, Congo, République Démocratique du Congo, la République Centrafricaine et Guinée Equatoriale) (Karsenty, 2007). En Asie, les concessions forestières couvrent 69 millions d'hectares. Sur ce total, 38 millions d'hectares sont situés en Indonésie (Gray, 2002, RRI, 2008, l'OIBT, 2005). Dans ce pays, les concessions sont devenues la principale méthode de répartition des droits sur les forêts pendant le régime de Suharto (Singer, 2009). Dans les forêts tropicales d'Amérique, les études rapportent l'existence de concessions sur une surface de 34 millions d'hectares de forêts (OIBT, 2005). Ces zones sont au Suriname, au Guyana, au Venezuela et au Guatemala (avec une prédominance des concessions aux communautés et seulement deux concessions industrielles), la Colombie, la Bolivie et le Pérou. Récemment, le Brésil, a adopté ce modèle pour gérer une partie de ses forêts publiques. L'évaluation globale de la mise en oeuvre du système est d'environ 158 millions d'hectares dans le cas des forêts tropicales. Par rapport aux forêts tempérées, les zones avec les plus grandes surfaces sur concession sont au Canada. Bien qu'étant l'un des principaux moyens d'attribuer les droits de propriété sur les forêts, un vif débat politique et académique persiste sur les avantages et les inconvénients de cette option (Hardner et Rice, 2000, Gray, 2002, Boscolo et Vincent, 2000, Karsenty et al., 2008). En dépit de l'investissement et de soutiens internes et externes, la Bolivie et le Brésil ont rencontré des difficultés à poursuivre la mise en oeuvre des concessions. La Bolivie a mené ses réformes juridiques et mis en oeuvre quelques concessions à la fin des années 90. Le Brésil, après deux tentatives avortées (dans les années 70 et au début de 2000) a reussi à faire des réformes et adopter une nouvelle loi sur la gestion forestière, y compris l'établissement de concessions, en 2006 (gouvernement de Luis Inacio Lula da Silva). Le plan initial du gouvernement bolivien était d'en affecter 22 millions ha principalement pour la production de bois. Cependant, sur cette même zone, les peuples indigènes ont déjà revendiqué une surface d'environ 20 millions ha pour la démarcation de leurs Terres Communautaires D'Origine (TCO). Selon les données officielles, en 2007 les concessions forestières attribuées aux industries de la Bolivie totalisaient un peu plus de 5 millions ha (attribués en une seule fois, en 1997, sans appel d'offre concurrentiel). Les concessions communautaires totalisaient un peu plus de 600.000 ha. En outre, les permis de déboiser dans les forêts privées se sont accrus et la délimitation des Terres Communautaires D'Origine a progressé. Au Brésil, les objectifs initiaux de l'attribution des concessions étaient ambitieux. Depuis 2002, le Programme Forestier National (PNF) a voulu étendre la surface sur l'amenagement forestier en Amazonie brésilienne comme stratégie pour combattre l'accroissement du déboisement. Au début des années 2000, l'objectif était d'atteindre une superficie de 15 millions ha sous gestion durable des forêts en Amazonie jusqu'à 2010. Une partie de cette zone était située dans les forêts nationales déjà classées. D'autres parties étaient dans les terres publiques couvertes par des forêts, mais souvent déjà occupées (terras devolutas da União e dos Estados). À la fin de 2009, le total des concessions forestières au Brésil s'élève à 96.000 ha de forêt attribués à trois entreprises dans une Forêt Nationale dans l'Etat de Rondonia. Au début de 2010 un deuxième et un troisième appel d'offre ont été lancés. Ces appel d'offre comprenait une surface d'environ 480.000 ha dans deux Forêts Nationales dans l'État du Pará. Face à cette situation de difficile application de la politique de concessions forestières dans les deux pays, ce travail demande: pourquoi la politique de concessions forestières en Bolivie et au Brésil, malgré les attentes et des investissements significatifs, est-elle si peu avancée par rapport aux objectifs de la mise en oeuvre prévue dans les deux pays? Le travail a impliqué la mobilisation de deux approches théoriques et méthodologiques. La première d'entre elles était l'application de la matrice d'analyse des modes d'appropriation et gestion du foncier et des ressources forestières. Cet outil , résulte de la réunion de deux cadres analytiques principalement de la contribution de Schlager et Ostrom (1992), et du travail d'un anthropologue du droit, Etienne Le Roy (1996). L'utilisation de la matrice a permis de réaliser une cartographie des modes d'appropriation et de gestion des forêts et un aperçu de la gamme des acteurs qui possèdent ou revendiquent des droits d'occupation et d'utilisation dans les deux études de cas. En complément, l'approche politique-culturelle, développée par le sociologue américain Neil Fligstein (1990, 1996, 2001) a fourni un cadre permettant de discerner l'organisation sociale de production de bois dans les deux cas étudiés et de trouver les acteurs et les dynamiques des groupes en compétition pour le territoire de l'Amazonie. Ce cadre théorique a permis également d'envisager comment ces acteurs mettent en forme les droits de propriété, les structures de gouvernance, les règles d'échange et les conceptions de contrôle qui régissent les relations sociales dans ces territoires. La conclusion principale de ce travail est que les gouvernements n'ont pas assez pris en compte la diversité des acteurs qui occupent, historiquement, le territoire forestier de la Bolivie et du Brésil. La modestie des réalisations en matière de développement des concessions est due aux meilleures compétences sociales et à la plus grande force politique des acteurs qui se positionnent contre le nouveau régime de concessions. Ainsi, ces acteurs cherchent à défendre leurs intérêts et à assurer leur position tandis que les acteurs favorables (les "challengers") ne sont pas assez fort politiquement pour changer le statu quo en ce qui concerne la manière d'occupation, d'utilisation et de gestion des terres forestières.
Research problem It has been four decades since conclusion of the Vienna Convention on the law of treaties. The Convention included a provision that a treaty shall be inter-preted in good faith in accordance with the ordinary meaning to be given to the terms of the treaty in their context and in the light of its object and purpose. The customary status of this rule has been accepted by the International Court of Justice. Disregarding that, some question whether the rules, as opposed to principles, of interpretation are possible (i.e. would that not be better not to reduce them to writing). The International Law Commission itself has com-mented on this. On the other hand, the differences concerning interpretation of treaties were apparent already at the time the treaty was drafted. When the Convention was finally adopted, a few scholars representing the so-called New Haven approach opined that they expected the Convention to fail due to its "insistent emphasis upon an impossible, comformity-imposing textuality". In their view, conclusion of an international agreement was a continuous process of cooperation and collaboration of the parties, which required a much more detailed focus on the intentions of the parties than the Vienna Convention rule of interpretation envisaged. They called for interpretation which would search for genuine shared expectations, together with the complementary appeals for 'supplementing' and 'policing' communications in accordance with overriding community goals. Disregarding these hallmarks, they accepted that the text should remain an important index of party expectations, which they identify as one of the goals of interpretation. In their view, attention to the carefully worked out arrangements of the parties encourages the clarity of expectation, especially when sources of equal credibility give contradictory results concern-ing their expectations. Although the New Haven approach to interpretation of treaties was not included in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, a form of their reflection could be identified in national law, especially that of continental legal systems. It is agreed that the major difference between common law and conti-nental practice lies in the rules of interpretation: common law is based on a presumption of law, into which statutes are interwoven, hence the practice of drafting statutes in the fullest detail, and the broad assumptions that a statute deals only with those cases which fall within its actual wording. Continental theory, on the other hand, treats statutes as a basis of the law, but these tend to be drafted in a very general and abstract way, leaving it up to the courts to fill in the details by reference to a presumed legislative intention. However, this key difference seems to dissipate, as the common law tends to move away from the purely literal towards the purposive construction of statutory provi-sions, i.e. a new, 'revamped' version of literal rule has developed, which required the general context and purpose to be taken into consideration before any decision is reached concerning the ordinary meaning of statutory words. The continental practice remains consistent on its emphasis on the legislative intention. In the law of contracts this rule turns into a global one: both Lando and UNIDROIT principles of international commercial contracts include a rule of interpretation requiring to determine the common intentions of the parties. This approach finds reflection also in the Civil Code of the Republic of Lithuania, which was drafted on the basis of the UNIDROIT Principles. The International Law Commission returned to the topic of interpreta-tion of treaties thirty years later, in 2000, when it decided to consider the issue of fragmentation of international law and the potential problems it might give rise to. With this purpose in mind in its report on the topic of 2006 the study group has identified four general principles of interpretation of international rules: first, international law should be considered as a legal system, not as a random collection of international rules; second, in applying international law, it is necessary to determine the precise relationship between two or more rules and principles that are both valid and applicable in respect of the whole situa-tion (i.e. to identify whether their relationship is a one of interpretation or con-flict); thirdly, the norms should be interpreted in accordance with the Vienna Convention on the law of treaties, and fourthly, when several norms bear on a single issue, they should be interpreted so as to give rise to a set of compatible obligations. Explaining the latter principle, the Commission, similarly to the New Haven group approach, emphasized the need to take into consideration the community values, i.e. ius cogens and erga omnes, even though continues to recommend to follow the Vienna Convention approach on the ordinary meaning of the terms. Forty years later, it is already possible to consider, whether the New Haven group was correct criticising the Vienna Convention rule of interpreta-tion for its excessive emphasis on text, and how significant is the practical difference between the rule requiring to determine the common intentions of the parties as opposed to the rule, which requires to interpret a treaty in accor-dance with the ordinary meaning of its terms. Also, what is the practical im-pact of these differences on protection of the rights of persons. In order to answer this research question, the focus of the dissertation is on the foreign investment law in the energy sector. The topic is suitable and convenient to consider the impact of the rules of interpretation and the problems posed by fragmentation of international law. Its sources include in-ternational, national, and for the EU countries also EU law, even though the nature of the relationship between EU law and international investment law remains a disputable issue. The energy sector has been chosen in order to evaluate more precisely the impact of the rules of interpretation and fragmenta-tion of international law on the content of the rights of persons and their appli-cation. Research sources The Dissertation analyzes multilateral and bilateral investment trea-ties which are significant for the the protection of investment in the energy sector and the decisions of international investment arbitral tribunals. The ma-jor sources of international investment law are international treaties. The most significant documents for the energy sector currently are the Energy Charter treaty, the ICSID Convention, and the bilateral investment treaties, although national law remains also important for enforcement of arbitral awards and interpretation of state contracts. State contracts also remain significant, be-cause as a rule they include arbitration clauses and stabilization clauses. The latter are particularly common in the energy sector due to its specificity – on the one hand, energy is a heavily politicized sector due to its significance for the development of the economy of a state and both its economic and political stability. Therefore it has a status of a strategic sector, even an issue of national security. This could be observed ever since the beginning of the twentieth century. On the other hand, energy is an infrastructure sector, which requires high investments for development. Not all states are capable to develop this sector by their own financial means, and choose to attract foreign investment. As a result, investment contracts (state contracts) are concluded; they have a status of international commercial contracts, and their parties are free to choose both the applicable law and the means of dispute settlement. The en-ergy contracts as a rule include stabilization clauses, which seek to maintain stable business legal and financial environment for the duration of the contract. Finally, European Union law may also be accepted as a source for in-vestment protection, despite its generalized purposes, which are to achieve the strengthening and convergence of their economies and to establish a monetary and economic union, to implement a common foreign and security policy, including the progressive framing of the common defence policy, and to estab-lish the area of freedom, security and justice. EU law and foreign investment law are still largely conceived as independent and hardly interlinked. However, as integration between the EU member states becomes closer, EU legislation makes an increasing impact also on the specific sectors of the economy, in-cluding the energy sector. Research object The research object of this dissertation are the problems of interpreta-tion and application of law which arise in the resolution of disputes concerning protection of investments in the energy sector between the host states and for-eign investors. They may be grouped into three groups on the basis of the ap-plicable law: 1. The problems of interpretation of international agreements. Both BITs and MITs apply only with respect to investment. ICSID arbitral tribunals can hear only disputes arising directly out of an investment. Disregarding the key role the notion has on the exercise of rights, its meaning remains unclear. The most recent arbitral practice is completely inconsistent on this issue. No less problems are posed by the umbrella clauses, which are included in a large number of BITs and the Energy Charter Treaty, and which requires states to observe obligations they have entered into with an investor. These provisions have been included even in the BITs of 1970s, but in practice they have emerged only recently. The arbitral tribunals differ on whether this provision should be read literaly, or whether its meaning should be restricted. 2. The problems of interpretation of arbitration clauses and invest-ment contracts. This group includes the problems concerning arbitrab
Research problem It has been four decades since conclusion of the Vienna Convention on the law of treaties. The Convention included a provision that a treaty shall be inter-preted in good faith in accordance with the ordinary meaning to be given to the terms of the treaty in their context and in the light of its object and purpose. The customary status of this rule has been accepted by the International Court of Justice. Disregarding that, some question whether the rules, as opposed to principles, of interpretation are possible (i.e. would that not be better not to reduce them to writing). The International Law Commission itself has com-mented on this. On the other hand, the differences concerning interpretation of treaties were apparent already at the time the treaty was drafted. When the Convention was finally adopted, a few scholars representing the so-called New Haven approach opined that they expected the Convention to fail due to its "insistent emphasis upon an impossible, comformity-imposing textuality". In their view, conclusion of an international agreement was a continuous process of cooperation and collaboration of the parties, which required a much more detailed focus on the intentions of the parties than the Vienna Convention rule of interpretation envisaged. They called for interpretation which would search for genuine shared expectations, together with the complementary appeals for 'supplementing' and 'policing' communications in accordance with overriding community goals. Disregarding these hallmarks, they accepted that the text should remain an important index of party expectations, which they identify as one of the goals of interpretation. In their view, attention to the carefully worked out arrangements of the parties encourages the clarity of expectation, especially when sources of equal credibility give contradictory results concern-ing their expectations. Although the New Haven approach to interpretation of treaties was not included in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, a form of their reflection could be identified in national law, especially that of continental legal systems. It is agreed that the major difference between common law and conti-nental practice lies in the rules of interpretation: common law is based on a presumption of law, into which statutes are interwoven, hence the practice of drafting statutes in the fullest detail, and the broad assumptions that a statute deals only with those cases which fall within its actual wording. Continental theory, on the other hand, treats statutes as a basis of the law, but these tend to be drafted in a very general and abstract way, leaving it up to the courts to fill in the details by reference to a presumed legislative intention. However, this key difference seems to dissipate, as the common law tends to move away from the purely literal towards the purposive construction of statutory provi-sions, i.e. a new, 'revamped' version of literal rule has developed, which required the general context and purpose to be taken into consideration before any decision is reached concerning the ordinary meaning of statutory words. The continental practice remains consistent on its emphasis on the legislative intention. In the law of contracts this rule turns into a global one: both Lando and UNIDROIT principles of international commercial contracts include a rule of interpretation requiring to determine the common intentions of the parties. This approach finds reflection also in the Civil Code of the Republic of Lithuania, which was drafted on the basis of the UNIDROIT Principles. The International Law Commission returned to the topic of interpreta-tion of treaties thirty years later, in 2000, when it decided to consider the issue of fragmentation of international law and the potential problems it might give rise to. With this purpose in mind in its report on the topic of 2006 the study group has identified four general principles of interpretation of international rules: first, international law should be considered as a legal system, not as a random collection of international rules; second, in applying international law, it is necessary to determine the precise relationship between two or more rules and principles that are both valid and applicable in respect of the whole situa-tion (i.e. to identify whether their relationship is a one of interpretation or con-flict); thirdly, the norms should be interpreted in accordance with the Vienna Convention on the law of treaties, and fourthly, when several norms bear on a single issue, they should be interpreted so as to give rise to a set of compatible obligations. Explaining the latter principle, the Commission, similarly to the New Haven group approach, emphasized the need to take into consideration the community values, i.e. ius cogens and erga omnes, even though continues to recommend to follow the Vienna Convention approach on the ordinary meaning of the terms. Forty years later, it is already possible to consider, whether the New Haven group was correct criticising the Vienna Convention rule of interpreta-tion for its excessive emphasis on text, and how significant is the practical difference between the rule requiring to determine the common intentions of the parties as opposed to the rule, which requires to interpret a treaty in accor-dance with the ordinary meaning of its terms. Also, what is the practical im-pact of these differences on protection of the rights of persons. In order to answer this research question, the focus of the dissertation is on the foreign investment law in the energy sector. The topic is suitable and convenient to consider the impact of the rules of interpretation and the problems posed by fragmentation of international law. Its sources include in-ternational, national, and for the EU countries also EU law, even though the nature of the relationship between EU law and international investment law remains a disputable issue. The energy sector has been chosen in order to evaluate more precisely the impact of the rules of interpretation and fragmenta-tion of international law on the content of the rights of persons and their appli-cation. Research sources The Dissertation analyzes multilateral and bilateral investment trea-ties which are significant for the the protection of investment in the energy sector and the decisions of international investment arbitral tribunals. The ma-jor sources of international investment law are international treaties. The most significant documents for the energy sector currently are the Energy Charter treaty, the ICSID Convention, and the bilateral investment treaties, although national law remains also important for enforcement of arbitral awards and interpretation of state contracts. State contracts also remain significant, be-cause as a rule they include arbitration clauses and stabilization clauses. The latter are particularly common in the energy sector due to its specificity – on the one hand, energy is a heavily politicized sector due to its significance for the development of the economy of a state and both its economic and political stability. Therefore it has a status of a strategic sector, even an issue of national security. This could be observed ever since the beginning of the twentieth century. On the other hand, energy is an infrastructure sector, which requires high investments for development. Not all states are capable to develop this sector by their own financial means, and choose to attract foreign investment. As a result, investment contracts (state contracts) are concluded; they have a status of international commercial contracts, and their parties are free to choose both the applicable law and the means of dispute settlement. The en-ergy contracts as a rule include stabilization clauses, which seek to maintain stable business legal and financial environment for the duration of the contract. Finally, European Union law may also be accepted as a source for in-vestment protection, despite its generalized purposes, which are to achieve the strengthening and convergence of their economies and to establish a monetary and economic union, to implement a common foreign and security policy, including the progressive framing of the common defence policy, and to estab-lish the area of freedom, security and justice. EU law and foreign investment law are still largely conceived as independent and hardly interlinked. However, as integration between the EU member states becomes closer, EU legislation makes an increasing impact also on the specific sectors of the economy, in-cluding the energy sector. Research object The research object of this dissertation are the problems of interpreta-tion and application of law which arise in the resolution of disputes concerning protection of investments in the energy sector between the host states and for-eign investors. They may be grouped into three groups on the basis of the ap-plicable law: 1. The problems of interpretation of international agreements. Both BITs and MITs apply only with respect to investment. ICSID arbitral tribunals can hear only disputes arising directly out of an investment. Disregarding the key role the notion has on the exercise of rights, its meaning remains unclear. The most recent arbitral practice is completely inconsistent on this issue. No less problems are posed by the umbrella clauses, which are included in a large number of BITs and the Energy Charter Treaty, and which requires states to observe obligations they have entered into with an investor. These provisions have been included even in the BITs of 1970s, but in practice they have emerged only recently. The arbitral tribunals differ on whether this provision should be read literaly, or whether its meaning should be restricted. 2. The problems of interpretation of arbitration clauses and invest-ment contracts. This group includes the problems concerning arbitrab
Machine on Black Ground is a 16mm film that fuses archival and original footage, combining images from early 1960s industrial documentaries, a concert by Tangerine Dream at Coventry Cathedral and original abstract material of modernist stained glass architecture (shot in the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gedächtniskirche, Berlin; Coventry Cathedral; and The Meeting House, Sussex University). In doing so, the film suggests a utopian architectural project viewed from an imagined subterranean space or vantage point. At the same time the film proposes two simultaneous formal analogies between modernist sacred architecture and cinema; i.e stained glass as filmstrip and the modernist cathedral as a projector of light. In one sense Machine on Black Ground addresses the question of how to make a film of a building by positioning itself as a continuation and extension of three previous and very different films (about one of the most significant post-war buildings in Britain; Coventry Cathedral) of disparate genres and dating from 1958 to 1976 - a BFI funded film essay, an industrial documentary and TV coverage of a rock concert. This combined with original footage shot in the Kiaser Wilhelm Memorial Church, Berlin; Coventry Cathedral; and The Meeting House, Sussex University. In another sense Machine on Black Ground emphasises the potential of the modernist church space as a vast light modulator, by imagining stained glass windows as an optical printer, or film projector, and in so doing revealing the overlaps between the formal qualities of modernist church design and those of abstract film and how filmmakers have intuited this relationship. Archive material and original footage is combined in a film which is largely abstract, and is principally concerned, with the way film can register or produce architectural space. In this case; post-war Modernist sacred space, the aspirations of reconciliation and renewal, and science fiction narratives of escape and utopia. Machine on Black Ground suggests both the construction of a utopian building and the world viewed from some kind of subterranean space or vantage point. The film switches from the poetic style of the late post-war architectural documentary (the films used are Dudley Shaw Ashton's BFI Experimental Documentary Coventry Cathedral of 1958 and The John Laing Film Unit Coventry Cathedral of 1962), to live video effects material taken from Tony Palmer's BBC2 outside broadcast of German progressive rock band Tangerine Dream playing in Coventry Cathedral in 1976, to extended sequences of immersive expanses of abstract coloured glass that suggest a sequence from a science fiction film in which a camera sweeps around and across a vast structure or space. Even the documentary elements begin to suggest science fiction narratives and it is entirely unclear exactly what is being built. In the same way the Tangerine Dream footage, which consists of early live video vision mixing becomes ambiguous and the musicians appear to be at the controls of something. Recurring sections suggest an abstract colour field film, entirely shot through full frame blocks of stained glass. They create the illusion of looking out at a world from a contained space that might be deep underground or deep under water – as if, in this context, the viewer is looking out of the subterranean space through some kind of viewing device or occluded window. These sections also produce an immersive spectacle of their own as they flood the viewing space with colour. At the same time the film undercuts this spectacle by developing a formal relationship between modernist stained glass and the film strip in which the stained glass cell becomes an analogue for the film frame suggesting that the viewer has taken up a position inside a projector or an optical printer. In this way the film blurs the distinction between the projected light from the fenestration within the church, and the projected light through the film frame within the viewing space. The film's title, Machine on Black Ground, is taken from the title of a Graham Sutherland painting from 1962 in which a large organic machine like object seems to float in deep space. As with our previous recent films Machine on Black Ground explores the interrelationships between architecture and cinema, and the capacities of visual spectacle and structure, point of view, and parallax; common to both. The work's premise is that both architectural design and our experience of built space each play into and are understood through the conventions and formal characteristics of film. It is of importance to the work that such ideas find a resonance in intimately linked buildings, both charged with enormous historical significance. --- Coventry Cathedral was badly damaged and reduced to ruins during Luftwaffe bombing on the night of 14 November 1940. The building of a new Cathedral, the first to be built in England since the Reformation, represented a hugely significant symbolic act. The decision was apparently made the day after its destruction and defined not as an act of defiance, but as a "sign of faith, trust and hope for the future of the world". The Cathedral characterises itself as a centre for reconciliation, and the design of the building, and its use of art – most notable Sutherland's alter piece and Epstein's St. Michael and The Devil, play a large part in this. The consecration on May 25 1962 heard the first performance of Benjamin Britten's War Requiem composed for the occasion. On the same day in Berlin the consecration of the Kaiser Wilhelm Memorial Church took place. The history of the new church in Berlin runs in almost exact parallel with that of Coventry's. RAF bombing in 1943 destroyed the original church and like in Coventry, the new church stands alongside the remains of the old. As in Coventry, its modernist design caused much discussion, but on opening to the public it rapidly became a hugely popular symbol of reconciliation in post-war Britain. On the altar in Coventry is a cross made from nails from the roof trusses of the old Cathedral. Another cross of nails was made and donated to the Kaiser Wilhelm Memorial Church. In December 1974 Tangerine Dream were invited to play in the grand setting of Rheims Cathedral, a move seen at the time as groundbreaking. Subsequently they were invited to perform in the cathedrals of York, Liverpool and Coventry. The tour attracted the media's attention, especially their performance at Coventry Cathedral, Tangerine Dream being first a rock band, but crucially, also German. As with the previous exchanges and collaborations, this event can be seen as part of the series of gestures between the two countries, through these churches, where the acts, embedded in the buildings, serve to perform a process of renewal. Combining the impetus of the liturgical movement, developments in new materials, and the desire to integrate new art and architecture into a more democratic participatory sacred space, church building across Europe became an unlikely site for avant-garde architectural activity. In Germany the need for a new departure in religious architecture was most keenly felt as the new churches that emerged out of the devastated landscape embodied the principles of a new democratic nation. Dudley Shaw Ashton's 1958 film Coventry Cathedral was produced by the BFI Experimental Film Fund and the British Council, describes the processes of designing the building and the works of art commissioned for it's interior. Notably the film features none of the on site building process – the corner stone was only laid in 1956 – but instead uses numerous shots of a large model of the Cathedral. At times the camera tracks through and around the model, which is not presented as such, and is in fact reasonably convincing as a simulation of the real building. A reciprocal relationship between architecture and film is of central importance to Machine on Black Ground and is suggested in Shaw Ashton's film and reinforced in the BFI's catalogue notes: "Coventry Cathedral was probably the first film to show in detail how a building, not then in existence, would appear when completed. It was a measure of the film's success that architect Basil Spence made substantial modifications to the design after he had seen the first rough cut". The John Laing Film Unit's 1962 film Coventry Cathedral exists as a substantial and at times beautifully shot documentary of the building and consecration of the new Cathedral. Made by the building company themselves, it appears never to have been broadcast, and stands as what seems to be form of commemoration in itself and an extended message of thanks to all those involved and the ambitions of the project. Outstanding moments include the lowering of the Cathedral's unconventional spire onto the flat roof, by RAF helicopter. The BBC2 Outside Broadcast Units live coverage of Tangerine Dream's performance in Coventry Cathedral. Is remarkable in a number of ways. Firstly, it was broadcast without introduction or contextual 'explanation'. Instead we are immediately presented with the band, surrounded by both enormous banks of early electronic music equipment, and dozens of candles, as they perform Ricochet. Secondly the coverage of the performance, in itself not dynamic visually, is married, at times through the use of video effects, with abstract images of architectural details of the interior of the building – the complex forms of the timber vaults of the ceiling or the stained glass.
The orphans of politics and their curious machines. Aesthetic, technical and political experiments in the age of networks ; Nous partons de l'hypothèse que, pour toute une série d'activistes ayant fait défection des formes et des espaces traditionnels du militantisme - les "orphelins de politique" -, Internet apparaît comme un espace d'expérimentation permettant d'inventer des formes d'agir ensemble et de faire émerger de causes renouvelées. En élaborant des "machines", des dispositifs socio-techniques, ces activistes ne font pas "qu'outiller" la démocratie, ils sont eux-mêmes parties prenantes de processus d'innovations techniques, politiques et médiatiques. Par sa plasticité, son caractère inachevé – on pourrait même dire "prématuré" – Internet est en effet un lieu où se croisent des expérimentations politiques, culturelles, techniques et expressives. Ainsi, nous montrons que ces espaces d'expérimentations visent à renouveler non seulement les structures organisationnelles ou les répertoires d'actions, mais aussi les causes politiques et leur régime de vérité. Les machines qui s'inventent aujourd'hui ne servent peut-être à ces activistes qu'à reformuler des problématiques concernant la manière de produire des projets politiques, qui touchent au bien commun sans aliéner sa propre subjectivité.C'est la raison pour laquelle, ce travail se construit autour du triptyque "défection", "expérimentation", "expressivisme", qui constitue notre cadre d'intelligibilité de ces pratiques. Ce cadre se fonde conceptuellement et méthodologiquement d'une part sur l'apport de la sociologie politique et de la technique (travaux d'Erwin Goffman et de David Snow sur la Frame Analysis, approche de l'enquête sociologique de John Dewey, réflexions sur la technique et l'usage de Michel de Certeau, Gilbert Simondon et Andrew Feenberg). Il se fonde d'autre part que sur les acquis de l'analyse pragmatique de l'audiovisuel, des nouveaux médias et technologies de communication (sémio-pragmatique, problématique de l'intermédialité, et travaux sur l'expressivisme de Laurence Allard, etc.). Une attention toute particulière est portée aux théories endogènes du réseau qu'élaborent les acteurs, qui se réfèrent à un corpus bibliographique dominé par les écrits de Gilles Deleuze, Félix Guattari, Arjun Appadurai, Toni Negri, Lawrence Lessig et Eric S.Raymond, dont nous nous discutons l'usage tout au long de ce travail. À l'issue d'une longue recherche de terrain aux côtés de ces orphelins de la politique et de leurs "curieuses machines", il nous apparaît que le militantisme politique sur Internet, tant en France que dans le monde, marque un tournant majeur depuis le début des années 2000. Alors qu'Internet est encore aujourd'hui souvent considéré comme un simple outil au service des mobilisations politiques ou comme un "contre-média" (ou un média alternatif), nous assistons à une modification en profondeur du rapport que les activistes vont entretenir vis-à-vis d'Internet. Nous sortons en effet de ce moment où beaucoup considéraient à tort que les mouvements sociaux s'organisaient par l'intermédiaire d'outils technologique sans que ces outils n'aient d'incidence sur la forme et le contenu des mobilisations (mythe de neutralité de la technique). À l'évidence, les mouvements sociaux ne sortent pas indemnes de leur confrontation à ce nouveau média.La première partie de ce travail est consacrée à ce que nous appelons le "tournant culturel" de l'Internet militant. Alors que, jusqu'au début des années 2000, cet activisme s'inscrivait dans une continuité relative avec des formes plus traditionnelles d'activisme politique (diffusion d'information, organisation des différentes initiatives, etc.), nous assistons à l'apparition, à la fois de nouvelles pratiques et de nouveaux acteurs.Pour expliciter ce tournant culturel, nous prenons l'exemple de la vidéo en montrant, notamment grâce à une analyse d'un large corpus de films, ce que cet activisme vidéo doit, non pas au média télévisuel, mais surtout au cinéma et en particulier aux expérimentations cinématographiques des avant-gardes des années 1920 et des années 1950. Nous définissons la "politique esthétique" de ces vidéos, fondée moins sur des références liées au cinéma militant que sur des références inattendues : culture du remixage, réagencement et resignification, concepts déjà à l'œuvre dans l'histoire du cinéma et la musique, que les cultures digitales se sont elles-mêmes réappropriées.Ce corpus d'images nous conduit à constater qu'il existe une dimension nouvelle de cet activisme : à savoir les passerelles, de plus en plus nombreuses, qui se tissent avec les milieux de l'art contemporain et de la "critique artiste". Ces relations ont eu pour précurseurs les travaux de quelques groupes d'activistes du monde de l'art, du théâtre ou de la musique tels que le Critical Art Ensemble, Negativeland, etc. Nous pouvons constater l'existence de ces liens entre les activistes du Net avec les artistes se réclamant des Tactical Medias. Le terreau de cette rencontre a été ce que l'on qualifie traditionnellement de "contre-culture", des médias communautaires ou associatifs (chaînes d'accès publics, radios pirates, etc…), mais aussi l'héritage de l'histoire de l'art et de ses rapports complexes à la politique. Cette rencontre a conduit à la diffusion de productions traditionnelles (films relatant des actions ou des performances), et à l'implication concrète d'artistes dans des développements plus internes au réseau. Certains n'hésitent pas en effet à investir les domaines de la programmation informatique, de la téléphonie mobile ou du détournement de jeu vidéo, etc. Ce tournant culturel marque un tournant médiatique d'importance que l'on peut analyser au croisement des travaux de Guattari sur la notion de "post-médias" et de sa problématique de la "resignification", mais encore dans l'héritage de la culture du hack et du Do It Yourself, issue de l'informatique libre. Ce tournant souligne à quel point ce médiactivisme en réseau ne peut se résumer à la critique des médias ou à celle de la création de "médias alternatifs". Cette première partie se conclut sur la notion de "médiascape", empruntée à l'anthropologue Arjun Appadurai. Cette notion permet de rendre compte de cette accumulation d'images, de sons, de représentations qui circulent sur Internet créant ainsi une véritable communauté militante que l'on pourrait décrire d'une manière plus appropriée comme une diaspora de "publics interconnectés".La seconde partie de ce travail, intitulée "Syndiquez vous ! Agrégation et devenir-commun du réseau militant" est consacrée à la manière dont les activistes sur Internet construisent des formes originales d'agrégation politique hors des formes traditionnelles de la représentation et de la délégation. On croyait que les internautes "s'enfonçaient" dans les "plis du réseau" et dans une réalité de plus en plus virtuelle. Dans un mouvement que l'on peut qualifier de "stratégie cartographique", ils ont paradoxalement tendance à se positionner sur des cartes représentant le monde physique et même à réinvestir la rue en devenant des "externautes". Le développement des technologies radios, de mobilité et de géolocalisation (WEB 2.0, WIFI et téléphonie mobile, etc.) associé à un mouvement de projection vidéo dans l'espace public conduit à ainsi "augmenter" les territoires de l'agir. Ce passage à l'échelle du territoire montre combien la question de l'entropie et de la dispersion des données sur le réseau et in fine de l'activité politique est le risque le plus important en même temps que l'obsession de ces activistes. En poursuivant cette réflexion, nous montrons que le dispositif socio-technique de la "syndication", qui s'est d'abord développé à travers les blogs, permettant une agrégation des contenus et commentaires, apparaît comme une véritable procédure visant à construire cet "être-agir en-commun". Le premier moment de cette réflexion est consacré à retracer les différentes étapes dans la construction de cette représentation des territoires d'action - de la "Noosphère" de Teilhard de Chardin à la problématique du "Rhizome" et des "Plateaux" de Deleuze et Guattari. Cette approche critique conduit à s'intéresser plus spécifiquement à la question de la cartographie des mouvements par eux-mêmes. On voit en effet apparaître depuis quelques années de nombreuses cartes visant, d'une part à identifier des groupes d'acteurs, des pratiques mais aussi, d'autre part, à établir les relations qui existent tant entre les acteurs qu'entre les pratiques. Dès lors qu'il n'existe pas de dessein collectif, telle la prise de pouvoir, cette activité de cartographie permet de créer stratégiquement des territoires visant à héberger un "agir-commun". Le "devenir-commun" qui tente de dépasser la problématique du "devenir-mineur", avancée par Deleuze et Guattari, vise à poser les bases permettant non seulement aux minorités de se donner un projet politique, mais en allant plus loin, à toutes les subjectivités d'y participer. On a fréquemment recours au concept de coopération pour expliciter, notamment dans le domaine du logiciel libre, de l'Art Libre et du P2P, les formes d'association endogènes du réseau. La coopération a pour beaucoup marqué une évolution significative permettant d'entrevoir de nouvelles formes de production. Un travail de déconstruction des pratiques et des discours sur la coopération nécessite cependant d'imaginer et d'expérimenter de nouvelles structurations organisationnelles. De ce point de vue, la syndication apparaît peut-être plus pertinente pour définir les formes politiques d'agrégations volontaires qui se développent aujourd'hui à travers Internet. Analysée à la fois comme un procédé technologique et comme une procédure sociale et politique d'agrégation, la syndication architecture des subjectivités politiques pluralisées sur le mode de la conjonction plutôt que sous l'impératif de la communauté. Pour se débarrasser une fois encore d'une conception d'Internet réifiant sa dimension instrumentale, ce travail se conclut sur un retour critique sur les travaux de Bruno Latour qui avance la notion de "démocratie orientée objet" pour "ré-enchanter la politique". Si la défection apparaît comme une manière de contourner les questions de légitimité et de pouvoir que l'on pose aux mouvements sociaux, l'expérimentation de ces "objets" doit être conçue comme un effort incessant, visant à inventer des formes d'organisation sans cesse renouvelées. Il ne s'agit donc pas de dessiner un projet de société ou de réformer la démocratie en raffinant ces procédures : l'enjeu est plutôt d'élaborer avec et par la technique des manières et des formes d'agir ensemble et de produire du commun, en tenant compte de la singularité de chacun à l'âge de la défection et de l'expressivisme.
Landfill gas (LFG) management can help mitigate greenhouse gas emissions and contribute to the overall safe operation of a landfill, sometimes simultaneously generating revenue. However, financing these systems can be a challenge, particularly in low-resource settings. Recognizing that landfill emissions are expected to rise into the foreseeable future, this report outlines a variety of ways that city governments, private landfill owners, or other project developers finance LFG management systems that mitigate these emissions. It is intended to offer policy-makers and practitioners an overview of financing models that have been used around the world and insights from existing projects, including key enabling conditions and risk mitigation strategies.
This report is a synthesis of fieldwork findings and recommendations developed since October 2012 under this Technical Assistance (TA) carried out by the World Bank's Water and Sanitation Program (WSP). The recommendations have been developed through on-going consultations and meetings with the Directorate of Environmental Sanitation and Directorate General of Human Settlements, Ministry of Health, and Government of Indonesia. This report describes and assesses the performance of technical assistance TA-P143167, 'rural sanitation market expansion of domestic private sector in Indonesia,' provided by the World Bank through the Water and Sanitation Program (WSP) carried out from October 2, 2012 to March 31, 2015 to support the development of a rural sanitation market in Indonesia. This technical assistance (TA) was implemented as parts of a larger effort to assist the Government of Indonesia achieve at-scale results in rural sanitation through its National Strategy for Community-Based Total Sanitation (Sanitasi Total Berbasis Masyarakat - STBM).
This presentation proposes that BPO and other ICT development have a potential to be a major catalysts for economic growth and socio-economic transformation. It claims that IT-BPO sectors development represents major promises that potentially can transform the Philippine economy and also foster inclusive growth. The presentation postulates that the importance of IT-BPO industry development goes beyond the debate of picking industry winners. It argues that the BPO industry is poised to have a substantive impact on the country and that especially so if there simultaneously is major growth in other ICT sectors and the scale and scope local usage of ICTs. It claims that expanded scale and scope of BPO industry in conjunction with further development of IT services, Telecom and other ICTs industries coupled with the advancement in education, science & technology can be principal factors that can transform the Philippine economy and its interface with the rest of the world.
This study is part of the ongoing dialogue on reforming trade logistics, and facilitating trade and transportation in Central and South Asian countries. It presents key findings from several rounds of first-hand observations and interviews conducted with multiple stakeholders to measure the performance of key road transport corridors across the region, including Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, and to some extent, Pakistan and Afghanistan. The study identifies obstacles that hinder efficient movement of goods along transport corridors, and offers recommendations for short- and medium-term reforms for participating country governments with particular emphasis on the performance of border crossings. The overall objective of this study is to provide basic information on transport corridor performance so that national policy makers and private sectors have a basis to open discussions on how they might cooperate to facilitate international trade and transport by addressing infrastructure and operational bottlenecks in the region.
This book chronicles the development of Vietnam's rural electrification program. It tells the story of how the Vietnamese government conceived, developed, scaled up, and improved its program. It also discusses the role the government, the countries main utility, local authorities, local communities, and the country's international development partners played in the pursuit of the electrification agenda. The book provides an overview of the strategies that fueled the impressive expansion of access to electricity in Vietnam, the development of the institutions that implemented the program and the passage of policies and laws that made growth of such scale possible. It also discusses results from the ground, and particularly the impacts of electrification on people's lives. It concludes with an attempt to draw lessons from Vietnam's experience. The book comprises three main parts: part A, made up of eight sections, provides an overview of Vietnam's rural electrification experience, which can be divided into six distinct periods. Part B summarizes a select set of findings from the multiyear survey and discusses the impact of rural electrification on Vietnamese households. Part C draws lessons from the experience of rural electrification in Vietnam, based on the information presented in parts A and B. It discusses the lessons learned from the perspectives of the government and the World Bank.
This report addresses the fact that natural disasters have caused vast social upheaval and economic damage to Armenia. This ongoing vulnerability to natural disasters has led Armenia to appreciate the advantages of developing a comprehensive strategy to help minimize ensuing fiscal exposure because the national budget will never be adequate to mitigate, respond, and recover from these recurrent but unavoidable crises. Since the Spitak earthquake, Government has reorganized its emergency management system and established many seismic mitigation activities and created a Ministry of Emergency Situations (MoES) and established a cabinet-level Minister responsible for disaster response. Government may wish to build on these achievements. The report is also based on a study carried out in Armenia under the Global Facility for Disaster Reduction and Recovery (GFDRR) project, which analyzed disaster risks, assessed existing systems, mechanisms, and institutional capacities, and made recommendations for developing a comprehensive national disaster reduction and preparedness agenda, which could form the basis for a natural disaster reduction project.
La población mundial, que cuenta dos mil millones de habitantes alrededor del año 1950, ha crecido a un ritmo casi exponencial en las décadas siguientes hasta 4 mil millones y 5,3 en 1990 (Naciones Unidas - Departamento de Asuntos Económicos y Sociales, 2010). Sin duda un gran aumento tanto en términos absolutos cuanto relativos. Según las estimaciones de las Naciones Unidas, la población mundial se estima que alcanzará los ocho millones y medio de 2025. Estas tasas de crecimiento se producen, obviamente, tanto en Europa, donde la población ha crecido de 550 millones en 1950 a 750 millones en 2010, y en Italia, donde en el período 1861 a 2008 hubo un aumento de la población de 22 millones de habitantes a casi 60 millones (fuente: ISTAT, 2010). La población ha crecido, sin embargo, a tasas más altas en los países en desarrollo, con una tendencia a la constante en los países industrializados en las últimas décadas. Dicha población mundial intenso tiene consecuencias directas sobre el territorio urbano, mientras que lleva a una extensión de las actuales áreas urbanas menores y pequeñas ciudades. Todo esto, cada vez más, dar lugar a problemas de gestión y uso del suelo, produciendo un crecimiento del componente de la vulnerabilidad en la ecuación de riesgo. Crecimiento de la población no justifica un aumento de las condiciones hidrogeológicas de la inestabilidad. Si es así, ya que la población se ha convertido en firme en los últimos años, al menos en la mayoría de los países industrializados, no hay que hacer frente a riesgos cada vez mayor. En cambio, el modelo de desarrollo económico, basado principalmente en redes e infraestructuras, así como los asentamientos, por supuesto, produce un doble efecto: un aumento de los activos expuestos a la amenaza, una presión sobre el territorio, capaz de hacer la activación de los fenómenos peligrosos más frecuentes. Los fenómenos naturales también tienen un impacto en el marco socio-económico, ya que son responsables de la pérdida de bienes y servicios y, en ocasiones, una pérdida en términos de vidas humanas. En tal situación, la vulnerabilidad de la zona está relacionado con el desarrollo de su sistema de infraestructura social, civil y urbano. Este concepto se expresa claramente en la declaración "Los desastres ocurren cuando los riesgos se encontra con la vulnerabilidad" (Wisner et al., 2004). Esto nos lleva a considerar los desastres naturales como los fenómenos sociales reales. Cuando se habla de riesgo geomorfologicos y de políticas ambientales, uno de los pioneros es, sin duda, Earl E. Brabb, que ya en 1991 en un artículo titulado "El problema de movimientos de ladera del mundo", sostuvo que los deslizamientos son un problema mundial que cientos causa de muertes y miles de millones de dólares de daño cada año en todo el mundo. Los poblemas geomorfológicos son y serán un tema importante y un requisito fundamental del conocimiento para la política de toma de decisiones. A pesar de 20 años han pasado desde que el trabajo Brabb, la situación no parece haber cambiado. No son aún insuficientes los procedimientos de todo el mundo aunque sólo sea compartida que permite evaluar la calidad y precisión de un inventario de deslizamientos o la forma de clasificar en términos de susceptibilidad a los deslizamientos de un área y para evaluar cuantitativa y cualitativamente el rendimiento predictivo. Las imágenes y escenas de devastación, destrucción y muerte que ocurren cada año, hacen que el problema de los riesgos geomorfológicos en un problema social. ¿Quien es el responsable? Seguimos construyendo, incluso en lugares que no son adecuados para la construcción. Tenemos que admitir por lo menos una doble responsabilidad. Si bien es cierto que los acontecimientos que causar un derrumbe apenas son "previsibles", por el contrario sí podemos identificar y predecir donde estos fenómenos se producen con mayor capacidad destructiva, produciendo más daños y reducir al mínimo la vulnerabilidad. Por lo tanto, si no es posible evitar, ya que no es posible predecir, la palabra clave debe ser "la prevención". Cada vez deslizamientos de tierra u otros eventos con características destructivas y letales, que a menudo se supone y se define como "impredecible", nos ofrece con el escenario de las víctimas, los heridos y desaparecidos, el público se estremece y recuerda la vulnerabilidad de los bienes de la comunidad y direciona la discusión sobre el tema de prevención de los desastres naturales o por lo menos tratar de minimizar las consecuencias trágicas que lo acompañan. La ola emocional que sigue a la fase de emergencia se produce entre las llamadas a "enrollar las mangas" a una "cultura de prevención" que "nunca vuelva a suceder", e induce a los legisladores y los técnicos para intervenir con una variedad de medidas urgentes de mitigación y obras y de intervención inmediata, tal vez proponiendo también las regulaciones y leyes dirigidas a "evitar otro desastre similar". Hoy Saponara, ayer Génova, el día antes Giampilieri y San Fratello y así sucesivamente durante décadas: Salerno (1954) con 318 víctimas, 250 heridos y sin hogar cerca de 5.500, y el Longarone y el desastre de Vajont (1963) con cerca de 2.000 muertes de Agrigento, (1966), Valtellina (1987) 53 muertes y 4.000 millones de liras de los daños, el deslizamiento de tierra en el Val di Stava de julio de 1985 (269 muertos), las corrientes rápidas del 5 de mayo de 1998 y Sarno y Quindici y otras áreas de la región Campania, con 153 muertes, Maierato (2010), son algunos de los eventos más importantes que lleva a más de 4.000 las muertes causadas por movimientos gravitativos en medio siglo, un promedio de 4 muertes por mes, además de un daño económico incalculable. Pero cada día hay una lista de los deslizamientos de tierra, carreteras y puentes bajando, a pesar de que pasa desapercibido. A falta de una cultura de prevención y un aumento de la cultura de emergencia en su lugar. Y la protección civil se ve ahora como la única ancla de salvación y la asistencia de los municipios y la población involucrada. Italia es un País que se desmorona debido a la negligencia del hombre y a la falta de prevención. Hay 5,596 sobre 8,101 municipios en riesgo hidrogeológico, el 84% de los centros de población se define en riesgo. Esto sin duda demuestra que las construcciones se construyeron cuando no se podia. De estos municipios, 1.700 (alrededor del 21%) están en riesgo de deslizamientos, 1.285 (casi el 16%) en riesgo de inundación y 2.596 (32%) se encuentran en una combinación de deslizamientos de tierra y riesgo de inundación. El área total clasificada como de alto riesgo asciende a 36.551 km2 (7,1% del total nacional) dividido en km2 de áreas de deslizamientos de tierra y 7.791 km2 de áreas inundadas 13.760. Estas cifras ponen de relieve la inestabilidad hidrogeológica con el que cada región debe enfrentar, tarde o temprano, contra la cual el flujo de millones de euros, a menudo sólo le prometió, no servirá de mucho para la estabilización y obras de medida de seguridad. El informe de Legambiente revela que los municipios son la punta de lanza de una evidente debilidad de nuestro territorio. No hay una única manera de preparar los mapas de susceptibilidad, como lo demuestra la enorme cantidad de artículos científicos producidos incluso durante la última década, y lo mismo es cierto en cuanto a la zonificación de los peligros y los riesgos involucrados, todavía sigue siendo un problema sin resolver en gran medida (Carrara et al., 2009). La contribución de este trabajo las siguientes fases de un estudio con el fin de definir la estructura de la sensibilidad, los riesgos y peligros de un área: 1. Construcción de la base de datos: en este trabajo las diferentes técnicas y métodos de detección de deslizamiento de tierra y delimitación se comparan directamente (trabajo de campo) e indirectamente (fotografías aéreas, software de visualización remota del territorio) y su posterior despliegue en un sistema GIS. 2 Elección y definición de la escala de análisis: De hecho, uno de los problemas más actuales de la proposición se relaciona con los métodos de evaluación de susceptibilidad a escala múltiple. 3 Unidades cartográficas: las diferentes unidades se utilizan para la cartografía y zonificación del territorio, cuya previsión de resultados se comparan con el fin de ser capaces de identificar las unidades de la asignación básica más adecuada para la planificación y para fines de defensa civil, teniendo en cuenta la exactitud científica de que la modelo debe soportar. 4 Elección de los factores control: en el trabajo, es la posibilidad de identificar el conjunto más probable de los factores que se consideran relacionados directamente o indirectamente a la inestabilidad de la ladera. Se proponen procedimientos de prueba y seleccionar el conjunto de posibles factores de control, así como la construcción de modelos específicos para cada tipo de deslizamientos. 5 Construcción de modelos: como para la construcción de un modelo geo-estadístico, las soluciones se comparan diferentes y el modelo de presentación de los mismos resultados y la objetividad que se elija, teniendo en cuenta que las necesidades de una implementación más bajo en términos de costo y tiempo. 6 Validación: los modelos están sujetos a diferentes técnicas de validación, que luego se comparan entre ellos. 7 Exportación espacial de un modelo de susceptibilidad: este es un ensayo para definir y validar los términos de susceptibilidad a los deslizamientos de una amplia zona en los gustos de cientos o miles de kilómetros cuadrados, en base a los estudios de detalle de algunos sectores que lo representan. Al igual que muchos otros autores, con el propósito de este trabajo es hacer una contribución a la comunidad científica, tratando de ofrecer una modesta contribución en la solución de algunos problemas en este campo a través de experimentos y modelos realizados en una variedad de contextos y comparar los resultados entre ellos. En este sentido, unas pruebas se llevaron a cabo en algunas áreas, previamente seleccionadas, será probado y verificado el resultado de algunos de los procedimientos en los años de investigación doctoral. A continuación, un resumen de los resultados vendrán de estas pruebas experimentales TEST 1a: TUMMARRANO river basin: Model Exportation En el marco de un estudio de la susceptibilidad de deslizamientos regional en el sur de Sicilia, una prueba se ha realizado en la cuenca del río Tumarrano (unos 80 km2) tiene como objetivo caracterizar las condiciones de su susceptibilidad movimientos de ladera mediante la exportación de un modelo, definido y entrenado en el interior un número limitado (unos 20 km2) representativas del sector ("el área de origen''). Además, la posibilidad de explotar software de Google Earth y el banco de datos de fotos para producir imágenes de los archivos deslizamiento de tierra ha sido comprobado. El modelo de susceptibilidad se define, de acuerdo con un enfoque multifactorial basadas en el análisis condicional, con unidades únicas condiciones (UCUs), los cuales fueron obtenidos mediante la combinación de cuatro factores seleccionados control: litología afloramiento, la pendiente, la curvatura del plan y el índice de humedad topográfica. La capacidad de predicción del modelo de exportación, formado con 206 deslizamientos de tierra, se compara con la estimada para toda el área estudiada, mediante el uso de un archivo completo de deslizamiento de tierra (703 deslizamientos de tierra), para ver hasta qué punto el mayor tiempo/dinero necesario se tienen en cuenta los costos para. TEST 1b. Tummarrano river basin: modelo de susceptibilidad basado en la Forward logistic regression La regresión logística con pasòs hacia adelante, nos ha permitido obtener un modelo de susceptibilidad por los flujos de tierra en la cuenca del río Tumarrano, que se definió mediante el modelado de las relaciones estadísticas entre un archivo de eventos 760 y un conjunto de 20 variables predictoras. Para cada movimiento del inventario, un punto de identificación de deslizamientos (LIP) se produce de forma automática, como corresponde al punto más alto a lo largo de la frontera de los polígonos de deslizamientos de tierra. Los modelos equilibrados (760 stable/760 inestable) se presentaron a adelante el procedimiento de regresión logística. Una estrategia de construcción del modelo se aplicó para ampliar la zona considerada en la preparación del modelo y para comprobar la sensibilidad de los modelos de regresión con respecto a los lugares específicos de las células se considera estable. Un conjunto de dieciséis modelos se preparó de forma aleatoria extraer los subconjuntos diferentes céldas estables. Los modelos fueron sometidos a regresión logística y validado. Los resultados mostraron que las tasas de error satisfactoria y estable (0,236 en promedio, con una desviación estándar de 0,007) y AUC (0.839, para la formación, y 0.817, para conjuntos de datos de prueba). Como en relación a los predictores, la pendiente en el barrio de las células y la curvatura topográfica de gran perfil y plan local-fueron seleccionados de forma sistemática. Litología arcillosa afloramiento, drenajes midslope, crestas locales y midslope y los accidentes geográficos cañones eran también muy frecuentes (de 8 a 15 veces) en los modelos de la selección hacia adelante. La estrategia de construcción del modelo nos ha permitido producir un modelo de flujo de tierra realizando la susceptibilidad, cuyo modelo de ajuste, la predicción de la habilidad y solidez se estimaron sobre la base de los procedimientos de validación. Test 2. Imera river basin: modelo de susceptibilidad por flujo de tierra basado en las unidades de ladera. Un mapa de susceptibilidad de un área, que es representativa en términos de marco geológico y los fenómenos de inestabilidad de ladera de grandes sectores de los Apeninos de Sicilia, fue producida usando unidades de ladera y un modelo multiparamétrico univariado. La zona de estudio, que se extiende por aproximadamente 90 km2, fue dividida en 774 unidades de la pendiente, cuya ocurrencia esperada avalancha se estimó un promedio de siete valores de vulnerabilidad, determinado para el control de los factores seleccionados: litología, pendiente media del gradiente, SPI en el pie, el índice de humedad topográfica y la curvatura del perfil, y el rango de altitud. Cada uno de los reconocidos 490 deslizamientos de tierra estuvo representada por su punto de centro de gravedad. Sobre la base de análisis condicional, la función de la susceptibilidad aquí adoptada es la densidad, calculado para cada clase. Modelos univariante fueron preparados para cada uno de los factores que controlan, y su rendimiento predictivo se estimó por curvas de tipos de predicción y la relación de efectividad aplicada a la categorías de vulnerabilidad. Este procedimiento nos permitió discriminar entre factores efectivos y no efectivos, de modo que sólo la primera se combinó posteriormente en un modelo multiparamétrico, que fue utilizada para producir el mapa de susceptibilidad final. la validación de este último mapa nos permite comprobar el rendimiento y la fiabilidad de la predicción modelo. Los principales factores reguladores resultaron: la litología y, subordinadamente, el SPI a el pies de la unidad, y tambien el gradiente medio de la pendiente, la curvatura del perfil, y el índice de humedad topográfica dieron resultados satisfactorios. ; The World population, which counted two billion inhabitants around 1950, has grown at an almost exponential rate in the following decades up to four billion in 1980 and 5,3 in 1990 (United Nations – Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2010). Definitely a high increase both in absolute and relative terms. According to estimates by the United Nations, the World population is estimated to reach eight billion and a half around 2025 (Chart 1.1), and then it will become steady around ten billion in 2050 because of the expected decline in fertility. These growing rates occur, obviously, both in Europe, where population has grown from 550 million in 1950 to 750 million in 2010, and in Italy, where in the period from 1861 to 2008 there was a surge in population from 22 million inhabitants to almost 60 million, (source: ISTAT, 2010). The population has grown, however, at higher rates in developing Countries (Fig. 1.1), with a tendency to become steady in industrialized Countries in the last decades. Such an intense world population has direct consequences on urban territory while leading to a spread of current minor urban areas and small towns. All this will, increasingly, result in management and land use problems, producing a growth of the vulnerability component in the risk equation. Population growth alone does not justify an increase of hydro-geological conditions of instability. If so, since the population has become steady in recent years, at least in most industrialized countries, we should not face increasing risks. Instead, the economic development model, largely based on networks and infrastructures, as well as settlements of course, produces a double effect: an increase of assets exposed to threat; a stress on the territory, able to make the activation of hazardous phenomena more frequently. It is however true that recent disasters with great loss of lives (i.e., Sarno Giampilieri, Aulla, Genova and Saponara) are actually the results of the response (letting nature take its course) to the changes in territorial asset occurred after the war. Another cause may be found in environmental changes: when the stress regime in a region changes (such as extraordinary rainfall intensity), the response is obviously new for both sides/slopes and the population. The WWF notes that from 1956 to 2001, urbanized areas in Italy have increased by 500 times and it is estimated that from 1990 to 2005 we have transformed 3.5 million hectares of land. The problem of interaction between humans and the natural environment is a very complex and diversified issue, not often approached in a systematic way, also because of the severe limitations of sources to be invested on research on a medium and long-term, for a better and effective knowledge of the environment, primarily on measures aimed at reducing risk (Plattner, 2005). Natural phenomena also have an impact within the social-economic framework as they are responsible for the loss of goods and services, and sometimes, a loss in terms of lives. In such a situation, the vulnerability of the area is related to the development of its social, civil, and urban infrastructural system. This concept is well expressed in the statement "disasters occur when hazards meet vulnerability" (Wisner et al., 2004). This leads us to consider natural disasters as real social phenomena. This condition is strongly valid especially with regard to landslides (Brabb and Harrod, 1989; Brabb, 1991). Since economic problems common to all countries do not allow either to invest in research projects on a medium and long-term or the stabilization of structures or areas on a large-scale, a new philosophy of environmental policy opens up for all active political and administrative subjects that should govern the use and exploitation of the territory. For this reason, the scientific community is engaged in a continuous search for methods and techniques to estimate the degree of real and potential instability, using the minimum amount of equipment and possible economic resources. Usually there is a substantial difficulty in identifying the most reliable procedures, that allow to approach this matter in a non-traditional manner based on modeling and investigative techniques built on the exchange of experiences between experts and conducting studies and experiments on all continents, and showing different strategies and possible technical combinations depending on the type and/or the number and complexity of the investigation, producing susceptibility, hazard and risk maps, used as the basis for decision-making processes in land management. In this framework, further efforts are needed in trying to make the different methods more objective and shared by all in order to be simple and reproducible, and most of all in transferring the knowledge gained in laws that underpin territorial planning, building regulations, and in civil defense plans (Guzzetti, 2006). When discussing about landslides and environmental policies, one of the pioneers is undoubtedly Earl E. Brabb, who already in 1991 in a paper entitled "The World Landslide Problem", sustained that landslides are a worldwide problem that cause hundreds of deaths and billions of dollars of damage every year all over the world. The same added that these losses can be reduced if the problem is identified and acknowledged in time, but many countries are simply equipped with maps showing where landslides produced problems in the past and they have even less susceptibility maps that could allow policy makers control land use. Landslides, adds Brabb, are generally more predictable and controllable than other natural events of catastrophic nature such as earthquakes, volcanic eruptions and storms, but despite this, few countries have taken advantage of this knowledge to reduce landslide hazard. Geomorphological problems are and will be an important issue and a fundamental requirement of knowledge for the politics of decision-making. Although 20 years have gone by since Brabb's work, the situation does not seem to have changed. There are still insufficient globally shared procedures even just allowing to assess the quality and accuracy of a landslide inventory or how to classify in terms of landslide susceptibility of an area and to evaluate quantitatively and qualitatively predictive performance. 1.2 Basic concepts One of the most obvious effects of rapid territory development in the past decades is the increasing impact that natural disasters have on man and his activities. Institutions are therefore committed to investing their resources in both the implementation of structural interventions to mitigate the risk as well as implementation of early warning systems and defining guidelines for land management; the latter activities allow, in fact, to avoid or minimize damage to persons and property, produced by natural phenomena, without necessarily investing in expensive resources and long structural interventions. The term "risk" is used in relation to the various components of the social and territorial fabric, as an expression of the expected consequences in the assets as a result of this disastrous phenomenon of assigned intensity at a given time interval. Within the guidelines for the preparation of prevention and management plans in terms of geological risk of the Sicilian Civil Protection Service (Regional Hydro-geological and Environmental Risks department), the term Hydro-geological Risk means the effect on different parts of the territory led by natural disasters such as landslides (geomorphological risk) and floods (hydraulic risks) triggered by events related to climate and its changes. Two main components contribute to the definition of risk: territorial hazard (geomorphological and hydraulic) and vulnerability. The latter depends on both the physical resistance of structures or assets exposed to the threat and the so-called vulnerability of social organization, which is linked, in fact, to the capacity of disaster prevention and management that a community has developed prior to the same disaster. The propensity of a territory to be affected by new landslides, the degree of hazard or risk that characterizes it, are usually expressed with the help of a map in which the area is divided into different zones according to the different values that qualify it. In this mapping, the territory is zoned or divided into homogeneous zones or user-defined fields/areas, whose ranking is defined according to their real or potential degree of landslide hazard (Varnes, 1984). Over the decades, many research groups and national and international commissions have tried to provide precise definitions, trying to reduce the existing confusion of terms in the management of natural hazards. In this section, some basic concepts are expressed as well as the terminology that will be used in the thesis below. Landslide events that develop in a given area involve a large number of environmental variables, to determine undoubted difficulties in identifying a suitable action of management, control and planning. In order to do so, understanding the problem without having a clear conceptual framework and method to be used may not be sufficient. The "forecast" of the phenomena and therefore the modeling phase is always required to designated public administration bodies and territorial control, carried out by the creation of digital simulation models which become crucial at the time when decisions must be taken/made. The creation of maps indicating the different vocation planning of an area, based for example on landslide hazard maps, not only allows you to compose the scene of the incident consequences of a given failure, but also to react under emergency, if magnitude, area, and associated potential damage are known. Planning is a subject which studies and regulates the processes of local governance and to evaluate the resulting dynamics of evolution and development. The principles guiding the choice of planning require development policies coherent with the principles of environmental protection and sustainability in an effort to control the excessive human presence, able to transform irreversibly natural systems and preserve the quality of life for future generations. Information, territorial knowledge and assessment of its natural predisposition and vulnerability are the basis of planning. These forms of knowledge and the use and application of the best technologies available to facilitate information processing and optimization of procedures for evaluation and zoning of the territory, will yield the best design solutions to achieve the desired objectives. Planning is aimed to government land use and management of spatial information, and is achieved by regulating the area according to different uses, which should be awarded taking into account the natural predispositions. Planning activities can affect a large portion of territory, in other words include a supra-municipal area or one that does not match with administrative boundaries (e.g. Provincial Territorial Coordination Plan, Hydro-geological Plan) or urban (e.g. General Regulation Plan). The geological, geomorphological, hydro-geological and seismic component should be placed at the base of the strategic development of the territory. In national legislation, water management is understood both as a natural resource but also as an element of risk, and has been regulated at the watershed level since the nineties (national framework law 183/89 on soil protection). This allow us to overcome divisions and inconsistencies produced by the adoption of targeted areas having only administrative boundaries that, therefore, do not take into account natural dynamics. The zoning of landslide hazard area is considered the most effective level of knowledge for territorial planning and territorial governance purposes. A map showing portions of an area classified as "hazardous" is of great importance due to the fact that these areas are subject to limitations and constraints that also affect the usability or simply the economic value. 1.2.1 Landslides and soil protection Italy, besides having a territory particularly prone to heavily collapse, has a highly populated territory with a density of 189 inhabitants per km2, much higher than France (114 inhabitants/km2) and Spain (89 inhabitants/km2), in Lombardy and Campania respectively, the density changes to 379 and 420 inhabitants per km2. As clear from the Report on landslides in Italy (National Geological Survey, 2007), commissioned by the ISPRA (National Institute for Environmental Protection and Research), in the last 50 years almost 500 thousand landslides have been recognized and recorded for an area of about 20 thousand km2, corresponding to 6.6% of the entire national territory. These data should be updated. As indicated by the last study conducted by the Ministry of the Environment (2010), 9.8% of the national area is to be ranked highly hydro-geological critical and 6.633 municipalities are involved, representing 81.9 percent of the national territory. This value, according to a report EURISPES ( Report Italy, 2010) is "largely underestimated", therefore agreeing that "a reliable estimate is made up of about 2 million phenomena and consequently the percentage of the Italian territory subject to ongoing phenomena is more than 20%." The Ministry of Environment, through the work for the realization of development plans undertaken by the hydrogeological Basin Authority, estimated a funding requirement of almost 40 billion euros to hydro-geologically secure the entire country, and 4.1 billion for more urgent works. Undoubtedly, the amounts are considerably high, but it is enough to consider that almost 21 billion euros were spent just to stanch the damages by hydro-geological disasters occurred in the decade 1994-2004. 1.3 Aims and scientific contribution There is no single way to prepare susceptibility maps, as evidenced by the enormous amount of scientific papers produced even during the last decade, and the same is true as for the zoning of the hazard and risk involved, still remaining a largely unsolved problem (Carrara et al., 2009). The contribution of this paper the following phases of a study in order to define the susceptibility structure, hazard and risk of an area. 1 Construction of the landslide database: in this work different techniques and methods of landslide detection and delimitation are compared, directly (field work) and indirectly (aerial photographs, remote viewing software of the territory) and their subsequent deployment in a GIS system. 2 Choice and definition of the analysis scale: the problem of scale models of susceptibility is approached. In fact, one of the most actual problems of the proposition is related to approaches to multi-scale susceptibility evaluation. 3 Mapping units: different units are used for mapping and zoning of the territory, whose foresight results are compared in order to be able to identify the basic mapping units most suitable for planning and for civil defense purposes, taking into account the scientific accuracy that the model must bear. 4 Choice of controlling factors: during the work, it is the possible to identify the most probable set of factors considered to be directly or indirectly related to the instability of the slope. Procedures for testing and selecting the set of possible controlling factors are proposed as well as the construction of specific models for each type of landslide. 5 Model building: as for the construction of a geo-statistical model, different solutions are compared and the model presenting the same results and objectivity is chosen, considering it needs a lower implementation in terms of cost and time. 6 Validation: models are subject to different validation techniques, which are then compared to each other. 7 Spatial exporting of a landslide susceptibility model: this is a trial to define and validate the terms of landslide susceptibility for a wide area in the likes of hundreds or thousands of square kilometers, based on studies of some fields that represent it. Having clear that the result of this type of study is intended to provide maps that can be used by planners in a useful manner, these must be characterized by an immediacy in understanding even by non-experts and they must also be easy to read and interpret. Therefore, these methods should be as simple as possible, for example, susceptibility levels must be clearly expressed not only in quantitative but also in descriptive terms (Clerici et al., 2010). Like many other authors, the purpose of this work is to make a contribution to the scientific community by trying to offer a modest contribution in solving some problems in this field through experiments and modeling carried out in a range of contexts and comparing the results between them.
RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVANegativna medijska kampanja usmjerena protiv šumara, a posebice na predstavnike trgovačkog društva Hrvatske šume d.o.o., traje neprestano već nekoliko godina, a intenzivnije unatrag dvije godine. Sve je eskaliralo nedavno aferom s vjetroelektranom Krš-Pađene. Mediji su se brže-bolje natjecali tko će više oblatiti pojedinačne i kolektivne vinovnike događaja. Temeljem paušalnih analiza zamjeralo se Hrvatskim šumama svašta, od privremenog neplaćanja šumskog doprinosa gradovima i općinama (u vrijeme kompletnog zastoja države uvjetovanog epidemijom koronavirusa ta namjenska sredstva ionako nitko nije mogao trošiti na izgradnju i održavanje šumskih cesta) do pripreme podizanja kredita za likvidnost tvrtke, koja je u sklopu pomoći pristala na produljenje roka plaćanja drvne industrije za isporučenu sirovinu sa 60 na 100 dana od dana izdavanja računa za sve isporuke od početka 2020. godine. Primjedbe na korištenje valjda najpoznatijega parafiskalnog nameta u Hrvata za usluge općekorisnih funkcija šuma ne treba ni spominjati, jer nema bitnijeg poduzetnika ili bilo kojeg političara koji u cilju pomoći gospodarstvu ne spomene smanjenje ili ukidanje toga. Laicima nije ni poznato da su Hrvatske šume svojim kriznim planom u potpunosti izbacile ovaj način financiranja gospodarenja šumama za 2020. godinu. U vrijeme korona krize to su vjerojatno bili najispravniji poslovni potezi u cilju sačuvanja vlastite zaposlenosti, zaposlenosti kupaca i dobavljača, kao i likvidnosti tvrtke. Koga to zanima kad čitatelje zanimaju negativne vijesti i afere. Većini njih također nije poznato da se šumarstvo uvijek u kriznim vremenima pobrinulo samo za sebe, ali i za druge koje je nosilo na svojim plećima. U svim krizama šumarstvo je pomagalo drvnoj industriji, pa i otpisivalo dugove u raznim državama i uređenjima koji su vladali na našem prostoru, ali i snosilo posljedice objektivnih i subjektivnih poslovnih rizika aktera u drvnom sektoru.Moć objavljenih tekstova na mrežnim stranicama i društvenim mrežama je velika. U kratkom vremenu dopire do velikog broja čitatelja. Većina tekstova objavljuju se kao bombastični naslovi i podnaslovi. Čitanjem sadržaja tek upućenijem čitatelju je jasno što ne odgovara istini. Obično se prema kraju članka sadržaj ublažava, ali to pročitaju najuporniji čitatelji, dok im u percepciji ostaju negativne informacije iz naslova i s početka teksta. Na društvenim mrežama javljaju se mnogi od pojedinaca do udruga, a dosta njih i anonimno te pisanjem svojih komentara stvaraju negativno ozračje o šumarskoj struci. Čitajući brojne napise stječe se dojam da su šumari jedan od većih problema Lijepe naše.Bolji poznavatelji prilika priznat će da je šumarstvo uz poljoprivredu nositelj opstanka preostalih ruralnih krajeva. Šumarstvo koje je najzastupljenije u ruralnim i manje razvijenim područjima osigurava egzistenciju zaposlenicima Hrvatskih šuma, zaposlenicima brojnih izvoditelja radova u šumarstvu te tvrtki i obrta u drvnom sektoru, posredno svima koji prodaju svoje proizvode drvnim tvrtkama, a čuvar je najvećeg dijela ekološke mreže Republike Hrvatske. Kroz zaštitu šuma i šumskih zemljišta od požara na krškom području važna je karika sačuvanja bioraznolikosti države, ali i kulise koja pomaže hrvatskoj grani gospodarstva od posebnog interesa – turizmu. U vrijeme Domovinskog rata šumarstvo je umjesto države gradilo i ceste kako bi povezalo dijelove Republike Hrvatske, gdje su nekada stanovnici putovali preko susjednih do matične države.U dragoj nam Hrvatskoj domovini danas postoji osam nacionalnih parkova i 11 parkova prirode u kojima je većina temeljnih fenomena šuma. Zaštita prirode u biti je sačuvana područja preuzela na upravljanje od šumara. Da se na tim područjima nije gospodarilo uz šumarske postulate i s ekološkim obzirom, ne bi se danas dičili s parkovima kao što su Plitvička jezera, Risnjak, Sjeverni Velebit ili Mljet. U krškom dijelu Hrvatske, gdje se nalazi većina zaštićenih parkova, nikad nije nestalo šume upravo zbog dva i pol stoljetnog gospodarenja s njom. Današnje generacije se ne sjećaju izgleda šuma u prijašnjim razdobljima. Većina najvrjednijih šuma hrasta lužnjaka posječena je kompletno između 1820-ih i 1920-ih godina. Danas stasaju nove generacije tih uzgojenih šuma koje su u biti proizvod hrvatskih šumara. Nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata sjeklo se količinski skoro kao i danas, jer nije bilo drugih resursa pa se država obnavljala i dolazila do potrebnih financijskih sredstava. Uz sve to zahvaljujući mudrosti i radu više generacija šumara, današnja je pokrivenost države pod šumama 44 posto, a sa šumskim zemljištima i 49 posto. Nažalost, većina javnosti ne može shvatiti pojam vječnih šuma koje nisu stalno u istoj dobi, jer jednako kao i druga bića imaju svoje razvojne stadije. Njihova vječnost se proteže kroz slijed generacija šume. Sječa starih zrelih šumskih sastojina preduvjet je nove generacija šume kojoj se svi iskreni šumari najviše vesele, jer je uspješno napravljena smjena generacija i sačuvana opstojnost šume na istoj površini. Taj prijelaz je u nizinskim šumama vidljiviji, no postoje i gorske šume na kojima se tako očiti prijelaz ne vidi, pa to i promatračima manje upada u oko.Neupućeni ili zlonamjerni ne znaju ili zaboravljaju na desetljetne pritiske ponajprije na državno šumarstvo radi pogodovanja pojedincima i tvrtkama u cilju podizanja nekad više maslinika i vinograda, a danas više gradnji vjetroelektrana i pašarenja na obraslim i neobraslim šumskim zemljištima. Hrvatski šumari baštine pojam potrajnog gospodarenja, pojma danas poznatijeg kao održivo gospodarenja, kojim su se borili da se površine pod šumom ne smanjuju. Tako, ako se u funkciji razvoja kojemu se nitko pametan neće protiviti ako je održiv i racionalan, negdje i krče šume radi prenamjene odobrene prostornim planom, smanjena površina pod šumama se nadoknađuje podizanjem nove šume na drugom mjestu. Koliko god se državno šumarstvo najčešće smatralo kočničarem razvoja, ono je zapravo bilo branitelj zakonskog djelovanja, dok su često pa i danas neki investitori, ali i državne institucije, vršili pritisak ubrzavajući proceduru u svoju korist bez pravne podloge. Hrvatske šume d.o.o. sa svim svojim prednostima i manama samo su dio slike koju danas imamo u Republici Hrvatskoj. Način kadroviranja i upravljanja jednak je kao i u ostalim javnim poduzećima i trgovačkim društvima u većinskom državnom vlasništvu. Kao u svakoj struci postoje previdi i pogreške, ali postulati hrvatskoga šumarstva su isprobani i dokazani kroz više od 250 godina. Današnje manje kvalitetne izvedbe u pojedinim šumama posljedica su raznih faktora i ne razlikuju se od pogrešaka koje se u svim djelatnostima događaju (zar se djelomično pogrešno ne obavi operacija, sagradi zgrada ili sastavi stroj?). Čak i u recentnom slučaju s vjetroelektranom Krš-Pađene Hrvatske šume d.o.o. pozitivno su odradile svoju zadaću naplatom duga investitoru za služnost ') INSERT INTO slTekst VALUES('202002290',2,'HR','u iznosu prema pravilniku važećem u vremenu pokretanja investicije. Hrvatske šume većinom su u svom djelovanju između čekića i nakovnja, s jedne strane pritisak korisnika drvne sirovine za što većom sječom i proizvedenom i plasiranom količinom ili korisnika prostora preko služnosti ili zakupa, a s druge strane sve veći pritisak za zaštitom staništa i jedinki što usložnjava i poskupljuje proizvodnju.Resorno ministarstvo, koje osim što je krajem 2011. godine prvi put nakon 1919. godine ispustilo u svom imenu naziv šumarstva, uz taj simbolički čin postalo je maćeha vlastitom čedu, budući resorni ministar/ministrica kao jednočlana skupština trgovačkog društva Hrvatske šume d.o.o. svojim nalozima prema upravi toga Društva djeluju u korist svih aspiranata na sve vrste proizvoda i usluga iz šume i šumskoga zemljišta. Tako se najvrjedniji trupci prodaju po dogovornim cijenama, koje već dugi niz godina nisu usklađene s tržišnim, čak ni s manje razvijenim susjednim zemljama, ogrjevno drvo i drvni ostaci se prodaju po dugogodišnjim ugovorima, bez obzira na promjene tržišnih uvjeta, a neobraslo šumsko zemljište, čak i tartufi, moraju se prepustiti svakome tko zaželi, čak i ako se ne pridržava zakonske regulative.Hrvatsko šumarsko društvo učestalo ističe politizaciju cijeloga sustava kao jedan od najvećih problema našega društva. Politike mijenjaju kompletne Uprave društva, garnirane s većom ili manjom kvotom uhljeba, svake četiri godine, a ponekad i u kraćim terminima. Tako postavljena vodstva dužna su provoditi naloge te iste politike, pa bile one i protuzakonite. Na taj se način tvrtke, kao u našem slučaju Hrvatske šume d.o.o., povlače po medijima kao kriminalne organizacije, ili se čak protiv njih organiziraju javni prosvjedi. Kako se pritom osjećaju zaposlenici, naše kolege koji s ljubavlju i odgovorno obavljaju svoj posao, možemo naslutiti?Prateći sva zbivanja postoji bojazan da se ne priprema teren kako bi se državne šume dale u koncesiju nakon što se trgovačko društvo Hrvatske šume proglase nesposobnim za upravljanje. Na brojnim primjerima poznato je kako koncesije uglavnom donose samo eksploataciju bez ulaganja u šume. Većina europskih država bogatih šumama imaju jake svoje državne tvrtke za gospodarenje državnim šumama i čuvari su tih šuma, ali i prostora kao i života na njima.Svrha ovoga teksta nije obrana bilo koga unaprijed, jer o nečijoj nevinosti i krivnji odlučivat će institucije kojima je to posao. U državi gdje se vode mnoge besplodne rasprave, koje se većinom tiču prošlosti, treba početi racionalnije sagledavati sadašnjost i ne povoditi se za huškačkom histerijom. Potrebno je popuštati okove politike i prepuštati struci da radi ono što najbolje zna, a to je u šumarstvu gospodarenje šumama i šumskim zemljištima. Uredništvo ; EDITORIALThe negative media campaign directed against foresters, and particularly against the representatives of the company Croatian Forests Ltd, has been going on for several years and has gained in intensity in the past two years. It all escalated recently with the scandal concerning the wind power plant Krš-Pađene. The media rushed to smear individual and collective entities involved in the event. Based on impromptu analyses the company Croatian Forests was criticised for all kinds of things, including temporary non-payment of forest contributions to cities and municipalities (at the time when the state was at a complete standstill due to the coronavirus epidemics these earmarked funds could not be spent on the construction and maintenance of forest roads anyway), as well as raising a loan to boost the company's liquidity. Namely, the company agreed to extend the payment period of the wood industry for the delivered raw material from 60 to 100 days from the date of issuing the invoice for all deliveries from the beginning of the year 2020. Let us not even mention all those remarks on the use of probably the most well-known parafiscal levy in Croatia related to non-market forest functions. There is not one entrepreneur or politician who has not requested the reduction or abolition of this levy as a way of helping the economy. Lay people are not even aware of the fact that the crisis plan of Croatian Forests envisages complete elimination of this form of financing forest management for 2020. At the time of the coronavirus crisis these are probably the best business moves aimed at preserving employment in the company, employment of the customers and suppliers, as well as the company's liquidity. But who wants to read about this when negative news and scandals are much more interesting? Most people do not know either that at times of crises forestry has always taken care not only of itself but also of others dependent on it. In all crises forestry has helped the wood industry, written off debts of various states and political systems reigning in these areas, but also borne the consequences of objective and subjective business risks of those working in the wood sector.The power of the texts published on websites and social networks is enormous. They reach large numbers of readers in a very short time. The majority of the published texts feature bombastic headlines and sub headlines. Only when the whole text is read does it transpire what is the truth and what is not. Usually the content of an article is softened towards the end, but the whole article is read only by the most persevering reader, while the majority retain only the negative information from the headlines and the beginning of the text. Social networks are full of individuals and associations whose comments, often anonymous, create a negative image of the forestry profession. All these comments give an impression that foresters are one of the biggest problems of Our Beautiful Homeland.Those better acquainted with the situation realize that forestry and agriculture are the pillars of survival in the remaining rural areas. Forestry, which is most represented in rural and less developed areas, provides a livelihood for employees of Croatian Forests, employees of numerous contractors in forestry and companies and crafts in the wood sector, and indirectly of all those who sell their products to wood companies. Forestry also guards and cares about the largest part of the ecological network in the Republic of Croatia. By protecting forests and forestland from fires in karst areas it forms an important link in the conservation of biodiversity in the state, but also creates a setting which helps the Croatian economic branch of particular interest - tourism. During the Homeland War it was forestry professionals who constructed roads needed to connect parts of the Republic of Croatia at the time when residents had to travel through neighbouring countries in order to reach their home country.In our beloved homeland there are eight national parks and eleven nature parks in which forests constitute the basic phenomena. Basically, nature conservation has taken over the preserved areas for management from foresters. If these areas had not been managed according to forestry postulates and ecological considerations, we would not be able to boast of parks such as Plitvice Lakes, Risnjak, North Velebit and Mljet. In the karst part of Croatia, where the majority of protected parks are located, forests have never disappeared thanks to two and a half century long forest management. Present day generations do not know what forests looked like in earlier periods. The majority of the most valuable forests of pedunculate oak were completely cut down between the 1820s and 1920s. Today we witness the growth of new generations of managed forests, which are essentially the product of Croatian foresters. After World War Two the quantities of forests that were cut down almost equalled present day quantities because there were no other resources and the state needed the necessary financial means for rebuilding and renovation. Moreover, thanks to the wisdom and hard work of several generations of foresters, the present forest cover in Croatia amounts to 44 percent and forestland to 49 percent. Regrettably, most people do not comprehend the concept of eternal forests, which are not always of the same age, because just like other beings they have their development stages. Their eternity extends through generations of forests. Cutting down old, mature forest stands opens the door to a new generation of a forest, and all foresters rejoice in it because it testifies to a successful change of generations and the survival of the forest in the same area. This transition is visible in lowland forests, but there are also mountain forests in which such an obvious transition is not striking, so it is less noticeable to observers.Those less well informed or malicious do not know about or close their eyes to decades of pressures on the state forestry. These pressures are aimed at enabling individuals and companies to receive different benefits: in the past it was olive groves and vineyards, today it is the construction of wind power stations and grazing in vegetation-covered or bare forest areas. Croatian foresters staunchly adhere to the concept of sustainable management, under which they fight against reducing forested areas. Thus, if forests are sometimes cut down for conversion purposes as regulated by spatial plans, reduced forested areas are immediately replaced with new forests in another place. Although state forestry has often been thought as a hindrance to development, it has in fact defended lawful activities in circumstances in which some investors, as well as state institutions, have exerted pressure by speeding up the procedure in their favour without any legal basis. ') INSERT INTO slTekst VALUES('202002290',2,'EN','The company Croatian Forests Ltd, with all its strengths and weaknesses, is only a part of the overall picture in the Republic of Croatia. Personnel recruitment and management is the same as in other public companies and state-owned companies. Just like in any other profession, there are omissions and mistakes, but one things is always the same: the postulates of Croatian forestry have been tested and verified for over 250 years. Present-day activities of lesser quality in some forests are the consequence of various factors and they do not differ from mistakes taking place in all other professional spheres (is not it true that sometimes a surgical operation may go wrong, or a building can be poorly constructed or a piece of machinery badly assembled?). Even in the most recent case of the Krš-Pađene wind power station, Croatian Forests Ltd have done their homework well by collecting the debt to the investor for easement in the amount according to the regulations valid at the time of starting the investment. In most of its activities Croatian Forests Ltd are between the hammer and the anvil: on the one hand, there is constant pressure by users of wood resources for more felling and more produced and sold quantities, and on the other, there is growing pressure to protect habitats and species, which all makes production more complex and more expensive. The relevant ministry, in addition to dropping the word forestry from its name at the end of 2011 for the first time after 1919, has also become an evil stepmother to its own child, since the line minister, as a one-member assembly of the company Croatian Forests Ltd, by his/her orders to the Company management acts to benefit all aspirants to receive all kinds of products and services from forests and forestland. Thus, the most valuable logs are sold at negotiated prices which have for years been out of touch with market conditions, fuel wood and wood residues are sold under long-term contracts regardless of changed market conditions, and bare forest land, and even truffles, must be given over to anyone who wants them, even if legal regulations are not complied with. The Croatian Forestry Association frequently points out that politicization of the entire system is one of the biggest problems of our society. Entire company managements are changed by politics every four or fewer years and nepotism is an inherent part of the system. Managements installed by politics in this way are forced to carry out the orders of the same policies, even if they are illegal. This is how companies, in our case Croatian Forests Ltd, are dragged through the media as criminal organisations; even public protests are organized against them. Can we even guess how the employees, our colleagues who do their jobs responsibly and lovingly, feel?All these events raise fears of the terrain being prepared for giving state forests for concession after the company Croatian Forests is declared incapable of forest management. There are many examples of concessions generating exploitation of forests without any investments in them. The majority of European countries with abundant forest areas have strong state companies which manage and guard state forests, their areas and the life in them.This text does not aim to defend anybody in advance: someone's innocence or guilt will be decided on by relevant institutions. In the state in which fruitless debates about the past are held, it is time to turn to the present in a more rational manner and not succumb to harangues and hysteria. Politics should loosen its grip and leave it to the profession to do what it knows best: in the case of forestry, it is the management of forests and forestland.Editorial Board
ABSTRACT: The refugee crisis has shaped a new perception of the migration reality in Europe. The ramifications of its impact on European integration are visible and enduring. The EU's response has included a certain strategic perspective, albeit weighed down by an excess of eurocentrism and a security perception that does not take third countries' interests into balanced account. The major economic effort being made supports a far-reaching strategy, only now beginning to be outlined, to promote economic development in the countries of origin and transit of migrants. Additionally, issues such as the monitoring of respect for migrants' human rights have not yet been suitably globally defined in this strategy. Although the behaviour and response capacity of the EU and its Member States can be assessed in different ways, the truth is that the migration debate has decisively swayed a block of countries that are openly reluctant to engage in intra-European solidarity and accept the new realities and responsibilities entailed by the refugees already present and yet to come to Europe. This position is very negative in the medium and long term, since, as noted, the crisis has also underscored the permanence of migration trends and flows and the consolidation of the routes or gates of entry to Europe. This contribution considers the vulnerability of the European borders designed and in operation in the Schengen Area. The internal borders were the most affected at the start of the migration crisis and are likely to be marked by current regulatory changes, which tend to allow exceptionality as a relatively common occurrence in the European 'federal' area of free movement. Nevertheless, the resilience of this system of the absence of internal border controls in the 'federal' area of free movement is undeniable. The impact on the EU's external borders has been even greater, as it has shown once and for all that, more than fragile or vulnerable, some border controls, such as the sea border ones, are not practicable, especially those on Europe's southern sea borders. It is precisely this infeasibility of border control in marine areas that leads to the accentuation of certain trends on Europe's external borders, such as the externalization of migration controls. New regulatory and strategic planning developments confirm this trend, as well as the current concern for deploying an integrated external border management system. With regard to the phenomenon known as the 'externalization' of migration controls, the literature considers it to refer to EU actions aimed at reducing, sorting and controlling migration flows with the consent of third states in relations that are, by definition, asymmetrical. This article has addressed the different situations that arise, highlighting the advisability of differentiating between externalizing migration policy, on the one hand, and extraterritorial action concerning migration control, on the other. In search of greater conceptual accuracy, the term 'deterritoriality' has been used, as it is more neutral than the other terms mentioned insofar as it evokes the idea of positioning outside the territory certain border control and migration policy functions, to be carried out by other states or by the state itself. Since these are situations and actions linked to migration and border control, they should be conceptually situated outside the territory; the deterritoriality option hypothetically makes it possible to encompass both the externalization and the extraterritoriality of border control functions concerning migration. To this end, this article has focused on the various notions and activities that might be discussed in relation to the 'externalization' and the 'extraterritoriality' of migration controls and border functions, terms that, in sum, refer to migration control and management activities outside the territory, carried out by public officials of the EU states or by third states. On the one hand, externalization is considered to refer to the management and control of migration flows, the activities of adopting agreements, programmes, action plans and measures to encourage third states to monitor their own borders and migration flows in order to control, restrict or impede physical access to the territory of the EU states, accepting the placement in their territory, or the rejection, of refugees and migrants from other states. It does not involve the presence of or direct exercise of control activities by public officials of the EU Member States. In fact, outside European territory it is highly debatable that states are strictly performing border control functions, as it is an area that may more accurately fall within the more generic field of migration flow control linked to migration policy and European external action. On the other hand, extraterritorialization is understood to entail the performance of border control functions by states themselves outside their own territory. This case should involve the presence of or exercise by Member State public officials of some (effective) border control activities or functions in areas without state jurisdiction or in the territory of third states, with their consent. We are witnessing a change in the very concept of border in this post-globalization era, in which certain functions are offshored and systematically placed outside a state's territory and checkpoints. However, territorial and extraterritorial actions must be differentiated from those occurring as part of external actions in or with third states for the purposes of migration policy and the control of migration flows. The reality is that a new border space south and east of the Mediterranean has been configured for migratory flows, which needs a new policy of external borders for these areas. Therefore, we must reflect on new frontier spaces, with new concepts and approaches to the border that provide other parameters of action towards migratory flows and external controls. Today, the Union needs new instruments and concepts for these new realities, especially so as not to lose sight of the fact that, when it comes to tackling crises such as those related to migration and the rights of foreigners approaching or entering its territory and jurisdiction, Europe is a rational construct entailing a project for civilizational progress. As such, it must permanently incorporate its values and respect for human rights in all its policies, regulatory measures and actions with foreigners and third states, both on its own external borders and beyond them. This is essential for the identity and objectives of the European integration, and for the projection of the EU security, solidarity and values in accordance with the International and European Human Rights Law. KEYWORDS: European Union, immigration, refugees, asylum, European values, border controls, immigration controls, migration policy, borders, internal borders, external borders, Frontex, maritime immigration, externalization, extraterritoriality, deterritoriality, human rights ; Crisis de refugiados y migraciones en las puertas de Europa: Deterritorialidad, extraterritorialidad y externalización de controles fronterizos RESUMEN: La crisis de los refugiados ha conformado en Europa una nueva percepción de la realidad migratoria. Las ramificaciones de sus impactos en la construcción europea son visibles y duraderas. La reacción de la UE ha tenido cierta perspectiva estratégica, aunque lastrada por un exceso de eurocentrismo y de percepción securitaria, que no tiene en cuenta equilibradamente los intereses de los países terceros. El gran esfuerzo económico que se está realizando sostiene una estrategia de largo alcance que sólo ahora empieza a esbozarse, para fomentar el desarrollo económico en los países de origen y tránsito de la emigración. Por otra parte, cuestiones como las de vigilancia del respeto de derechos humanos de los inmigrantes aún están por perfilarse adecuadamente de manera global en esta estrategia. Aunque podemos hacer diferentes valoraciones del comportamiento y capacidad de reacción de la UE y sus Estados, lo cierto es que el debate migratorio ha decantado decididamente un bloque de países abiertamente reacios a la solidaridad intraeuropea, y a asumir las nuevas realidades y cargas que suponen los refugiados presentes y por venir a Europa. Esta perspectiva es muy negativa a medio y largo plazo, ya que, como hemos visto, la crisis también revela la permanencia de las corrientes y flujos migratorios, y la consolidación de los vías o Puertas de entrada a Europa. Hemos considerado en el trabajo la vulnerabilidad de las fronteras europeas diseñadas y en funcionamiento en el Área Schengen. Las fronteras interiores fueron las más impactadas al comienzo de la crisis migratoria, y probablemente van a quedar marcadas por los cambios normativos en curso, que tienden a admitir la excepcionalidad como hecho relativamente común en el espacio 'federal' de libre circulación europeo. Pese a todo, la capacidad de resiliencia de este sistema de ausencia de controles fronterizos interiores en el espacio 'federal' de libre circulación, es incontestable. El impacto en las fronteras europeas exteriores ha sido aún mayor, ya que se ha puesto de relieve en nuestra opinión definitivamente que, más que frágiles o vulnerables, ciertos controles fronterizos como los marítimos son impracticables, en particular los de las fronteras marítimas meridionales europeas. Precisamente esta inviabilidad del control fronterizo en espacios marítimos es lo que lleva en nuestra opinión a acentuar ciertas tendencias en las fronteras exteriores europeas, como las de externalización de controles migratorios. Los nuevos desarrollos normativos y de planificación estratégica confirman esta tendencia, así como la preocupación actual por desplegar un sistema integrado de gestión de fronteras exteriores. Respecto al fenómeno conocido como de 'Externalización' de controles migratorios, la doctrina ha venido considerándolo como actuaciones de la UE que buscan reducir, ordenar y controlar los flujos migratorios en anuencia con Estados terceros, en relaciones por definición asimétricas. En nuestro trabajo hemos abordado las diferentes situaciones que se plantean, poniendo de relieve la conveniencia de diferenciar entre Externalizar las políticas migratorias, por una parte, de la actuación Extraterritorial de control migratorio, por otra parte. Buscando una mayor precisión conceptual, preferimos utilizar el termino Desterritorialidad, que es más neutro que los referidos, al evocar la idea de ubicar fuera del territorio determinadas funciones de control fronterizo y de políticas migratorias, a desarrollar por otros Estados o por el propio Estado. Al tratarse de situaciones y actuaciones vinculadas a las migraciones y a los controles fronterizos, debemos conceptualmente situarnos fuera del territorio; por lo que esta opción de Desterritorialidad, permite hipotéticamente abarcar las dos situaciones de Externalización y de Extraterritorialidad de las funciones de control fronterizo respecto a las migraciones. Para ello nos centramos en las diferentes nociones y actividades que podrían debatirse respecto a la 'Externalización', 'Extraterritorialidad' de controles migratorios y funciones fronterizas, expresiones que, en suma, hacen referencia a actividades de gestión y control migratorio fuera del territorio, llevados a cabo por agentes públicos de los Estados UE, o por terceros Estados. Por una parte, consideramos constituyen Externalización de la gestión y control de flujos migratorios, las actividades de adopción de Acuerdos, Programa, Planes y medidas que pretenden que Estados terceros vigilen sus propias fronteras y flujos migratorios, para controlar, restringir o impedir el acceso físico al territorio de los Estados UE, asumiendo la localización en su territorio, o el rechazo, de refugiados e inmigrantes de otros Estados. Esto no implicaría presencia ni ejercicio directo de actividades de control por agentes públicos de los Estados Miembros de la UE. En realidad, fuera del territorio europeo es muy discutible que los Estados estén realizando estrictamente funciones de control fronterizo, ya que se trata de un ámbito que se encuentra tal vez en el más genérico terreno del control de flujos migratorios y vinculado a la política migratoria y a la acción exterior europea. Por otra parte, entendemos que la actuación Extraterritorialidad supone llevar a cabo funciones de control fronterizo por los Estados fuera de su territorio. Aquí debe existir en nuestra opinión presencia o ejercicio por agentes públicos de los Estados miembros de ciertas actividades o funciones de control (efectivo) fronterizo, en espacios sin jurisdicción estatal, o en el territorio de Estados terceros, con su acuerdo. Estamos ante un cambio en la concepción misma de la frontera en esta era pos-globalización, donde determinadas funciones se deslocalizan y se sitúan sistemáticamente fuera del territorio y los puestos fronterizos de los Estados. Sin embargo, las actuaciones territoriales y extraterritoriales deben diferenciarse de las que se producen en actividades de acción exterior en o con terceros Estados a fines de política de inmigración y control de flujos migratorios. La realidad es que se ha configurado para los flujos migratorios un nuevo espacio fronterizo al sur y este del mediterráneo, que necesita una nueva política de fronteras exteriores para este área. Por ello debemos reflexionar sobre nuevos espacios e imaginarios fronterizos, con nuevos conceptos y enfoques de la frontera que aporten otros parámetros de actuación hacia los flujos migratorios y los controles exteriores. La Unión necesita hoy instrumentos y conceptos nuevos para estas nuevas realidades, y sobre todo para no perder de vista que, a la hora de afrontar crisis como las migratorias y de derechos de los extranjeros que se acercan o entran en nuestro territorio y jurisdicción, Europa es una construcción racional que supone un Proyecto de progreso civilizatorio, y que como tal debe incorporar permanentemente sus valores y el respeto de derechos humanos en todas sus políticas, medidas normativas y actuaciones con extranjeros y Estados terceros, en sus propias fronteras exteriores y más allá de las mismas. Esto es esencial para la identidad y objetivos de la integración, y para la proyección de la seguridad, solidaridad y valores de la UE conforme al Derecho internacional y europeo de los Derechos Humanos. PALABRAS CLAVE: Unión Europea, inmigración, refugiados, asilo, valores de Europa, controles fronterizos, controles migratorios, política migratoria, fronteras, fronteras interiores, fronteras exteriores, Frontex, inmigración marítima, externalización, extraterritorialidad, desterritorialidad, derechos humanos ; Crise des réfugiés et migrations aux portes de l'Europe: déterritorialité, extraterritorialité et externalisation des contrôles des frontières RÉSUMÉ: La crise des réfugiés a forgé une nouvelle perception de la réalité de la migration en Europe. Les conséquences de ses impacts sur la construction européenne sont visibles et durables. La réaction de l'UE a eu une certaine perspective stratégique, bien que pénalisée par un excès de perception de l'eurocentrisme et de la sécurité, qui ne tienne pas compte des intérêts des pays tiers. Le grand effort économique en cours appuie une stratégie à long terme qui commence seulement à être esquissée pour promouvoir le développement économique dans les pays d'origine et de transit de l'émigration. D'autre part, des questions telles que la surveillance du respect des droits humains des immigrés doivent encore être correctement établies de manière globale dans cette stratégie. Bien que nous puissions évaluer différemment le comportement et la capacité de réaction de l'UE et de ses États, le débat sur l'immigration a décidément décliné en bloc un groupe de pays ouvertement réticents à la solidarité intra-européenne et à assumer les nouvelles réalités et les responsabilités que posent les réfugiés. Cette perspective est très négative à moyen et long terme car, comme on l'a vu, la crise révèle également la permanence des courants et des flux migratoires, ainsi que la consolidation des routes ou portes d'entrée en Europe. Nous avons examiné à l'œuvre la vulnérabilité des frontières européennes en fonctionnement dans l'espace Schengen. Les frontières intérieures ont été les plus touchées au début de la crise migratoire et devraient être modifiées par les propositions réglementaires en cours, qui tendent à admettre que l'exceptionnalité est un phénomène relativement courant dans l'espace «fédéral» de la libre circulation européenne. Malgré tout, la résilience de ce système d'absence de contrôle aux frontières intérieures dans l'espace «fédéral» de libre circulation est incontestable. L'impact sur les frontières extérieures de l'Europe a été encore plus grand, car il a été clairement souligné à notre avis que, plutôt que fragiles ou vulnérables, certains contrôles frontaliers tels que les contrôles maritimes sont irréalisables, notamment ceux des frontières maritimes du sud de l'Europe. C'est précisément cette impossibilité de contrôler les frontières dans les espaces maritimes qui conduit, à notre avis, à accentuer certaines tendances aux frontières extérieures européennes, telles que celles de l'externalisation des contrôles migratoires. Les nouveaux développements réglementaires et stratégiques en matière de planification confirment cette tendance, ainsi que la détermination actuelle de déployer un système intégré de gestion des frontières extérieures. En ce qui concerne le phénomène appelé «externalisation» des contrôles de l'immigration, la doctrine l'a considéré comme une action de l'UE visant à réduire, ordonner et contrôler les flux migratoires en accord avec les États tiers, dans des relations asymétriques par définition. Dans notre travail, nous avons abordé les différentes situations qui se présentent, en soulignant l'opportunité de différencier les politiques migratoires d'externalisation, d'une part, de l'action extraterritoriale de contrôle de l'immigration, d'autre part. À la recherche d'une plus grande précision conceptuelle, nous préférons utiliser le terme Disterritorialité, qui est plus neutre que ceux auxquels il est fait référence, lorsqu'il évoque l'idée de localiser certaines fonctions de contrôle des frontières et certaines politiques de migration en dehors du territoire, à développer par d'autres États ou par l'État lui-même. Lorsque nous traitons des situations et des actions liées à la migration et aux contrôles aux frontières, nous devons nous placer conceptuellement en dehors du territoire; par conséquent, cette option de déterritorialité permet, de manière hypothétique, de couvrir les deux situations d'externalisation et d'extraterritorialité des fonctions de contrôle des frontières en matière de migration. Pour cela, nous nous concentrons sur les différentes notions et activités pouvant être discutées concernant "l'externalisation", "l'extraterritorialité" des contrôles migratoires et des fonctions des frontières, expressions qui, en bref, désignent des activités de gestion et de contrôle des migrations hors du territoire prises par des agents publics des États de l'UE ou par des États tiers. D'une part, nous considérons que l'externalisation de la gestion et du contrôle des flux migratoires constitue une activité d'adoption d'accords, de programmes, de plans et de mesures visant à garantir que les États tiers surveillent leurs propres frontières et flux migratoires, afin de contrôler, restreindre ou empêcher l'accès physique sur le territoire des États membres de l'UE, en supposant que le réfugié et l'immigré en provenance d'autres États sont situés sur leur territoire. Cela n'impliquerait pas la présence ou l'exercice direct d'activités de contrôle par des agents publics des États membres de l'UE. En fait, hors du territoire européen, il est très discutable que les États exercent strictement des fonctions de contrôle des frontières, car il s'agit peut-être d'un domaine qui est peut-être le domaine le plus générique du contrôle des flux migratoires, plutôt lié à la politique migratoire et à l'action exterieure européenne. D'autre part, nous comprenons que l'action Extraterritorialité implique que les États situés à l'extérieur de leur territoire exercent des fonctions de contrôle des frontières. À notre avis, il doit exister une présence ou un exercice par des agents publics des États membres de certaines activités ou fonctions de contrôle des frontières dans les espaces en dehors de la juridiction de l'État ou sur le territoire d'États tiers, avec l'accord de ces derniers. Nous sommes confrontés à un changement dans la conception même de la frontière en cette ère de post-globalisation, où certaines fonctions sont délocalisées et systématiquement situées en dehors du territoire et des postes frontières des États. Toutefois, les actions territoriales et extraterritoriales doivent être distinguées de celles qui se produisent lors d'activités d'action extérieure dans ou avec des États tiers à des fins de politique d'immigration et de contrôle des flux migratoires. La réalité est qu'un nouvel espace-frontière au sud et à l'est de la Méditerranée a été configuré pour les flux migratoires, ce qui nécessite une nouvelle politique de frontières extérieures pour cette zone. Par conséquent, nous devons réfléchir sur de nouveaux espaces frontières, avec de nouveaux concepts et approches de la frontière qui fournissent d'autres paramètres d'action en matière de flux migratoires et de contrôles externes. Aujourd'hui, l'Union a besoin de nouveaux instruments et concepts pour ces nouvelles réalités, et, surtout, pour ne pas perdre de vue le fait que face aux crises telles que les migrations et les droits des étrangers qui s'approchent de notre territoire ou y entrent, l'Europe est une construction rationnelle qui implique un projet de progrès civilisationnel. En tant que tel, l'Europe doit intégrer de manière permanente ses valeurs et le respect des droits de l'homme dans toutes ses politiques, mesures réglementaires et actions auprès des étrangers et des États tiers, à ses frontières extérieures et au-delà. Cela est essentiel pour l'identité et les objectifs de l'intégration, ainsi que pour la projection de la sécurité, de la solidarité et des valeurs de l'UE conformément au droit international et européen des droits de l'homme. MOTS-CLÉ: Union européenne, immigration, réfugiés, asile, valeurs européennes, contrôles aux frontières, contrôles migratoires, politique d'immigration, frontières, frontières intérieures, frontières extérieures, Frontex, immigration maritime, externalisation, extraterritorialité, déterritorialité, droits de l'homme
