Suchergebnisse

Dottorato di ricerca in Economia e territorio ; La tesi ha rivolto la sua attenzione a uno strumento innovativo nella gestione degli investimenti pubblici sotto il profilo economico amministrativo, la concessione di valorizzazione demaniale cinquantennale che ha lo scopo di valorizzare il capitale demaniale dello Stato senza intaccare le risorse finanziarie dello stesso, vincolate dai criteri europei e prevalentemente destinate a coprire le spese correnti. La tesi descrive la prima concessione di valorizzazione demaniale cinquantennale rilasciata dallo Stato: Villa Tolomei a Firenze. Villa Tolomei è un complesso immobiliare plurisecolare immerso nelle colline di Firenze, che a seguito della riqualificazione e della valorizzazione è stato trasformato in un hotel e resort a cinque stelle, a soli 5 minuti dal centro storico e a 2,7 km dal Ponte Vecchio, dotato di tutti i comfort. Villa Tolomei è una dimora risalente al XIV secolo appartenuta alla famiglia Tolomei. Il complesso immobiliare è costituito, sin dalla sua origine, da diversi edifici per circa 3.500 mq di superficie, collocati all'interno di 17 ettari di un parco che presenta ancora le tracce della vecchia organizzazione a poderi. La tesi descrive i criteri contabili per la redazione del Bilancio dello Stato italiano e passa in rassegna i vincoli imposti dal Trattato di Maastricht, dal Fiscal Compact e dal Two Pack, da cui emerge le difficoltà dell'Italia nel fare fronte ai propri impegni europei, nel valorizzare il proprio patrimonio artistico e culturale e nel procedere con gli investimenti necessari per lo sviluppo del Paese senza il quale la politica di austerità del bilancio non ha efficacia. Il Bilancio dello Stato italiano infatti sta destinando le proprie risorse prevalentemente, se non totalmente, per finanziare le spese di funzionamento e per il ripianamento del debito, trascurando le spese in conto capitale e in particolare la valorizzazione del proprio patrimonio immobiliare. Diventa quindi fondamentale una stretta cooperazione con il settore privato, tramite i cosiddetti partenariati pubblico-privati (PPP), in cui sono realizzati progetti comuni con vantaggi reciproci e che perseguono obiettivi anche sociali. Tra questi, un ruolo particolare è quello della concessione di valorizzazione demaniale cinquantennale che permette allo stato di valorizzare il patrimonio e di creare occupazione e crescita, senza esborsi finanziari diretti. Una prima forma di Concessione Demaniale era già presente nella Roma Imperiale dove il complesso dei territori di proprietà della comunità, denominato "Ager Publicus", veniva assegnato ai cittadini meritevoli. Quasi un secolo più tardi con l'unificazione del Regno d'Italia e la stesura del Codice Civile del 1865, si ha la definitiva evoluzione del concetto di beni pubblici (sia mobili che immobili) distinti in demaniali (inalienabili e imprescrittibili) e patrimoniali (utili allo svolgimento delle attività interne ed estere proprie di uno Stato). In letteratura economica, l'analisi della possibile esistenza di vincoli finanziari per la decisione di produzione e d'investimento (Sau, 1999), è stata considerata fin dagli anni Cinquanta (Meyer – Kuh,1957; Gurley – Shaw, 1955). Tutti i contributi mostravano però il fianco a due possibili critiche: erano carenti nelle motivazioni teoriche di tali vincoli e si prestavano ad ambiguità interpretative nei riscontri empirici. Ciò contribuì al successo del teorema di Modigliani Miller (1958). Difatti, per oltre trent'anni i modelli teorici ed empirici delle decisioni d'investimento di una impresa privata si sono basati essenzialmente sul teorema di Modigliani-Miller. I due economisti si chiesero quale fosse il costo del capitale per un'impresa le cui fonti di finanziamento sono utilizzate per acquistare delle attività il cui rendimento è incerto. Formularono a tale riguardo tre proposizioni, nelle quali si afferma che, in base a determinate assunzioni, il valore di mercato di un'impresa è indipendente dalla sua struttura finanziaria, che il rendimento delle azioni è una relazione lineare crescente del rapporto d'indebitamento e che il tipo di strumento finanziario usato è irrilevante ai fini della valutazione della convenienza o meno dell'investimento. Si è applicato un identico ragionamento allo Stato, considerato come attore economico che investe alla stregua di un'impresa, per verificare se la sua struttura finanziaria sia effettivamente irrilevante rispetto alla politica d'investimento. Partendo dalla considerazione che, attualmente, il gettito fiscale è prevalentemente destinato a coprire le spese correnti e marginalmente le spese in conto capitale, ci si è chiesti quali soluzioni potesse trovare lo Stato per investire, nel rispetto dei vincoli europei. Si è escluso l'aumento del gettito fiscale poiché il livello della pressione tributaria è già elevato e l'aumento dell'indebitamento visti i vincoli europei. Inoltre, Il taglio della spesa pubblica, peraltro auspicabile, produce effetti solo nel lungo termine. Una metodologia alternativa, che renda irrilevante la struttura finanziaria rispetto alla politica di investimento, è la concessione di valorizzazione demaniale cinquantennale. Prendendo in esame le modalità di copertura del fabbisogno e inserendo, come variabile, la concessione demaniale cinquantennale, si ottiene un vincolo di bilancio in cui è dimostrabile l'assunto del teorema di Modigliani-Miller. Questo strumento non solo non sottrae risorse finanziarie per il mantenimento e/o la valorizzazione delle proprietà immobiliari dello Stato, ma genera un rendimento atteso attraverso la riscossione del canone di concessione. I vantaggi per lo Stato della concessione demaniale si rinvengono nella possibilità di attuare una politica di adeguamento infrastrutturale del Paese, limitando fortemente l'utilizzo di risorse finanziarie pubbliche. Utilizza competenze private in tutte le fasi di costruzione, gestione ed erogazione del servizio con un maggiore coinvolgimento dei soggetti finanziatori e con un trasferimento ottimale dei rischi al settore privato. Inoltre, lo Stato trae reddito con il canone di concessione cinquantennale demaniale che, nel caso di Villa Tolomei, ammonta a €150.000 all'anno per una durata di 50 anni, per un totale di €16.869.546,0011. Non da ultimo occorre ricordare che lo Stato incassa le imposte sul reddito generate dall'attività turistico-recettiva di Villa Tolomei. Per l'imprenditore privato, i vantaggi della concessione demaniale consistono in primis nei ridotti i costi d'investimento (non si acquista l'immobile); l'imprenditore nel caso di studio ha sostenuto solo i costi di riqualificazione del bene, che sono stati di circa €6,0 milioni, finanziati da istituti bancari e finanziari senza garanzia ipotecaria. L'attività turistico-recettiva è stata inaugurata il 24 maggio 2013 e i primi significativi risultati economici sono stati valutati in occasione della chiusura del primo anno di esercizio al 31/12/2014, il Bilancio 2014 che riporta Ricavi per €2.105.711,20, Costi €1.981.648,99 ed un Cash flow di €124.062,21. Questo livello di redditività garantisce la sostenibilità economica dell'attività, la remunerazione del capitale, ed è in linea con il business plan presentato nel bando di concessione demaniale cinquantennale attesta che l'imprenditore è stato in grado di pagare il canone di concessione e anche di generare un EBITDA positivo, fin dal primo anno di attività. Per la Regione Toscana, il vantaggio consiste nella valorizzazione dell'area che prima versava in stato di degrado e dal punto di vista economico nell'incasso dell'ammontare dell'IRAP e dell'addizionale regionale. Per il Comune di Firenze, oltre all'evidente incremento occupazionale2, lo strumento della concessione cinquantennale genera anche un introito per le casse del Comune consistente nella riscossione dei tributi e delle tasse locali (tassa di soggiorno, addizionale comunale, etc.). Infine, si genera un indotto locale in termini di un aumento dell'affluenza turistica (numero presenze camere) ed un incremento del volume degli scambi commerciali con le imprese locali (fornitori di beni e servizi) quantificabile in €1.285.024,89. Dalla analisi emerge come lo strumento giuridico amministrativo della concessione demaniale cinquantennale sia funzionale allo sviluppo locale, alla valorizzazione del patrimonio e alla sua tutela, nonostante i vincoli finanziari imposti sul bilancio pubblico in sede europea. 1 Ottenuti calcolando una rata annuale di €75.000 indicizzata al 2% annuo per 5 anni e una rata annuale di €150.000,00, indicizzata al 2% annuo per una ulteriore durata di 45 anni. 2 Attualmente Villa Tolomei conta alle sue dipendenze circa 50 lavoratori suddivisi fra rapporti di lavoro diretti ed indiretti. ; The thesis focused on an innovative administrative tool for the public investments' management: the state-owned fifty-years enhancement grant, intended to enhance the public capital without employing the financial resources, bound by the European budget criteria and mainly devoted to finance current expenditure. The thesis describes the first state-owned fiftyyears enhancement grant issued in Italy: Villa Tolomei in Florence. Villa Tolomei is a XIV century villa on the hills of Florence, which has been transformed into a Luxury hotel and fivestar resort that offers all amenities, is 5 minutes away from the city center and 2.7 km from Ponte Vecchio. Villa Tolomei is a Villa belonged to the prestigious Tolomei family. The Villa has, since its origin, several buildings for about 3,500 square meters, located within 17 acres of park that still has traces of the old farm structure. The thesis describes the accounting policies for the preparation of the Italian State Budget and reviews the constraints imposed by the Maastricht Treaty, the Fiscal Compact and the Two Pack, the difficulties to match these commitments, to enhance their artistic and cultural heritage and to proceed with the investments without which the austerity policy of the budget is ineffective. The Italian State Budget is devoting its resources mainly, if not entirely, to fund operating expenses and the debt repayment, neglecting capital expenditures and, in particular, the real estate. It is therefore essential a close cooperation with the private sector, through the so-called public-private partnerships (PPP), in which joint projects are realized with mutual benefits and pursuing social objectives at the same time. Among them, the state-owned fiftyyears enhancement grant plays a special role because it allows the state to promote the heritage and to create jobs and growth, without direct financial outlays. An early form of State grant was available in Imperial Rome where all territories belonging to the community, called "Ager Publicus", were awarded to most valuable citizens. With the unification of the Kingdom of Italy and the drafting of the Civil Code of 1865, it was defined the concept of public goods (both movable and real estate) divided into state-owned (inalienable and imprescriptible) and capital (useful in carrying out the State activities at home and abroad). In economic literature, the analysis of any financial constraint on production and investment (Sau, 1999) has been considered since 1950 (Meyer - Kuh, 1957; Gurley - Shaw, 1955). There are two possible criticisms of these contributions: the theoretical motivations of these constraints were deficient and lent themselves to ambiguity in the empirical evidence. These facts contributed to the success of the Modigliani Miller theorem (1958). In fact, for more than thirty years the theoretical and empirical models of investment's decisions of a private enterprise has been based largely on the Modigliani-Miller theorem. The two economists faced the question of which is the cost of capital for the company whose funding sources are used to purchase assets, whose return is highly uncertain. They formulated three propositions, which stated that, based on certain assumptions, the market value of a firm is independent of its capital structure, the performance of the shares is a linear increasing function of financial leverage and the type of financial instrument used is irrelevant to the assessment of the advantages and disadvantages of the investment. The Modigliani Miller theorem has been applied to the State, as an economic actor who invests as a firm, to see if its financial structure is actually irrelevant to the investment policy. Starting from the premise that, at present, the tax revenue is mainly intended to cover the costs and only marginally the capital expenditures, it has been looked for solutions the State could found to invest, within the European constraints. Increasing tax revenues could do the financing of new investments, but this solution is not feasible because of the high tax burden; at the same time a debt is not possible because of the European constraints. Moreover, the cut in public spending, however desirable, produces effects only in the long term. An alternative tool, which makes irrelevant the financial structure compared to the investment policy, is the state-owned fifty-years enhancement grant. By considering how to cover the needs and by inputting, as a variable, the granting of stateowned fifty-enhancement, it has been obtained a budget constraint in which the Modigliani- Miller theorem can hold. This tool not only removes financial resources for the maintenance and / or development of real property of the State, but generates an expected return through the collection of the concession fee. Thanks to the state-owned fifty-years enhancement grant it is possible to implement the country's infrastructure, severely limiting the use of public financial resources. It uses private expertise in all phases of construction, management and service delivery with a greater involvement of stakeholders and lenders with an optimum risk transfer to the private sector. In addition, the State raises revenues from the state-owned fifty-years enhancement grant that in the case of Villa Tolomei, amounts to € 150,000 per year for a period of 50 years, for a total of € 16,869,546.001. Moreover, the State collects the new income taxes generated by the tourist reception of Villa Tolomei. For the private entrepreneur, the benefits of state-owned fifty-years enhancement grant consist primarily in low investment costs (do not buy the property). In the case study, the entrepreneur claimed only the costs of the renewal of the property, which were € 6million, funded by banks and financial institutions without mortgage collateral. The hotel inaugurated on May 24th, 2013 and the first significant economic results were evaluated on 31/12/2014. The 2014 budget shows revenues of € 2,105,711.20, costs of € 1,981,648.99 and a cash flow of € 124,062.21. This level of profitability ensures the economic sustainability of the business, a fair return on capital, and is in line with the business plan presented in the notice of the state-owned fifty-years enhancement grant. It confirms that the entrepreneur has been able to pay the concession fee and also to generate a positive EBITDA after the first year of operation. For the Region of Tuscany, the benefit is the enhancement of the area, which was in a state of deterioration and the collection of IRAP and additional regional tax. For the City of Florence, the state-owned fifty-years enhancement grant generates an increase in employment2, and revenue for the coffers of the City consisting of local taxes (tourist tax, municipal surcharge, etc.). Finally, it generates an increase in the tourist figures and an increase in the volume of trade with local companies (suppliers of goods and services), estimated worth € 1,285,024.89. The analysis shows that the state-owned fifty-years enhancement grant is a juridical tool functional to local development, to enhance the cultural heritage and for its protection, despite the financial constraints on public finances imposed by the European Union. 1 Obtained by calculating an annual concession fee of € 75,000.00 indexed at 2% per annum for five years and an annual concession fee of € 150,000.00, indexed at 2% per annum for a further term of 45 years. 2 Currently Villa Tolomei has about 50 employees divided between direct and indirect labor relations.

INTRODUCTION GÉNÉRALE Ma dissertation doctorale porte sur une question simple qui peut succinctement se résumer de la manière suivante : la Cour constitutionnelle développe-t-elle un modèle de procédure pénale ? Cette question me paraissait intéressante dès lors que l'extension du socle de compétence de la Cour constitutionnelle au titre II de la Constitution a considérablement renforcé la « constitutionnalisation » du droit pénal sensu lato et que le catalogue constitutionnel belge des droits fondamentaux a subi un véritable bouleversement à la suite de l'évolution des droits et libertés garantis par les instruments internationaux, dont la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme. Afin de disposer des bases nécessaires pour appréhender ce sujet d'étude, il convenait, d'une part, de déterminer les possibilités d'action de la Cour constitutionnelle dès l'instant où sa saisine se réalise par voie de questions préjudicielles ou de recours en annulation et de cerner l'éventuelle ingéniosité juridique que la doctrine prête à la Cour pour étendre son analyse au delà de la vision manichéenne de la constitutionnalité. D'autre part, il était nécessaire de procéder à une recension des arrêts prononcés par la Cour constitutionnelle, dans le but toujours de vérifier si, et, le cas échéant, comment la Cour s'inscrit ou non dans une logique définie de la procédure pénale. J'ai, dès lors, après avoir rappelé le socle de compétence de la Cour constitutionnelle, la manière dont cette dernière est saisie et les techniques récurrentes auxquelles la Cour recourt dans la construction de ses arrêts, procédé à un inventaire des principaux arrêts prononcés par la Cour constitutionnelle en procédure pénale. Sciemment, j'ai pris comme point de départ de cette recension l'année 1998 qui a vu entrer en vigueur la loi du 12 mars 1998, dite Franchimont, dont le but était de donner un cadre légal et résolument actuel à l'information et à l'instruction. Une fois ce travail réalisé, j'ai entrepris de déterminer s'il était possible de dégager des prises de position répétées de la Cour qui s'imposeraient comme autant de « fondamentaux » qui jalonnent la procédure pénale. QUELS SONT LES FONDAMENTAUX DE LA COUR CONSTITUTIONNELLE EN PROCEDURE PENALE ? De la jurisprudence de la Cour constitutionnelle, il me paraît qu'il est possible de dégager 7 fondamentaux qui balisent la procédure pénale. 1. LA DISTINCTION ENTRE LES PARTIES AU PROCES PENAL ET LES PHASES PROCEDURALES 1. L'on sait que la Cour constitutionnelle estime qu'il existe une différence fondamentale entre le ministère public, d'une part, et l'inculpé et la partie civile, d'autre part. Pour la Cour, cette distinction repose sur un critère objectif : le premier accomplit, dans l'intérêt de la société, les missions de service public relatives à la recherche et à la poursuite des infractions ; les seconds défendent leur intérêt personnel . Cette différence justifie raisonnablement que, tout particulièrement au long de l'instruction, le ministère public jouisse de prérogatives dont la constitutionnalité ne peut être appréciée en procédant à une comparaison de sa situation avec celle de l'inculpé. 2. Lors de la phase du jugement, la différence tend à s'amenuiser. Il serait toutefois hasardeux de soutenir que le ministère public devient une partie comme les autres. En effet, par la Cour de cassation – dans un arrêt du 19 décembre 2012 discuté dont l'analyse m'éloignerait de mon sujet – retient que « la mission impartie au ministère public ne se réduit pas à celle d'un accusateur. Il intervient aussi au procès pour proposer au juge une solution de justice ». La Cour constitutionnelle insiste pareillement sur le rôle imparti au ministère public qui ne se cantonne pas à celui d'une simple partie au procès pénal au regard des missions qui sont les siennes. Cependant, si la distinction entre les différentes parties au procès répressif repose sur un critère objectif, la Cour constitutionnelle m'admettrait pas que cette seule différence puisse porter atteinte au principe de l'égalité des armes ce qui l'amènerait inévitablement à rétablir l'égalité. 2. LE DROIT D'ACCES AU JUGE 3. L'approche de la Cour constitutionnelle quant au droit d'accès à un tribunal est tout en nuance. Pour la Cour, ce droit peut ne pas être absolu et peut souffrir de limitations. Ainsi, la Cour insiste sur le fait que si le droit d'accès au juge peut être soumis à des conditions de recevabilité, celles-ci ne peuvent aboutir à restreindre le droit de manière telle qu'il s'en trouve atteint dans sa substance même. Une telle motivation n'est pas sans rappeler la jurisprudence de la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme sur le sujet. En effet, pour la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme, « ce droit d'accès au tribunal se trouve atteint lorsque sa réglementation cesse de servir les buts de la sécurité juridique et de la bonne administration de la justice et constitue une sorte de barrière qui empêche le justiciable de voir son litige tranché au fond par la juridiction compétente ». On aperçoit immédiatement que, la question du droit d'accès au juge est, sous certains aspects, intimement liée à celle du formalisme procédural. 3. LE FORMALISME PROCEDURAL 4. Par l'examen des règles de forme, la Cour renforce le contrôle qu'elle porte sur le droit d'accès au juge. En effet, la Cour en réalisant une distinction entre les règles de fond – entendues comme le droit garanti ou protégé – et de forme –qui déterminent les manières de procéder –elle confère un volet substantiel à certaines règles procédurales. Ce faisant, la Cour garantit l'effectivité du droit revendiqué qui est souvent dépendante de la protection procédurale qui l'encadre. 4. LA NON-INTERFERENCE DANS LES CHOIX D'OPPORTUNITE DU LEGISLATEUR 5. La Cour constitutionnelle ne se prononce pas sur le caractère approprié ou non du choix opéré par le législateur. Elle n'est pas le juge de « l'opportunité législative ».Son contrôle porte, en fait, sur l'adéquation d'une mesure au but recherché et l'existence d'un rapport raisonnable entre les moyens employés et l'objectif visé. Cependant, à nouveau, la Cour s'autorisera à sanctionner le choix du législateur s'il était porté atteinte, sans justification raisonnable, aux droits d'une catégorie de citoyens. 5. LE RESPECT DES DROITS DE LA DEFENSE 6. Au fil de sa jurisprudence, la Cour constitutionnelle se montre intensément attentive au respect des droits de la défense et au droit à un procès équitable qui, à vrai dire, sont l'essence même de la procédure pénale. La Cour veille, au stade du jugement, à assurer l'égalité des armes entre l'accusation et la défense à laquelle le droit à la contradiction est étroitement lié. Pour la Cour constitutionnelle, l'effectivité des droits de la défense passe encore par la protection de la relation de confiance qui doit se créer entre le justiciable et l'avocat qui le conseille et le défend. Le secret professionnel de l'avocat constitue « l'un des principes fondamentaux sur lesquels repose l'organisation de la justice dans une société démocratique ». 7. De manière globale, on notera que la notion de droits de la défense garantie par la Cour constitutionnelle est viscéralement marquée du sceau de la jurisprudence de la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme mais il lui revient d'intégrer ces données dans le système procédural belge en ayant égard aux choix réalisés par le législateur. 6. LA DIFFERENCIATION ENTRE LES PROCEDURES JUDICIAIRES 8. La Cour semble, a priori, rejeter une comparaison d'office entre les règles de la procédure civile et celles de la procédure pénale quand bien même la première constitue le droit commun. La Cour rappelle que vouloir établir un parallélisme entre les règles de la procédure civile et celles de la procédure pénale n'est pas nécessairement pertinent. En effet, l'application de règles procédurales différentes dans des circonstances différentes n'implique pas en soi l'émergence d'une discrimination. 7. LA PREVISIBILITE 9. Certains arrêts prononcés par la Cour constitutionnelle permettent de mettre en lumière l'importance que cette dernière accorde à la condition de prévisibilité. En droit pénal, sensu stricto, la Cour a pu rappeler qu'il découle de l'article 12, alinéa 2, de la Constitution que la loi pénale doit être formulée en des termes qui permettent à chacun de connaître, au moment où il adopte un comportement, si ce comportement est punissable ou non et la peine éventuellement encourue. Les principes de légalité et de prévisibilité ne se cantonnent toutefois pas au droit pénal, sensu stricto, mais sont applicables à l'ensemble de la procédure pénale en ce compris aux stades de l'information et de l'instruction. Ces principes entendent exclure tout risque d'intervention arbitraire de la part du pouvoir exécutif ou du pouvoir judiciaire dans l'établissement et l'application des peines. En somme, l'exigence de prévisibilité de la procédure pénale garantit à tout citoyen qu'il ne pourra faire l'objet d'une information, d'une instruction et de poursuites que selon une procédure établie par la loi et dont il peut prendre connaissance avant sa mise en oeuvre. CHAPITRE 3. VERS LA RECOMPOSITION DE LA PROCEDURE PENALE ? 10. Si, pour ma part, la Cour constitutionnelle dégage des « principes constants » qu'elle s'astreint à respecter, peut-on nécessairement en déduire que la Cour entend s'inscrire dans un modèle précis de procédure pénale ? Pour appréhender cette question, il convient naturellement d'apprécier si la Cour constitutionnelle, par les orientations qu'elle confère à ses arrêts, ouvre au juge judiciaire des perspectives qui lui permettront de se libérer d'une interprétation traditionnelle de la norme pour satisfaire aux exigences d'aujourd'hui envisagées sous l'angle du respect de la personne et de ses droits fondamentaux ? Il me paraît que la Cour y parvient par le recours au dialogue des jurisprudences. 1. LE DIALOGUE DES JURISPRUDENCES 11. Le dialogue des jurisprudences se caractérise par l'emprunt de motivations émanant de juridictions nationales ou de juridictions étrangères ou internationales qui deviennent décisoires dans les arrêts de la Cour constitutionnelle. 12. La Cour constitutionnelle s'est résolument et immédiatement positionnée en faveur du dialogue des jurisprudences. Nombre des arrêts que nous avons répertoriés se réfèrent expressément à la jurisprudence de la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme dont elle fait sien les enseignements. Au fil des années, les emprunts à la jurisprudence strasbourgeoise se sont accentués et non plus seulement en termes de référence mais encore en termes de contenu. La suprématie, selon la Cour constitutionnelle, de notre Charte fondamentale sur la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme n'enraie nullement ce dialogue. Par ces emprunts, la Cour constitutionnelle renforce, selon moi, ces « principes fondamentaux », et par là même leur autorité persuasive, en s'appuyant sur la notoriété et le rayonnement international de la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme. Un tel dialogue contribue à promouvoir le caractère universel des garanties fondamentales inhérentes au procès pénal et oblige à la confrontation des idées entre les juridictions ce qui doit permettre, me semble-t-il, de surmonter les tensions entre elle et la Cour de cassation. Il est vrai que ces deux hautes juridictions s'affrontent sur certains points, mais ces divergences ne doivent pas être exagérées car je persiste à penser que ces deux Cours doivent avoir l'intelligence stratégique de coordonner leur interprétation, dès lors que de telles divergences de jurisprudence en procédure pénale le sont toujours au détriment du justiciable alors que le but premier des règles de procédure est d'assurer la protection des droits fondamentaux de ce dernier. Ceci étant ce dialogue des jurisprudences ne va-t-il pas faire craindre l'émergence d'une « oligarchie » des juges et à plus forte raison que des juges pourraient s'émanciper par rapport à la loi en saisissant d'autres juges qui pourraient mettre le législateur « hors jeu »? 2. L' « OLIGARCHIE » DES JUGES 13. Je crois qu'il ne faut pas amplifier le phénomène car la Cour constitutionnelle privilégie l'interprétation téléologique et rappelons-le elle n'entend pas, en règle, substituer son appréciation à celle du législateur si le choix est raisonnable. Par ailleurs, pour faire très bref, la Cour constitutionnelle devient le lieu de débats et d'échanges d'arguments où le travail légistique est réexaminé au regard des droits et libertés garantis par la Constitution couplés bien souvent à la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme. Si bien que les juges constitutionnels belges et, par ricochet le législateur, lorsqu'il obtempère aux injonctions qui lui sont faites par ces derniers, s'alignent sur l'appréciation de l'équité du procès telle qu'elle se dégage des positions adoptées par la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme. Mais le pouvoir du dernier mot appartient au législateur. 14. A l'inverse ne pourrait-on penser que de facto en raison de la composition de la Cour qui contient en son sein d'anciens mandataires politiques, le pouvoir législatif ne garde-t-il pas une certaine mainmise sur le contrôle de la constitutionnalité des lois ? 3. LA COMPOSITION DE LA COUR CONSTITUTIONNELLE Répondre à cette question relève du divinatoire et poserait en postulat que le juge, ancien parlementaire, serait un défenseur de la norme critiquée ce qui ne peut scientifiquement être démontré. Il ne paraît, dès lors, qu'il s'agit là d'une crainte infondée. Un dernier point doit, en revanche, être souligné : le pragmatisme et le conséquentialisme de la Cour. CHAPITRE 4. PRAGMATISME ET CONSEQUENTIALISME DE LA COUR CONSTITUTIONNELLE 15. Une autre grande tendance se dégage des arrêts analysés, le pragmatisme dont fait preuve la Cour dans le but d'assurer une véritable praticabilité à la procédure. 16. En parallèle au pragmatisme, le moyen conséquentialiste ne peut être négligé. Bien évidemment, tous les arrêts prononcés par la Cour ont nécessairement une conséquence dans leur sphère d'application. En l'espèce, par conséquentialisme il faut entendre plus précisément les positions adoptées par la Cour qui sont teintées de réalisme « politique » qui répond à des impératifs budgétaires ou de sécurité nationale ou encore à une volonté populaire. Ces données réelles et par toujours facile à identifier peuvent évidemment constituer autant des contraintes susceptibles de limiter la liberté d'appréciation par la Cour d'un modèle de procédure pénale. CONCLUSIONS 17. Alors, en définitive, est-il possible de répondre à ma question initiale : la Cour constitutionnelle développe-t-elle un modèle de procédure pénale ? A l'examen, il paraît illusoire, voire naïf, de vouloir répondre à cette interrogation de manière catégorique. Une telle réponse manquerait de nuances et prêterait nécessairement le flanc à la critique. Il faut donc procéder par touches successives et observer que le critère phare du raisonnement de la Cour constitutionnelle devient celui de l'équité du procès. La Cour n'en garde pas moins à l'esprit qu'elle doit maintenir la cohérence du système juridique dans lequel elle se meut et que ses interventions sont, somme toute, conditionnées par les recours et les questions qui lui sont adressés et qui dépendront, pour ces dernières, de l'attitude adoptée par le juge a quo. Par ailleurs, la Cour ne manque pas de souligner que la procédure pénale reste encadrée par le principe de légalité sans que la marge de manœuvre du pouvoir judiciaire – et de la Cour constitutionnelle elle-même – ne puisse jamais aller au-delà d'une interprétation raisonnablement prévisible des règles de procédure fixées par le seul législateur. Enfin, l'argument conséquentialiste, qu'il n'est pas toujours aisé de distinguer dans le raisonnement de la Cour, peut complètement chambouler la grille de lecture que l'analyste tenterait de dresser. En conclusion, s'il ne fallait retenir qu'une chose de ma thèse c'est que la si la Cour constitutionnelle ne développe pas un modèle de procédure pénale, il n'en est pas moins vrai, qu'à l'aulne du procès équitable, dont il ne paraît guère possible de cerner le périmètre d'action, elle refaçonne résolument cette procédure.

El mitoSiempre que hablemos de secularismo (o secularización) o laicidad, no es posible escribir sobre la cuestión sin hacer referencia a la crítica recurrente que alimenta el debate; a saber, que la neutralidad entre las esferas pública y privada (y particularmente en el caso de la laicidad) tan sólo sería oficial, pero que en la práctica esta neutralidad no sería más que una ficción ya que el Estado privilegiaría la religión históricamente dominante o, como hemos discutido previamente, favorecería los valores morales seculares por sobre los valores religiosos.En referencia a los Estados Unidos, país que reconoce su voluntad secular en la primera enmienda de su Constitución1, Bader (1999: 603) relata la particularidad del secularismo estadounidense "The legal prohibition of the establishment of a national church had little effect on the political, social, and cultural or symbolic power of de facto establish Protestant Christianity" y un poco más lejos (1999: 605): "Strict neutrality reproduces impossible fictions and ignores the patterns of co-operation between church and state created by our history of civic piety and the expanding regulatory role of the welfare state". La separación secular no podría entonces ignorar el desarrollo conjunto de los vínculos históricos tejidos entre la Iglesia y las instituciones públicas. Al mismo tiempo, la cuestión es saber cuál es el límite en el apoyo a la religión mayoritaria o dominante y en qué medida el reconocimiento de esta diferencia no se transforma en discriminatorio hacia las religiones minoritarias. Para Bader, un sistema justo sería el de rechazar las nociones de separación total y de confinamiento al ámbito privado de los argumentos religiosos, ya que esto no haría más que acentuar las diferencias de trato entre las minorías y la religión dominante (visto que ésta se encuentra intrínsecamente incorporada en los valores sociales y en el sistema político y jurídico). La solución, compleja, obligaría a tomar en cuenta las desigualdades entre la religión mayoritaria y las minoritarias y a desarrollar e implementar políticas destinadas a colmatar esas desigualdades estructurales. Pero, en este aspecto, parece claro que ya no estamos hablando de secularismo, y aún menos de laicidad. El reconocimiento de las desigualdades y la acción pública pueden producir un efecto perverso, donde, en lugar de asegurar la igualdad o la neutralidad, la multiplicación de excepciones religiosas conduciría a reposicionar la religión y lo sagrado en el centro de la acción pública. La ventaja de la laicidad constitucional es que tiene el cometido de evitar este rompecabezas identitario.No obstante lo antes expuesto, el poder político a menudo padece las peores dificultades para asegurar los principios de laicidad, siendo presa por momentos de agendas políticas particulares. Por ejemplo, cuando el presidente de la República Francesa Nicolas Sarkozy subraya y reafirma públicamente las raíces cristianas de Francia (de manera similar a lo que acontece en el discurso político en los Estados Unidos), con un trasfondo de debate sobre el Islam y de identidad nacional, ataca abiertamente los principios republicanos y laicos. Independientemente de la concepción de laicidad que se adopte, de neutralidad, de autonomía o de comunidad, ninguna sale ilesa de un tal ataque. La neutralidad del Estado no sería ya por lo tanto asegurada si éste reconoce abiertamente los vínculos indivisibles que unen al país y a la nación con una religión particular (la católica en el caso francés o uruguayo hasta la Constitución de 1918). La obligación de asegurar la autonomía y el libre albedrío individual sufriría si se favorece una concepción del mundo basada en valores cristianos con respecto a otros valores, sean estos religiosos o no. En definitiva, el vínculo comunitario supremo, definido como la pertenencia a la república, se resquebrajaría si se reconoce una lealtad alternativa hacia los valores de la iglesia católica. Asimismo, esto abriría las puertas a todos los particularismos, a todas las religiones y creencias minoritarias basándose en la exigencia (justificada) del tratamiento igualitario (aunque este tratamiento igualitario quedaría lógicamente invalidado de facto por el abandono de la laicidad de Estado al promover abiertamente un vínculo histórico, religioso y cultural, primigenio). Si el principio cardinal sigue siendo el respeto de los valores republicanos para asegurar la igualdad ante la ley, entonces comentarios de esta índole anuncian un retroceso histórico en la construcción republicana -y laica- de un estado como Francia. Otra lectura de este asunto consistiría en reconocer que esta polémica ejemplifica las dificultades inherentes de cohabitación e integración de las sociedades multiculturales.Si consideramos que la laicización fue un proceso que históricamente se llevó adelante en sociedades relativamente homogéneas, la afluencia de nuevas poblaciones sobre una estructura socio-cultural y política ya establecida no podía más que provocar tensiones. Si Francia conoció dos grandes olas de laicización (de combate y de Estado), una en 1880 y una a partir de 1905, podríamos pensar que se encuentra actualmente en una tercera ola de laicización en respuesta a la inmigración masiva africana a partir de los años 60. Esto implica que la laicización, a diferencia del secularismo, obliga al Estado y a las instituciones públicas a realizar un esfuerzo permanente de educación y transmisión de estos valores. El secularismo, si debemos creer lo que dice Kucuradi (1998), al estipular lo que está permitido, mas no lo que está prohibido, está más abierto al pluralismo en la esfera pública.En referencia a esta relación entre Iglesia y Estado, en particular en los Estados seculares donde existe una iglesia oficial o de Estado, principalmente en Europa del norte (donde por ejemplo los obispos son designados por el jede de Estado), Ferrari (2005: 12) presenta una explicación para esta fusión de géneros: "In these countries the autonomy of religious denominations is also increasingly considered a necessary consequence of the principle of collective religious freedom and therefore a limit exists before which the authority of the state has to stop". El Estado reconocería entonces, en estas sociedades seculares, los límites impuestos a su alcance debido a la necesidad de asegurar la libertad de culto y la autonomía de las instituciones religiosas.DiscusiónPor lo antes expuesto, es posible afirmar que ni el secularismo ni la laicidad se imponen como conceptos fácilmente abordables y claramente diferenciados. Lo que es aún más importante es que ambos son blanco de críticas y de crecientes ataques, dogmáticos o racionales, por parte de aquellos que defienden sociedades multiculturales y pluralistas. Esto es aún más evidente en el caso de la laicidad "a la francesa", a menudo percibida (de manera incorrecta a mi entender) como un esfuerzo político de uniformización y sofocamiento de las diferencias culturales. Conviene por lo tanto, en esta última sección, discutir algunas de las críticas dirigidas a estos dos conceptos e incorporar una última noción en un intento de síntesis: el pluralismo.Una crítica importante concierne directamente a la tesis de la secularización y el rol de la religión en las sociedades modernas. Según esta contra-tesis, denominada de transformación "religion has not so much vanished as rather evolved and adapted itself in novel ways to the requirements of post-industrial society" (Dallmayr , 1999:719). El vínculo causal y mecánico entre modernización y secularización no estaría tan fuertemente correlacionado como argumentan los defensores de la tesis de la secularización. Esta idea es ahora defendida por Peter Berger, quien se retractó en parte de su defensa inicial de la tesis de la secularización: "…by the late 70s or early 80, most, but not all sociologist of religion came to agree that the original secularization thesis was untenable in its basic form…today you cannot plausibly maintain that modernity necessarily leads to secularization : it may. And it does in certain parts of the world among certain groups of people, but not necessarily"2El "resurgimiento" de la religión en el plano nacional e internacional parece haber sido producto del fin de la guerra fría, cuando nuevas formas de pertenencia y de autodeterminación eran más que nunca necesarias, aunque no fuese más que para poder diferenciar entre lo propio y lo ajeno, entre lo nacional y lo extranjero, entre nosotros y ellos. Bajo esta perspectiva, el secularismo y las fuerzas laicas sufren los ataques de los movimientos que defienden el regreso de lo religioso al centro del debate público, político y social, mientras que el fenómeno contrario, a saber: la secularización de sociedades religiosas, en particular en el mundo musulmán, no parece imponerse ni como una evidencia ni como un modelo de gestión político ni de integración cultural exitoso. Los resultados de la "Primavera árabe" así lo demuestran, con un movimiento que se inició desde una perspectiva de contestación liberal y terminó con un violento "retour de flamme" reaccionario, identitario, intolerante y antidemocrático. Y es precisamente para evitar estas derivas peligrosas y reaccionarias y garantizar la tolerancia y la libertad de culto que un Estado secular (si no laico) es necesario. Como lo expone An Na´im (2008: 23): "It is precisely because notions of self and the other, as well as the meanings of values and construction of cultural memories, are all open to contestation and reformulation that I emphasize the critical importance of safeguarding the space in which that process can take place. The fact that proponents of the dominant interpretations of the presumed or perceived aspects of cultural or religious identity would represent them as the only authentic or legitimate positions of the culture on a given issue simply emphasizes the importance of ensuring every possibility for dissent and freedom to assert alternative views or practices". De acuerdo a esta visión, si quisiéramos aceptar las diferencias culturales e históricas, entonces sería necesario reflexionar en términos de una sociedad pluralista.En su cambio de opinión, Berger reconoce que la modernidad conduciría finalmente al pluralismo (y no al secularismo), definiendo el pluralismo como: "…the coexistence in the society of different worldviews and value systems under conditions of civic peace and under conditions where people interact with each other"3. Es innegable que esto introduce un cambio radical, ya que la multiplicidad de culturas y religiones puede conducir a opciones no seculares, sino religiosas, como las motivadas por los movimientos fundamentalistas. Vemos entonces que las sociedades pluralistas no cohabitan particularmente bien con el secularismo y peor aún con la laicidad constitucional. Estas fuerzas pueden conducir, si no se encuentran subordinas a un orden normativo común (jurídico y social), a la implosión y a la fragmentación social. Para evitar esto, Bader (2003: 206) delimita una serie de principios destinados a incorporar la religión, de manera práctica y no-conflictiva, ya que, considera el autor, la religión no está en retroceso en las democracias occidentales, a pesar de su defensa de los principios seculares, ni totalmente limitada a la esfera privada.El primer principio es el de prioridad a la democracia, que estipula que los principios constitucionales y la moralidad pública deben primar y excluir todas las prácticas culturales incompatibles con los principios democráticos. El segundo principio, de neutralidad relacional, se inscribe como crítica a la neutralidad estricta y formal, que ignoraría las realidades sociales, legales o económicas. En lo que concierne a la diversidad cultural y religiosa, Bader sostiene que la neutralidad absoluta del Estado no sólo es imposible, sino que también es indeseable. La eliminación de las referencias culturales e ideológicas del debate público no contribuirá a reducir los conflictos y las tensiones religiosas o ideológicas. Sería necesario, en lugar de negar el debate, aceptar, de manera justa, los diferentes particularismos y las diversas dimensiones culturales y religiosas. En relación a esta idea de justicia, Carens (1997: 818) propone que la justicia no reside en el trato igualitario, sino el trato equitativo: "Now being fair does not mean that every cultural claim…will be given equal weight, but rather that each will be given appropriate weight under the circumstances and given a commitment to equal respect for all". Las preguntas fundamentales a hacernos entonces son ¿quién será responsable de realizar esa valoración, de realizar ese ajuste entre lo que es justo y lo que es equitativo? ¿Quién será el encargado de valorar de manera justa lo que es equitativo? ¿Quién asegurará la construcción de ese orden moral y religioso, donde cada cultura y religión tendrá el lugar (¿qué lugar?) que le otorga el derecho (¿qué derecho?)? ¿Cómo prevenir que las fuerzas que se beneficiarán de tal poder de justicia no sucumbirán a la tentación de establecer o favorecer sus propias preferencias, bajo el impulso de una agenda privada o bajo la presión de grupos de interés?El debate no se limita, es cierto, a una visión maniquea que opondría posturas filosóficas u ontológicas diferentes, a una lucha entre de un lado las fuerzas seculares o laicas y del otro las construcciones pluralistas que militarían a favor de la inclusión y reconocimiento de las diversas particularidades culturales y religiosas. Sería incorrecto, y peligroso, pensar que el secularismo o la laicidad no reconocen la existencia de una sociedad plural. Pero, la primer diferencia, en particular en el secularismo, es que el Estado no se otorga el derecho de elegir y determinar los valores y la razón de ser de estos diferentes particularismos, sino que no hace más que asegurar la libertad de culto, sin favorecer una religión sobre otra. Aceptar las diferencias y, aún más importante, categorizar dichas diferencias, implica introducir una parte de arbitrariedad y parcialidad en toda elección. Es el riesgo de introducir una visión sesgada, ya sea por razones históricas, sociológicas, económicas o sencillamente por la ignorancia del otro y su cultura.Para concluir, en todo debate sobre el secularismo, la laicidad o el pluralismo, no debe olvidarse que la tolerancia es una virtud, pero también un límite, ya que reconoce la diferencia y fija los límites de lo que es aceptable (tolerable) y lo que no lo es. Como bien explica Habermas: "…toleration must circumscribe the range of behavior everybody must accept, thereby drawing a line for what cannot be tolerated…And as long as this line is drawn in an authoritarian manner, that is, unilaterally, the stigma of arbitrary exclusion remains inscribed in toleration" , y sobre la relación entre tolerante y tolerado: "the act of tolerance retains an element of an act of mercy or of doing a favor. One party allows the other a certain amount of deviation from normality under one condition: that the tolerated minority does not overstep the threshold of tolerance" (en Thomassen, 2006: 440). El problema de reconocer la diferencia, es que siempre hay uno que reconoce y otro que es reconocido. Al menos la laicidad republicana, a pesar de todas sus críticas, evita ese problema, ya que por principio somos todos iguales antes de ser diferentes. 1- 1era enmienda de la Constitución de los Estados Unidos: "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances".2- An Interview with Peter Berger, por Charles T. Mathewes. Disponible en : http://iasc-culture.org/THR/archives/AfterSecularization/8.12PBerger.pdf.3- An Interview with Peter Berger. Pág. 2. *Este artículo fue presentado en la 5° sesión el Seminario Interno de Discusión Teórica 2014, organizado por el Departamento de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad ORT Uruguay.*Germán Clulow es Licenciado en Estudios Internacionales por la Universidad ORT –Uruguay, Master en Ciencia Política por la Université de Genève – Suiza, y Master en Estudios de Desarrollo por el Instituto de Altos Estudios Internacionales y de Desarrollo (IHEID-The Graduate Institute) Ginebra, Suiza

Inhaltsangabe: Introduction: The master thesis 'Worldwide Development of Nuclear Energy and the Strategic Deployment of German Consultancies on the Arabian Peninsula' is chiefly targeted at German consultancy companies so that they can assess their status of strategic deployment and prioritize their activities to enter a new business sector in a foreign market. This publication could also be of relevance for policy makers, investors, suppliers as well as nuclear energy and governmental agencies to identify their need for external advisers to safely operate a nuclear power program; provides a guideline for how to enter a new market. Hence this thesis should be considered as an aid to identify hurdles and obstacles that have to be foreseen and so overcome. Potential business fields are also noted as well as important factors that have to be considered to minimize the chance of failure in the new market. Nevertheless, this huge market with its continuously changing constraints and conditions could throw up a lot more obstacles than could be covered in this thesis. Also the internal organizations of individual companies may differ from the one described in the thesis. The objective of this master thesis is thus to set out a set of guidelines for possible approaches. The first two chapters present an overview of the current geographical, political, cultural and economic conditions to familiarize the reader with the background information and constraints needed for the subsequent chapters. The third chapter deals more specifically with the energy market on the Arabian Peninsula, particular in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. This chapter provides information on types of energy, pending developments, country-specific organizations and institutions, as well as means of financing such huge projects. The fourth chapter is devoted exclusively to nuclear energy, starting with the current status and the motivation of the two countries to launch such a development. This is followed by a description of the legal requirements and other commitments as decreed by the countries' governments. These specific legal conditions do not just apply within the countries concerned, but companies which do business there are likewise obliged to follow these regulations. Challenges for countries are opportunities for consultants, and identification of these represents is the core content of this chapter. The content of the fifth chapter is the preparatory measures that are essential prior to entering a foreign market. A company's vision and mission as well as various analyses are needed to provide a sound basis for taking a decision to proceed. In this context, SWOT analysis is noted as well as an evaluation of M.E. Porter's 'Five Forces' to describe the market and internal organizations. After the preparatory measures, the implementation phase follows. This and its various stages are described in Chapter 6. It is inevitable that, to ensure success, many measures will have to implemented and subsequently adjusted. This starts with deployment and steering of business units and proceeds to overcoming difficulties with external parties. Recruitment on a permanent basis of employees is also a prerequisite for sustained business success, together with a staff feedback, incentive and salary system. Chapter 7 sets out methods for evaluating previous years' activities in the new business. The first couple of years after 'start-up' are over and the situation in which the company is now has to be assessed. It is frequently necessary to undertake organizational upgrades, that could amount to a complete reorganization of the business, aided by change management provisions. The final Chapter 8 summarizes the key information and content, and sets forth the need and reasons for strategic deployment. Changes in the market means that companies will have to re-adjust for economic survival. Because the nuclear program of the United Arab Emirates is more advanced than that of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and information is less available in the latter country, the main focus of this thesis is on the UAE. Nevertheless, the KSA is an emerging nuclear market with great ambitious for a nuclear program and so is worthy of mention when discussing constraints and conditions that these countries have in common. Other countries that are members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) do share an interest in nuclear energy but are not yet at the same stage of development as the UAE and KSA. These serve from time to time to support arguments and figures. A sufficient and reliable energy supply is essential for continuous economic development, contributing also to poverty reduction and health care improvement. If these developments are restricted or lacking, often the result is social conflict that could even lead to civil strife. Examples are rural arid areas in the world where there is no access to potable water. A minor local conflict affects the economic development and population of specific countries and often results in regional instability and interventions from outside. The global energy imbalance has been steadily growing over the past couple of decades. Roughly 1.6 billion people live without electricity, and almost 2.4 billion people rely on traditional biomass to cook their daily meals . Modern fuels are not available or are restricted to the upper social strata. There is an almost equal share of the world's population with no access to potable water, so in the struggle for survival the consequences will be social unrest and riots. In some poor countries of the world, the per capita electricity consumption is as low as 50 kWh per annum, compared to developed countries with 8,600 kWh. Worldwide, the provision of energy is dominated by three major challenges. 1. Energy consumption has tripled in the past half century. If this continues, humankind will consume more energy in the 21st century than in the entire past history. This represents an increase of 53% in global energy consumption by 2030. 2. The main energy resources are now scarce, so to ensure economic development, countries will compete with each other to acquire their own supplies. Each country seeks to protect its existing sources and open up new ones. This will not result in a fair distribution of resources, as poor countries are not able to compete with their developed neighbors and lose out, as has often happened in history. 3. To an increasing extent attention is focusing on environmental impacts. Because of the greenhouse effect, carbon dioxide emissions from burning fossil fuels bring about a rise in global temperatures. The consequences are long-lasting drought, sea level rise, submerging coastal regions and more destructive storms. For these reasons, many governments are reviewing their present energy mixes and are considering alternatives to avert the consequences of energy scarcity, including the renewal of interest in nuclear energy that has been noted in recent decades. Adoption or resumption of nuclear energy is at least one solution for some countries faced with a threat to the security of their energy supplies. Among others, one benefit of nuclear energy is zero emissions of greenhouse gases during their operating phase and the ability of huge plants to provide electricity reliably and on a large scale. Much engineering effort has been devoted to significantly improving nuclear plant safety in recent decades. Furthermore, although they are finite, there are ample reserves of uranium and, unlike petrochemicals, they are not put to any other use apart from as an energy source. Prospecting is under way for new deposits, as currently in Yemen. The cost of electricity generated by nuclear power is now competitive, but a major concern that has still to be resolved is final storage of down burned nuclear fuel rods. An overview of the economics is provided by a cost comparison of the various electricity generation technologies, as shown in Figure 1-1 below. This survey is ongoing in a couple of countries to seek a basis for taking decisions on their energy strategies. The quoted figures are ballpark estimates, with actual values depending very much on local conditions and the current market situation, but they do serve to provide a rough comparison. The outcome of these calculations is that electricity generation from nuclear fuel is, at 91.0 US Dollar/MWh, much more competitive than firing crude oil at 133.4 US Dollar/MWh. However, a major consideration is the distinction that has to be made between supplying base and peak/cycling load. To meet the demand for base-load electricity, large-scale power plants, like nuclear and those fired with coal and crude oil are more favorable. These need an extended start-up period – ranging from a couple of hours to two or three days – before they can feed power into the grid. Smaller scale plant, like diesel-fired simple-cycle gas turbines and solar power plants are able to rapidly ramp their power output up and down to cover daily consumption peaks. For this reason, nuclear power plants almost exclusively operate continuously at or near peak output to supply base load, together with natural gas-fired combined cycle gas turbine plants and coal-fired power plants. Diesel-fired gas turbines and solar power plants find application for peak and cycling duty. The key factors are listed in the following table, with firstly the operating parameters, which are attributes specific to the various power plant technologies that are taken as basic assumptions for the further calculations. The second sub-heading is key financial constraints, which fix the technology that is more economical. These comprise the capital cost for construction and development as well as long-term costs that are highly cyclical and cannot be so readily predicted as the other costs. The third main distinction is the direct electricity generation costs. These are running costs incurred only during power plant operation and are directly related to the rated power output in MWe. This calculation serves as well to identify companies and utility suppliers for nuclear power generation as well as to broaden the mix of energy supply technologies and reduce dependency on specific primary resources.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: List of Figures4 List of Abbreviations6 1.Introduction and Objective8 1.1Objective of this Master Thesis8 1.2Introduction9 2.Geographical, Political, Cultural and Economic Conditions13 2.1Geography and Culture13 2.2Economy and Politics14 2.3Political and Social Stability in the UAE18 2.4Relations between the UAE and Germany18 2.5Relationship between the KSA and Germany19 3.Energy Sectors of the Leading Countries on the Arabian Peninsula20 3.1Electricity Generation and Consumption in KSA and UAE20 3.2Water Production and Consumption in the KSA and UAE24 3.3Renewable Energy in the UAE and KSA25 3.4Pending Developments25 3.5Country-specific Organizations and Authorities26 3.6Financing of Power Projects in Arabian Countries27 3.7Summary of Chapter 327 4.Nuclear Energy on the Arabian Peninsula28 4.1Status in the UAE and KSA28 4.2Reasons for Launching a Nuclear Program29 4.3Obligations to Launch a Nuclear Program30 4.4Commitments of the UAE31 4.5Challenges and Potentials of the Nuclear Path33 4.6Global Outlook35 5.Preparations for Market Penetration37 5.1Vision and Mission38 5.2Market Analysis39 5.3Strategic SWOT Analysis41 5.3.1Strengths41 5.3.2Weaknesses45 5.3.3Opportunities46 5.3.4Threats47 5.4Five Elements of Realization Strategy49 5.4.1Arenas (market conditions and valuable segments)49 5.4.2Staging and pacing53 5.4.3Differentiators55 5.4.4Vehicles (course of action)55 5.4.5Economic logic58 5.4.6Summary and checklist of foundation59 6.Execution of the Initial Phase60 6.1Centralization versus Decentralization of Business Units60 6.2Acquisition of New Permanent Employees61 6.2.1Recruitment strategy for employees without experience61 6.2.2Recruitment strategy for experienced employees62 6.2.3Selection of potential candidates63 6.2.4Recruitment process63 6.3Internal Deployment and Organization66 6.3.1Feedback systems66 6.3.2Development of competencies66 6.3.3Incentives and salary systems68 6.3.4Difficulties with external parties69 7.Assessment of Business after 'Start-up Phase'70 7.1Reassessment of Recent Years70 7.2Organizational Improvement Measures72 7.3Change Management and the Reorganization of Business and Markets73 7.3.1Strengthen the position in the existing market74 7.3.2Entering new global markets75 8.Summary76 List of Literature78Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 3.3, Renewable Energy in the UAE and KSA: Utility companies in the GCC states are under enormous pressure due to the global scarcity of fossil fuels, which are running out much faster than expected, consequently they are boosting also renewable energies. Governmental agencies have been instructed to review energy consumption in the Middle East and are seeking alternatives to meet the rising demand, which is also in line with the global environmental movement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. The long shoreline and high insolation throughout the year are optimal for generating wind, water and photovoltaic power. The following illustrate the efforts made by government agencies for the upcoming year: Abu Dhabi's Masdar City is spending US Dollar 2 billion on promoting solar technology. Saudi Arabia is looking to position itself as a centre for solar energy research and so become a net exporter of energy sourced from renewables. Abu Dhabi is to build the world's largest hydrogen power plant at a cost of US Dollar 15 billion. 'Glance over the borders": Jordan is assessing plans for constructing a wind farm while Qatar is considering solar power. 3.4, Pending Developments: Regarding upcoming developments, the two countries, UAE and KSA, have to be considered separately due to the primary resources that are available. Crude oil and natural gas reserves in Saudi Arabia will last decades more than the resources in the UAE. A further reason is that the quality and composition of the mineral resources are much less favorable in the KSA than in the UAE. This means that their firing for power generation is, for economic reasons, the only reasonable option for their exploitation. In the UAE the situation is different, as there the mineral resources are of much higher quality and are too valuable to fire in power plants. The price obtainable on the world petrochemicals market is much higher than the benefit derived from electricity generation. The UAE therefore has a greater incentive to diversify its power generation and to invest in technologies other than fossil fuels much earlier. Based on the financial and economic crisis, the 'Bundesverband der Deutschen Industrie' expects a smoother growth of GDP in 2008 and 2009. This means that ongoing projects with a total CAPEX of US Dollar 378 billion will be postponed or abandoned. Despite these figures, the UAE will remain the most important project market for German companies in the Arabian region. Over the near term, between 2009 and 2011, the UAE expects investments of about US Dollar 540 billion. Showing high potential for investments of about US Dollar 24 billion is expansion of water production and power plant capacities. To participate in this development, frequent consultations and top-level meetings are held to strengthen the relationship between German industry and local agencies like DEWA (Dubai Electrical and Water Authority) and ADWEA (Abu Dhabi Water and Electricity Authority). These authorities organize and guide all water and electricity projects, starting with planning and tendering through to commissioning. Over the past four years, energy consumption in the Emirate of Dubai has increased by around 10,000 GWh. As a consequence, the projection for 2010 is for a new electricity generation capacity of 9 GWe provided by power plants. Likewise electricity transmission has potential for growth. DEWA intends to award contracts annually for more than 6,000 km of HVDC (high voltage direct current) transmission lines. DEWA has an estimated annual budget of US Dollar 2 billion.

From the introduction: For more than two decades, scientific and political communities have debated whether and how to act on climate change. This discussion moved on. Today science is very clear about the magnitude of the risks imposed by unmanaged climate change: 'What we are doing is redifining where people could live and if we do that as a world than hundreds of million of people will move. Probably billions will move. We are talking about gambling the planet, we are talking about a radical change of the way in which human beings could live and where they could live and, indeed, how many of them." With regard to these risks the application of the precautionary principle telling us 'to better be safe than sorry" appears to be imperative and makes traditional cost-benefit analysis become obsolete. Thus combating global warming has become one of the most important issues facing the world in the 21. century. As nobody would be immune from the transformation the planet faces, avoiding this gamble should, in theory, be in the interest of all nations. Unfortunately, a common response in the scale necessary is hard to organize. While the industrialized countries fear the costs of the transformation from a high-carbon to a low-carbon economy, it is the poorest people who are facing a double unequity as they 1. will be hit earliest and hardest by the adverse impacts of climate change, and 2. are least responsible for the stock of current concentrations in the atmosphere. This inequity consequently leads to a great sense of injustice in developing countries being asked cut emission, while knowing, that the developed world got rich on high-carbon growth. Without any doubt the outcome of this is a historical responsibility of industrialized countries to take over leadership in reducing the emissions of greenhouse gases. However, bearing in mind that by 2050, approximately eight out of nine billion people in the world will be living in developing nations, it is impossible to get down to emission levels needed without at the same time covering the developing world as well. Against this background international climate protection is a sociopolitical, economical, and ethical challenge, concerning all nations, which have to understand that they are a community based on the principle of mutual solidarity. The international climate regime is regarded as the main platform to further cooperation between nations in order to succesfully combat global warming. Ever since the first world climate conference in 1979 the international community of states pursues the goal of stabilizing greenhouse gas emissions in the medium-term, before finally reducing them in the long-term. In the end of 2009 and 2010, the 15th and 16th Conference of Parties of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) aimed at achieving the final breakthrough with regard to framing new long-term mitigation commitments necessary in the scale needed to assure that global warming will not exceed 2° C above preindustrial levels; the line of demarcation from which on climate change is supposedly irreversible. Going from this initial situation this thesis will try to determine the driving-forces of the climate regime and research if the regime theory is a capable tool to explain them. In the following chapter it will be started by highlighting the scientific and economic consequences of anthropogenic climate change to amplify, why there is such an urgent need to fight global warming. Thereafter part three is going to deal with the regime theory. After presenting its interest-based, power-based, and knowledge-based school, these different approaches will, in a second step, be applied to the issue area of climate change. Basing on this analysis it is possible to hypothesize on how actors are supposed to behave within the regime. Due to the fact, that this thesis has a limited volume it will be focused on the three actors, which are regarded as not only most important for the regime's success but also possess the biggest influence within the international community, namely the United States, China, and the European Union. Thereby it will be strongly concentrated on the role of the United States. Understanding this role within the international climate regime is considered as absolutely central since the absolute emissions of the US surpass - with the exception of China - those of any other country and its per capita emissions are also amongst the highest in the world. As a result the US although containing just around one-twentieth of the world's population produce almost one-fifth of the world's total emissions of greenhouse gases. Being the world's largest economy the US moreover not only has considerable financial resources which could be directed to environmental problems abroad, but also a technological capability with huge mitigation potentials. Consequently there is a great chance that a possible decision of the US to take a leading role on addressing climate change would set an example that other countries would follow. On the other hand the rest of the world, and here especially developing countries, such as China or India, very likely will not agree to needed actions either, if the US chooses to reject such a leader-role. Therefore it is often spoken of a 'moral duty' of the US to take the lead in the response towards global warming, a duty which is amplified by the fact that the US alone is historically responsible for almost 30% of the total concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. While the EU has recognized its responsibility for anthropogenic climate change and implemented, as the first region worldwide, a comprehensive and demanding programme to fight the greenhouse effect, China's participation and cooperation in the climate change regime is particularly important for two reasons. First, China's impact on climate change is forecasted to be enormous: China's large population, rapid economic growth and heavy reliance on fossil fuels collectively imply large increases in CO2 emissions and thereby a disproportionate influence on climate change. The fourth part is divided in three sections. Since in isolation from its historical and institutional antecedents the global climate regime and the challenges it currently faces, cannot be properly understood, the first section will take a closer look at the current regime, which is founded on the 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on climate change and supplemented by its 1997 Kyoto-Protocol. In this context special attention will be given to the exit of the US from the Kyoto process as the slow progress in the international climate negotiations from that point on was mainly triggered by the reluctance of the US to endorse the Kyoto approach. The second section focuses on the main priorities of the actors within climate negotiations, which are in turn highly affected by their energy political situation. The negotiations in Copenhagen and to a minor extent in Cancun will from this basis offer valuable clues to the question to which extent the actors have been able to convert their interests within the regime. In the final part it will be possible to draw a conclusion regarding the driving-forces of the regime and how they affect its effectiveness and robustness. After giving a compressed outlook on potential future driving-forces an assumption will be issued whether the hypotheses developed in the third part can be coroborated as valid.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents 1.Introduction1 2.Scientific and economic consequences of anthropogenic climate change4 2.1.The natural and anthropogenic greenhouse effect4 2.1.1.The IPCC and its 4th Assessment Report6 2.1.2.The Stern Review and the economics of climate change10 3.The regime theory14 3.1.Three schools of thought within the theory of international regimes15 3.1.1.The interest-based approach15 3.1.1.1.Two-level games19 3.1.2.The power-based approach21 3.1.3.The knowledge-based approach23 3.2.Application of the three approaches to the issue are of climate change25 4.The issue area of climate change33 4.1.The current climate regime33 4.1.1.The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change34 4.1.2.The Kyoto Protocol35 4.1.2.1.The exit of the United States38 4.1.2.2.Basic weaknesses of the Kyoto Protocol41 4.1.3.The Bali Action Plan42 4.2.Prorities of the main actors42 4.2.1.The United States of America44 4.2.1.1.Obama's new climate policy46 4.2.2.China48 4.2.2.1.China's plead for consumption-based inventories54 4.3.International negotiations for a post-2012 agreement in Copenhagen and Cancun58 5.Analysis of the driving-forces in the climate regime64 5.1.The effectiveness and robustness of the climate regime64 5.2.Analysis of the driving-forces with regard to the effectiveness of the international climate regime65 5.2.1.Analysis of the current climate regime65 5.2.2.Analysis of the negotiations for a post-2012 climate regime67 5.2.3.Outlook regarding the regime's potential future driving-forces75 5.2.3.1.A shift in Obama's political priority setting75 5.2.3.2.Developments at the state and local level in the US77 5.2.3.2.1.The ballot on Propostion 23 in California82 5.3.Conclusion83 References90 Table of figures Figure 1:Development of global annual average temperature and CO2-concentrations5 Figure 2: Examples of impacts associated with global average temperature change8 Figure 3: Example of a payoff matrix in the Prisoner's Dilemma17 Figure 4: Example of a payoff matriv in the Battle of the Sexes22 Figure 5: Classification of a country's support for international environmental regulations27 Figure 6: Types of domestic political interest28 Figure 7: Targets of the Kyoto Protocol and actual reductions39 Figure 8: Coal producing states in the US44 Figure 9: Cross-party voting on the ACES in the House of Representatives45 Figure 10: Total energy consumption in China, by type (2008)49 Figure 11: China's exports and CO2-emissions since 200256 Figure 12: C02-emissions from China's net exports in 2004 in comparison with total emissions from China and other countries57 Figure 13: Renewable alternative portfolio standards in the US79 Figure 14: Regional cap and trade programs in the US80 Figure 15: Total global investments in clean energy in $ bn from 2004 to 201085 Appendixes Appendix 1: World carbon dioxide emissions by region107 Appendix 2: National reduction targets in the Non-ETS-Sector in the EU108 Appendix 3: Global carbon dioxide emissions from coal use in million metric tons, by region from 2005 to 2035109 Appendix 4: Global carbon dioxide emissions in million metric tons, by regionfrom 2005 to 2035110 Appendix 5: Energy-related carbon dioxide emissions in metric tons per person, by region and country from 2005 to 2035111 Appendix 6: China's coal deposits and major railway infrastructure112 Appendix 7: Copenhagen Accord emission mitigation goals of selected countries113 Appendix 8: New constructions of coal-fired power plants in Germany114 Appendix 9: World nuclear enery consumption, by region from 2005 to 2035115 Appendix 10: Transcript - Interview: Nicholas Stern116 Appendix 11: Transcript - Interview: Hermann Ott.120 Appendix 12: Transcript - Interview: Steve Kretzmann120Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 3., The regime theory: The regime theory originated in the late seventies initially in the United States. It searched for answers to challenges in a time when especially crude oil induced shocks in industrial countries have plastically shown the practical consequences of the grown interdependency of economies. So the American study of regimes first and foremost concentrated on the field of the international political economy and was trying to ensure a better understanding of international cooperation. At the same time another phenomenom occured, namely the significant increase in the numbers of international governmental and non-governmental organisations, while the dominance of the United States in the world politics declined. This was a surprising development as, according to the at this time predominant approach of neorealism, international institutions like GATT or the IMF were supposed to become ineffective as a result of the US loosing its status as a global hegemon. To primarily get a better understanding of what international regimes actually are it is useful to study them as social institutions. By means of separating international regimes from international organisations, which are likewise social institutions, two of their main criteria - besides fulfilling the criteria of durability - become especially apparent: In contrast to international organisations, which often have an effect across problems, international regimes always refer to a specific problem area of international politics, like the protection of the ozon layer, trade liberalisations or the problem of climate change, While international organisations can act as cooperative actors, international regimes lack this attribute. In the following it will be concentrated on the interest-based, power-based and knowledge based approach to explain the emergence and characteristics of international regimes. The main focus of attention will be put on the work of Robert Keohane, who produced the most elaborate and also most widely discussed neoliberal approach. While Keohane's formulation had such a strong influence that it has been widely equated with 'regime theory' as such, the neoliberal school of thought, whose overriding emphasis has been on showing the role of international regimes in helping states to realize common interests, has come to represent the mainstream approach analyzing international regimes. Keohane's theory will be complement by Putnams theory of the two-level-games to factor in domestic influences on the interests of states in international negotiations. Thereafter not only the main criticisms of the neorealist school regarding the neoliberal theory will be pointed out, but also the cognitivist perspective will be shown. Hereby it will concentrate on the branch of weak cognitivism that regards the demand for regimes in international relations as depending on the actors' perception of international problems, which in turn are - e.g. in the case of environmental problems - heavily influenced by the information provided by scientists and so called epistemic communities. The cognitive perspective distinguishes itself from the other two approaches since it is the only one, which does not have a rational but sociological meta-theoretical orientation and is another useful complementation of Keohane's regime theory. While none of the present approaches denies regimes any impact, the degree of institutionalism varies considerably, what not least has something to do with the behavioural models on which neoliberals, realists and cognitivists base their analyses. 3.1, Three schools of thought within the theory of international regime: 3.1.1, The interest-based approach: The interest-based theory attributes international institutions a significant role in international politics and therefore dealt critically with the approach of neorealism, which during the first quarter century after WWII has been predominant in the international relations. Neoliberal and realist theories of international regimes though share their commitment to rationalism, which assumes that states, which act in anarchic structures are the most important actors in international politics. By following selfishly defined interests to maximize own profits they behave as rational egoists for whom altruistism never is a motivating force. Compliance to international rules and norms is according to rationalists not a result of a moral obligaion but of a situation where own short-term gains fail to outweigh own losses in the long-run. In contrast to neorealism the interest-based approach consequently stresses, that stable international cooperation is possible even beyond hegemonic power structures, when cooperation is due to increasing interdependent relations beyond national borders in the common interest of all involved states. Since the actions of a player in a field are driven by its interests and every player behaves as a utility maximizer problematic acting interdependencies might emerge, in which a better collective result can solely be reached through cooperation. A need for cooperation is typical for the utilization of global collective goods, which once provided can be used by everyone not only by its providers but also by free-riders, namely states not contributing to make the good available. This is a situation, entitled by Garrett Hardin as the 'tragedy of the commons", that entails two major problems. 1. unless it happens to produce significant side-effects in the form of private goods an individual actor, contemplating whether to contribute to the collective good or not, most likely won't find a unilateral effort that will pay off, and 2. concerning the collective good itself, the smaller the actor the more its own benefit-cost ratio for unilateral efforts will negatively deviate from that of the world. Although in this constellation players have a common interest in securing the common good, cooperation seems very unlikely since each player will regard it as irrational.

The Haiti Productive Land Use Systems (PLUS) Research Project continued and expanded the work of the Haiti Agroforestry project. It was intended to encourage Haitian farmers to plant trees as part of an overall plan by USAID to curb the devastating erosion which was washing the top soil into the sea. This project also investigated the effects on other crops as a result of tree planting. ; Haitian oak (Catalpa longissima) is one of the most popular and expensive woods in Haiti. Its lustrous and durable wood is used for cabinetry, boat and house constructin, and sculptures. The species is native to the Greater Antilles, but it also found in other countries of the Caribbean and Central America where it has been introduced as an ornamental selected for the seasonal mass of showy, white flowers and the elegant, fine texture of its crown. The tree is managed by farmers in the rich alluvial plains and ravines, associated with food crops of plantain, coffee, fruit trees, sweet potatoes and beans. A program was established in 1989 under the USAID-funded Agroforestry II project to begin selection of plus trees and establish their progeny in a series of orchards and progeny trials throughout Haiti. This report summarizes the performance of the C. longissima orchards and progeny trials established during 1988-1990 at 6 sites in Haiti. Survival: The trials in this study exhibited high 5-year survival rates, ranging from 60-98% and averaging 85% on 6 sites. These rates are much higher than those reported for the species by PADF and CARE, primarily due to better seedling quality and more intensive site management. The data suggest that it is not genetic quality per se that is responsible for better seedling quality, but rather environmental factors. Though differences were observed among families at the Lapila progeny trial, these differences are attributed to seedling age rather than family differences. It should not be expected that selection of plus trees will have a significant effect on field survival. Height Growth: Site means ranged from 1.5-6.1 m after 5 years, highest and lowest means occurring on two sites in the Cayes Plain. Differences among families were statistically significant at the Lapila progeny trial and the Terrier Rouge orchard after 5 years. The remaining sites showed either weak or not differences in height growth among families. If differences were shown, these differences decreased with tree age and ranged widely across sites. There was no consistent pattern in family ranks showing that matching of a superior genotype with site conditions is not effective for height growth. There is little evidence that significant gains in height growth can be achieved by selecting at the individual tree level. The slowest growing family at the Terrier Rouge orchard originated from a plus tree selected near the site, whereas the fasted growing families originated from plus trees selected in southern Haiti. Proximity of seed source to planting site does not insure adaptability and vigor as indicated by height growth. Stem Diameter Growth: Overall, there were greater differences among families for stem diameter growth than for height growth. Site dbh (diameter at 1.3 m) means ranged from 1.6-11.1 cm after 5 years. The variation among family means for dbh (diameter at 1.3 m) was significant at all sites except Crocra. Differences between the top family and the site mean varied widely depending on site, from 8% at Laborde to 145% at Haut Camp. Differences appeared to be related to site conditions - more extreme site conditions resulted in a greater spread among family means. Merchantable Volume: Large differences in wood volume considered for saw lumber or poles was exhibited at the Laborde progeny trial. Differences between the top three families, averaging 51 m[superscript]3/ha, and the site mean of 36 m[superscript]3/ha ranged from 37-44%. Compared to the least productive family, these differences ranged from 150-163%. Quantitative traits such as stem form and usable height are more likely to be inherited, with the genetic gains effectively captured through a program of vegetative propagation and recurrent selection. Conclusions: The seed orchards and trials reported here represent a valuable resource for perpetuating the species in Haiti and providing income to farmers. The orchards contain the broadest genetic base of the species in its native range and have the best chance to date of producing a seed mix that is broadly adapted for providing superior genetic material to small farmers. Both vegetative reproduction and recurrent selection should be used to improve the yield and profitability of this popular tree species on site where farmers have already integrated the tree in their cropping patterns. Production and sale of certified seed from the orchards should also be explored, particularly for expanded markets abroad. C. longissima is part of the natural resource base that must be conserved through continued investment in both genetic conservation and improvement with seed orchards and progeny testing. Recommendations: (1) Producer Groups. PLUS should target most of the improved germplasm to farmers with sites where C. longissima grows best and is already integrated into local agroforestry systems - the agricultural plains and ravines. (2) Role of Government. Collaborate with the Ministry of Agriculture in seeking funds for genetic conservation and improvement of economically important tree species. Focus on a long term strategy and short term benefits that include certified seed production, seed export and marketing, public and private sector forestry investment, forest genetic resource policy and extension education. Determine incentives and enforce policy that encourages farmers to manage tree crops, including C. longissima. (3) Species Awareness. A system needs to be put in place for production, distribution and marketing of Haitian oak. The orchards and progeny trials must be managed by trained individuals committed to tree improvement. Seed production from the orchards should not be overlooked as a commercial product to be marketed through seed companies or directly to nurseries worldwide. (4) Tree Improvement. The existing orchards and trials should form the basis of a seed production and distribution to farmers in Haiti. Improved seed from the orchards should be channelled to farmers nationwide through an efficient production of containerized seedlings. (5) Farm-Level Tree Management. Information on vegetative propagation procedures should be disseminated along with improved genetic material to farmer groups who understand the management of C. longissima. (6) Long Term Adaptability. The progeny trials should be monitored for disease resistance, pests, tree form and other parameters that affect its potential economic impact to Haitian farmers for at least half the time required to produce lumber. The final analysis should be in terms of market values and should be based on actual recovery volumes. Selections can be made in the progeny trials at both the individual and family levels to improve the genetic quality of seed produced from the trial for second generation production. (7) Applied Research. Determine ways that Haitian farmers select, propagate and manage C. longissima as an asset. Study improved silvicultural practices (propagation, thinning, pruning and harvesting) of C. longissima specific to the major agroforestry models (i.e., wood lots, boundary plantings, shade trees) in Haiti. (8) Develop volume tables for a larger diameter range than that determined for the species by Ehrlich et al. (1986). These tables are an important management tool, allowing for an accurate estimation of volume at both the individual and stand levels. (9) Study phenology and pollination biology of species for breeding and selection strategies. Determine the conservation status of the species on a periodic basis. ; Le chêne haitien (Catalpa longissima) est l'une des espèces de bois les plus populaires et les plus coûteux en Haïti. Son bois lustré et durable et durable est utilisé dans l'ébénisterie, dans la construction de maisons et de bateux et dans la sculpture. L'espèce est orginaire des Grandes Antilles, mais elle se trouve aussi dans d'autres pays de la Caraïbe et d'Amérique Centrale où elle a été introduite comme un arbre ornemental pour son abondante production saisonnière de fleurs blanches voyantes et sa couronne élegante de fine texture. L'arbe et géré par les planteurs dans de riches plaines et ravines alluvialles, et est associé à des cultures comme la banane, le café, les arbres fruitiers, la patate et les haricots. Un programme a été institué en 1989 dans le cadre du Projet Agroforesterie II financé par l'USAID pour entreprendre la sélection d'arbres supérieurs et installer une série de vergers et d'essais de leur progéniture à travers Haiti. Ce rapport résume la performance des vergers et des essais de progéniture de C. longissima établis sur 6 sites en Haïti durant la période 1988-1990. Survie: Les essais de cette étude ont indiqué des taux de survie élevés, de 60% à 98%, avec une moyenne de 85% pour les 6 sites. Ces taux sont beaucoup plus élevés que ceux indiqués pour l'espèce par PADF et CARE, principalement à cause de la meilleure qualité des plantules et une gestion plus intensive du site. Les données recueillies suggèrent que ce n'est pas la qualité génétique en soi qui en est responsable, mais plutôt les facteurs environnementaux. Bien que des différences aient été observées entre les familles dans l'essai de progéniture à Lapila, elles ont été attribuées à l'âge de la plantule plutôt qu'à des variations entre les familles. Il ne faut pas s'attendre à ce que la selection d'arbres supérieurs ait un effet significatif sur le taux de survie sur le terrain. Croissance en hauteur: Les moyennes en hauteur ont varié de 1,5-6,1 m après 5 ans, les moyennes les plus basses et les plus élevées ayant été enregistrées sur deux sites dans la Plaine des Cayes. Des différences significatives entre les familles ont été observées dans l'essai de progéniture à Lapila et dans le verger de Terrier Rouge, après 5 ans. Dans les autres sites, les différences de croissance en hauteur entre les familles ont été insignificantes ou nulles. Les différences ont ensuite diminué avec l'âge de l'arbre et ont largement varié entre les sites. Il n'a été détécté aucune tendance cohérente dans le classement des familles montrant que la correspondence d'un génotype supérieur aux conditions de site n'a pas d'effet sur la croissance en hauteur. Il existe peu de preuves pour affirmer que des avantages significatifs, en ce qui concerne la croissance en hauteur, peuvent être obtenus par la sélection d'arbres individuels. La famille qui a accusé la croissance la plus lente dans le verger de Terrier Rouge provient d'un arbre supérieur sélectionné près du site, alors que les familles à croissance plus rapide sont issues d'arbres supérieurs sélectionnés dans le sud d'Haiti. La sélection d'une source de semences à proximité du site de plantation ne garantit pas l'adaptation et la vigeur exprimées à travers la croissance en hauteur. Croissance en diamètre de tige: Généralement, il y a eu des différences plus importantes entre les familles pour la croissance en diamètre de tige que pour la croissance en hauteur. La moyenne de dhp du site (diamètre à 1,3 m) a été significative pour tous les sites, excepté Crocra. Les différences entre la famille la plus performante et la moyenne du site on considérablement varié dépendant du site, de 8% à Laborde à 145% à Haut Camp. Il paraît que les différences sont liées aux conditions de site - plus les conditions de site sont extrêmes, plus l'écart entre les moyennes de famille est grand. Volume marchand: De grandes différences dans le volume de bois, bois de sciage ou poteaux, ont été observées dans l'essai de progéniture de Laborde. Des différences entre les trois familles les plus performantes, avec une moyenne de 51 m[superscript]/ha et la moyenne du site de 36 m[superscript]3/ha, ont varié de 37% à 44%. En comparaison à la famille la moins productive, ces différences ont varié de 150% à 163%. Des caractéristiques qualitatives comme la forme de la tige et la hauteur utilisable, viendraient plutôt de l'hérédité. avec des avantages génétiques effectivement retenus à travers un programme de propagation végétative et de sélection récurrente. Conclusions: Les vergers à graines et les essais rapportés ici représentent une ressource de valeur pour perpétuer l'espèce en Haïti et fournir des revenus aux planteurs. Les vergers contiennent la base génétique la plus large de l'espèce dans son habitat d'origine et représentent la meilleure opportunité jusqu'à présent de produire un mélange de semences largement apte à donner un matériel génétique supérieur aux petits planteurs. La reproduction vegétative et aussi la sélection récurrente devraient être utilisées pour améliorer le rendement et la rentabilité de cette espèce populaire de bois, là où elle est déjà integrée dans les systèmes de cultures en Haïti. La production et la vente de semences certifiées provenant des vergers, devraient aussi être explorées, particulièrement pour l'exportation vers des marchés extérieurs. C. longissima fait partie des ressources naturelles qui doivent être conservées par un investissement continu dans la conservation et l'amélioration génétiques à travers des vergers à graines et des tests de progéniture. Recommandations: (1) Groupes de Producteurs. PLUS devrait avoir pour objectif de mettre à la disposition des planteurs la plupart du germoplasme amélioré sur des sites où le C. longissima croît le mieux et est déjà intégré dans les systèmes agroforestiers locaux - les plaines et ravines agricoles. (2) Rôle du Gouvernement. Collaborer avec le Ministère de l'Agriculture dans la économique. Mettre l'accent sur une stratégie à long terme et des bénéfices à court terme dont la production de semences certifiées, l'exportation et la commercialisation de semences, l'investissement du secteur public et privé dans la foresterie, la politique de ressources génétiques forestières, et la vulgarisation/éducation. Trouver des stimulants et appliquer une politique qui encourage les planteurs à gérer les arbres plantés, y compris C. longissima. (3) Promotion de l'espèce. Il est nécessaire de mettre en place un système pour la production, la distribution et la commercialisation du chêne haitien. Les vergers et les essais de progéniture devraient être gérés par des individus entraînés, dédiés à l'amélioration des arbres. Il ne faudrait pas exclure la possibilité de produire des semences à partir des vergers pour la vente à des compagnies commerciales de semences ou directement aux pépinières à travers le monde. (4) Amélioration de l'arbre. Les vergers et les essais existants devraient constituer las base d'une production et d'une distribution de semences aux planteurs en Haïti. Les semences améliorées issue des vergers devraient être distribuées aux planteurs à travers le pays en organisant une production efficace de plantules en pots. (5) Gestion de l'arbre au niveau de l'exploitation. Des informations sur les procédures de propagation végétative devraient être disséminées avec le matériel génétique amélioré aux groupes de planteurs qui comprennent la gestion du C. longissima. (6) Adaptabilité à long terme. Les essais de progéniture devraient être suivis pour résistance aux maladies, pestes, forme de l'arbre et autres paramètres qui affectent son impact économique potentiet pour les fermiers haïtiens pendant au moins la moitié du temps requis pour produire du bois. L'analyse finale devrait se faire en termes de valeurs commerciales et se baser sur les volumes de recouvrement réel. Les sélections peuvent être faites dans les essais de progéniture tant au niveau de l'individu qu'à celui de la famille pour améliorer la qualité génétique des semences produites dans l'essai pour la production de la seconde génération. (7) Recherche applicquée. Investiguer les moyens utilisés par les planteurs haïtiens pour sélectionner, propager et gérer C. longissima en tant que capital. Etudier les pratiques sylvicoles améliorées (propagation, eclaircie, taille et récolte) de C. longissima, spécifiques aux principaux modèles agroforestiers (i.e. lots boisés, plantations en bordure, arbres d'ombrage) rencontrés en Haïti. (8) Développer des tables de volume pour une gamme plus large de diamètres que celle déterminée pour l'espèce par Ehrlich et al. (1986). Ces tables représentent un important outil de gestion, permettant une estimation précise des volumes tant au niveau de l'arbre individuel qu'au niveau du peuplement. (9) Etudier la phénologie et la biologie de la pollinisation de l'espèce pour déterminet les stratégies de croisement et de sélection. Evaluer la situation de la conservation de l'espèce sur une base périodique.

In the present essay, I will examine the traces of coexistence between the Muslim and Christian world in architecture and literature, using the examples of the mezquita, or 'mosque', and the most important novel of Spain, Don Quixote of la Mancha (1605;1615) by Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. This study incorporates an interdisciplinary approach that utilizes historical, literary, and architectural methods to explain the dual function of the margin— its architectural function in the Mosque and its narrative function as used in specific chapters from Cervantes's novel. Furthermore, I will show how the architectural margin of the wall of the mosque was familiar to Cervantes's readers who lived in Spain and this familiarity allows Cervantes to exploit the metaphorical meaning of the literary margin as architectural margin. A metaphor establishes an equivalency between a pair of images; the best-known example of which belongs to Ezra Pound, the founding leader of Imagism (1912-1923). This is a school of poetry that endorsed clarity of expression and simplicity through the use of precise visual imagery. The best known metaphor is Pound's own, in which faces are compared with petals in the poem, "In a Station of the Metro": The apparition of these faces in the crowd: Petals on a wet, black bough. Through his architectural and literary metaphor, Cervantes covertly expresses his personal beliefs about multiculturalism that could not be directly expressed for fear of censorship by the Inquisition. ; Winner of the 2020 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the Senior Arts/Humanities category. ; In the Margins of Literary and Architectural Discourse: A Comparison of Arabic Commentary in Cervantes's Don Quixote and Moorish Architectural Inscription Pablo Picasso: Don Quixote, August 10, 1955. Internet: Public Domain Alexandra Parent SP 415: Seminar on Don Quixote Professor Stallings-Ward 28 February 2020 1 Introduction The history of the Iberian Peninsula is a rich one, filled with influences from the entire European and Asian continents over time. When we think about Spain, there is one defining factor that distinguishes her from the rest of Europe: the presence of racial, ethnic and religious influence from Africa, and, resulting therefrom, a unique moment in world history: the confluence of three major world religions in one geographical place. Christianity, Judaism, and Islam once flourished side by side in mutual tolerance and economic interdependence in the Andalusian region of southern Spain, known as 'Al-Andalus,' in the High Middle Ages. Tolerance of others who are different, as Maria Rosa Menocal points out, is the underpinning of this unique historical coincidence and the essential component for the development of science, philosophy, medicine, urbanization, and hence trade and commercial prosperity.1 The Jews and Christians of Muslim Andalusia flourished economically and culturally under the Umayyad, whose dynasty (661-750) was transplanted from Damascus to Cordoba by Abd al-Rahman (756- 1031) after a civil war between two rival Caliphates. These three religions borrowed language and architecture from one another leaving traces of their coexistence, not surprisingly, within the architecture and literature of Spain. In the present essay, I will examine the traces of coexistence between the Muslim and Christian world in architecture and literature, using the examples of the mezquita, or 'mosque', and the most important novel of Spain, Don Quixote of la Mancha (1605;1615) by Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. This study incorporates an interdisciplinary approach that utilizes historical, literary, and architectural methods to explain the dual function of the margin— its architectural function in the Mosque and its narrative function as used in specific chapters from Cervantes's 1 Menocal, The Ornament of the World. 2 novel. Furthermore, I will show how the architectural margin of the wall of the mosque was familiar to Cervantes's readers who lived in Spain and this familiarity allows Cervantes to exploit the metaphorical meaning of the literary margin as architectural margin. A metaphor establishes an equivalency between a pair of images; the best-known example of which belongs to Ezra Pound, the founding leader of Imagism (1912-1923). This is a school of poetry that endorsed clarity of expression and simplicity through the use of precise visual imagery. The best- known metaphor is Pound's own, in which faces are compared with petals in the poem, "In a Station of the Metro": The apparition of these faces in the crowd: Petals on a wet, black bough.2 Through his architectural and literary metaphor, Cervantes covertly expresses his personal beliefs about multiculturalism that could not be directly expressed for fear of censorship by the Inquisition. My essay is divided in three sections. In the first section, I will present a historical overview of Muslim presence in the Iberian Peninsula. In the second section, I present a survey of Muslim Architecture in Andalusia based on the results of a photographic study of architecture I did while visiting Spain during study abroad. I survey the presence of Muslim architecture found throughout Andalusia, placing particular emphasis on the function of the margin in the design of the walls of the mosque reserved for the calligraphy that features citations of scripture from the Holy Koran. The margin, although small in size compared to the rest of the entire structure of the mosque, is as I will show, actually the most important part of the mosque. In the third section of my essay, I analyze the literary margin treated in the episode of the lost manuscript in Volume I: Chapters Eight and Nine of Cervantes's Don Quixote. I will look at 2 Judith Stallings-Ward, Gerardo Diego´s Creation Myth of Music: Fábula de Equis y Zeda. London: Routledge, 2020, 175. 3 the coexistence of the Christian and Arab writers in Cervantes's Don Quixote. The collaboration between Cervantes and Cide Hamete Benengeli allows Cervantes to establish a metaphor between the architectural margin of the mosque and the literary margin of the manuscript as the place for covertly expressing his esteem for multiculturalism and his condemnation of the expulsion of the Moors by national decree; a ploy he uses to escape censorship by the Inquisition. The play with spatial perspective (margin vs center) and the severance of the manuscript (with the lost section recovered in the market of Toledo) establishes the architectural and narrative metaphor that recalls the physical and cultural coexistence between Muslims and Christians valued by Cervantes. In addition, I examine how Cervantes extends this metaphor to also evoke the rupture of that coexistence through expulsion of the Moors, which Cervantes believed broke the backbone of the country. Part I: Historical Overview of Muslim Presence in the Iberian Peninsula The invasion of the Iberian Peninsula began with one young man named Abd Al- Rahman, the son of the Arab family ruling Damascus in the east—the Umayyads. However, during a civil war, his family was massacred, and his escape left him the sole survivor. He fled through North Africa into Cordoba where he began to establish himself as the Caliph, or ruler.3 After the Visigoth monarchy fell, Muslim control dominated the Iberian Peninsula. From 711 through 1492, Islamic society had a long and profound presence on shaping Spanish culture until the Christian kings unified the country. By 716, almost all of Iberia, with the exception of the far northwest and mountainous regions, was under Muslim control and the province was name 'Al- Andalus'. By naming the country in this manner, it directly opposes the 'Hispania' title that the 3 BBC Worldwide Learning, The Moorish South: Art in Muslim and Christian Spain from 711-1492. 4 Romans gave the peninsula, foreshadowing the enmity between the religions of Islam and Christianity.4 Abd Al-Rahman sought to recreate his cultural roots here in Iberia. The peninsula was dominated by the Umayyad dynasty, who had no affiliation to the eastern Muslim dynasties at the time, and were met with little to no resistance from the small groups of Christians still living in the peninsula. As demonstrated in Figure 1, the conquering forces came through Northern Africa and thus were also comprised of Berber forces from that region. By 741, there were approximately 12,000 Berber forces, 18,000 Arabs, and 7,000 Syrians entering through the Southern tip of the peninsula. This totaled anywhere from 4,000,000 to 8,000,000 living in the Iberian Peninsula at the time.5 6 Islam and Christianity under Islamic Rule By the mid eighth century, the population of Iberia had grown exponentially and became more diverse both racially and religiously. Although Muslim forces had conquered what remained of the Visigoth territories and established themselves as the dominant, ruling power, a 4 O'Callaghan, A History of Medieval Spain, 91. 5 Phillips and Phillips, A Concise History of Spain. 6 Alchetron.com. "Umayyad Conquest of Hispania - Alchetron, the Free Social Encyclopedia," August 18, 2017. https://alchetron.com/Umayyad-conquest-of-Hispania. Figure 1: Depiction of the route of Abd-Al Rahman and the subsequent conquests of the Muslim Empire. From Internet: public domain.6 5 majority of the population living in Iberia was still Christian. This undoubtedly posed issues for the Moorish rulers who practiced Islam. As a result, conversion became a necessity for Christians. It is important to distinguish between the upper and lower class when discussing the notion of conversion. Many Visigoth royalty, nobles, and influential families saw it in their best interest to convert and to do what they could to join the new rulers in an effort to pursue political advantages.7 Yet, the majority of Iberia was home to lower class Hispano-Roman Christians who converted out of survival. Despite this, many of the people in this situation retained their Christian faith while adopting Muslim customs like learning Arabic so as to appease the rulers. The name given to these people are mozárabes, or 'Mozarabs', meaning 'Muslim-like'.8 A Christian writer noted the following about Christians living under Islamic rule in 854: Our Christian young men, with their elegant airs and fluent speech, are showy in their dress and carriage, and are famed for the learning of the gentiles; intoxicated with Arab eloquence they greedily handle, eagerly devour, and zealously discuss the books of the Chaldeans (i.e. Muhammadans), and make them known by praising them with every flourish of rhetoric, knowing nothing of the beauty of the Church's literature, and looking down with contempt on the streams of the Church that flow forth from Paradise ; alas ! The Christians are so ignorant of their own law, the Latins pay so little attention to their own language, that in the whole Christian flock there is hardly one man in a thousand who can write a letter to inquire after a friend's health intelligibly, while you may find a countless rabble of kinds of them who can learnedly roll out the grandiloquent periods of the Chaldean tongue. They can even make poems, every line ending with the same letter, which displays high flights of beauty and more skill in handling metre than the gentiles themselves possess.9 It is evident from this passage that the Christians admired the Arabs for the type of civilization they created. The Mozarabs recognized that the Arabs had something to offer them in terms of literature, character, and even language. This demonstrates that on some level, there was an 7 Phillips and Phillips, A Concise History of Spain. 8 Phillips and Phillips. 9 Alvar, Indiculus luminosus; quoted from Arnold, The Preaching of Islam; A History of the Propagation of the Muslim Faith, 137-138. 6 acceptance of Muslim culture and practices which set the foundation for the incorporation of Islamic architectural styles and writing styles to be continued after the Christians' reconquering of Iberia. Christian Kingdoms and "La Reconquista" When the Muslim forces conquered Iberia, they were not able to infiltrate the regions in the north. These regions were not seen as an apparent threat because they were isolated, poor, and not heavily populated, so the Moors did not make a vigilant effort to convert or control these Christians.10 However, the Christian states organized themselves into kingdoms and solidified their control in northern Spain by the mid-twelfth century before moving into Southern Spain during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The progression of the Christian kingdoms' conquests can be seen in Figure 2. 11 At the height of the reconquest, there were seven individual Christian kingdoms within the peninsula: Asturias, Galicia, Aragon, Navarre, Leon, Castile, and Valencia. Each of these kingdoms had their own struggles trying to gain territory, power, and recognition. The Kingdom 10 Phillips and Phillips, A Concise History of Spain, 55. 11 "Reconquista+General.Jpg (1600×914)." Accessed February 19, 2020. http://4.bp.blogspot.com/- ofiGywz891k/TzynBPnsc7I/AAAAAAAAAok/ECNzH3rSp3E/s1600/Reconquista+General.jpg. Figure 2: Timeline of the Christian King's Reconquest of the Iberian Peninsula. Internet: public domain.11 7 of Navarre was largely under the control of the French to the north and did not have much to do with the conquering of other Spanish Christian kingdoms, let alone taking a stance on combating the Arab south. However, not only were the Christian kings working to overthrow the Islamic caliphate and reconquer Iberia from the Muslims, they were all vying for control amongst themselves. In the tenth century, Alfonso III expanded into the regions of Galicia and Leon slowly gaining more territory and strengthening his Christian kingdom to combat the Moors. The kingdoms of Castile and Leon unified in 1085 and then under the kingship of Alfonso VI, they conquered Toledo.12 Toledo is situated where the Moorish Al-Andalus and the Christian kingdoms of Castile and Leon border each other, so the conquering of Toledo was a push in the right direction for the Christian kings' ultimate goal of expelling the Moors from Spain. In the northeast, Alfonso I of Aragon began consolidating his power and conquered Zaragoza by 1134, and joined with Barcelona in 1137 to form the Kingdom of Aragon. By this point, the Muslim empire was facing many issues in trying to run their territories and were slowly losing their sphere of power in the south. King Fernando III of Castile was able to penetrate Al-Andalus and conquer the Andalusian cities of Cordoba and Seville in the mid-thirteenth century. So, when the two kingdoms of Aragon and Castile prevailed over their Christian counterparts, they were left with only the Emirate of Granada as their last steppingstone to banish Muslim rule from the peninsula. King Fernando II of Aragon and Queen Isabella of Castile married in 1469 and this consolidated the royal authority of Spain.13 In January of 1492, the city of Granada fell to the Spanish forces and this ended the 780 years of Muslim control in the Iberian Peninsula. This was the final act of La Reconquista and the beginning of the age of Los Reyes Católicos or 'The Catholic Kings.' King Ferdinand and Queen 12 Phillips and Phillips, 306. 13 Phillips and Phillips, 116. 8 Isabela ruled into the first few years of the sixteenth century, which is marked as the beginning of the Spanish Inquisition—a judicial institution that was used to combat heresy in Spain. Islam and Christianity under Christian Rule Islam first began to submit to Christian rule during the period when the Christian kingdoms were all building up their states and conquering each other in the eleventh century. When Toledo was captured in 1085, allowing the Muslims to stay was crucial to the economic stability and the intellectual advancement of Christian society.14 With the expulsion of the Moors came the expulsion of their religion and began the institution of Christianity, more specifically Catholicism. The immediate issue that the church saw after the reconquest of Spanish cities was the need to introduce their ecclesiastical structure, so they began to assign bishops to these major cities in addition to creating two new ecclesiastical provinces.15 This rapid organization and dispersion of the Catholic religion in previously Islamic territories was not good news for those Muslims still living in Spain after the reconquest. The Christians could not simply expel the Muslims because in some places they made up the majority of the population and were an integral part of the economy for the country.16 Muslims who continued to live under Christian ruler adopted the name mudéjares or 'mudejars' in English. This name is derived from the Arabic word mudajan meaning 'permitted to remain' with a colloquial implication of 'tamed or domesticated.'17 Ironically, the same way the minorities were treated under Islamic rule, to include Christians, was now how the Muslims were treated under Christian rule. The Mudejars would practice their religion, law, and customs in addition to being permitted to continue their 14 Watt, A History of Islamic Spain, 150. 15 O'Callaghan, A History of Medieval Spain, 488. 16 Watt, A History of Islamic Spain, 151. 17 Watt, 151. 9 craft so long as they paid a tax. It was not uncommon for these minority groups to distinguish themselves by dressing differently and even inhabiting different quarters of town. During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, a period known as the Mudejar age, it is evident that there is a culture common to both Christians and Muslims, and that coexistence, to the point of assimilation, was possible. However, it is important to note that the Christians, being the dominant power, were selective in what they chose to assimilate. The most evident piece demonstrating assimilation is the artistic productions, both architecturally and literarily. It was obvious that incorporating the Muslims into society was necessary and beneficial, but towards the end of the fifteenth century, economic disparages were becoming obvious and the Mudejars were the wealthier of the two groups. This jealousy and animosity led to a growing prejudice of Mudejars and once Ferdinand and Isabella unified the peninsula, they turned this prejudice into policy. The previous flirtation of religious tolerance was coming to an end, but due to the policy written for the surrender of Granada, many people of Islamic faith were briefly safe in 1492, so these religiously intolerant policies attacked other groups, namely the Jewish factions of the country. This period of brutal intolerance is known as the Inquisition, and it drastically influenced Spanish society for the years to follow, to include Miguel de Cervantes's Don Quixote of La Mancha. Part II: Survey of Muslim Architecture in Andalusia Moorish architecture is something that when one sees it, they know it. It is a mixture of oriental and occidental to create a recognizable and unique form of architecture. There are certain staple architectural features that help make this style so well-known and are also the features that other cultures adopt simply because of their beauty. Some of these features include 10 stone parapets with Islamic crenellations, horseshoe windows and doors, towers sometimes evoking a minaret, domes, arches, slender pillars, and many of these features were typically constructed with alternating colors of yellow and red brick and stone.18 The following figures demonstrate these architectural features. 18 Kalmar, "Moorish Style: Orientalism, the Jews, and Synagogue Architecture," 73. Figure 4 (above): The series of arches and horshoe shaped doors. Taken by Alexandra Parent in the Royal Alcazar in Seville, Spain. January 31, 2018. Figure 5 (below): The classic Islamic crennelations and attention to detail that characterizes all of Islamic architecture. This is also exemplatory of the domes that were utilized in Moorish architecture. Taken by Alexandra Parent at the Royal Alcazar in Seville, Spain. January 31, 2018. Figure 3: The slender pillars and open courtyards. Taken by Alexandra Parent at the Alhambra in Granada, Spain. February 23, 2018. Figure 6: The Torre del Oro or Tower of Gold located in Seville, Spain. Exemplifies the use of towers and minarets in Islamic architecture. Taken by Alexandra Parent in Seville, Spain. April 12, 2018. 11 19 These features are apparent throughout all the everyday buildings within the cities of Al- Andalus, but they also came together to make great, exceptional buildings. One in particular is the Great Mosque in Cordoba. This was built when the religion of Islam was only a century old, so it is renowned as one of the first mosques ever built. This mosque is truly grandeur in architectural style in addition to sheer size. In Islamic faith, it is forbidden to depict Allah, or any religious figure, so the traditional methods of using a painting to inspire religious awe was not possible, thus allowing for architecture to take its place. As seen in Figure 7, the rows of archways are seemingly never ending and absolutely uniform. 20 The architectural margin of the mosque (Fig 8 and Fig 10.D), which Cervantes metaphorizes with the annotation of Dulcinea written on the margin in Don Quixote, refers to the most important part of the mosque: the inscriptions. In the Islamic religion, as aforementioned, worshipping any idols or to depict Allah, Muhammad, or any other important religious figures 20 "The Mosque-Cathedral of Cordoba (Spain)." Accessed February 19, 2020. https://www.turismodecordoba.org/the-mosque-cathedral-of-cordoba-spain. Figure 7: The Great Mosque located in Cordoba, Spain. Known for the uniformity and neverending archways and pillars. From Internet: public domain.20 12 through paintings are prohibited. So, the role of the inscriptions becomes the most important and revered part of the mosque much like the depiction of Jesus on the cross is worshipped by Christians. This is because the inscriptions are the holy words of the Koran. The phrase most 21commonly inscribed in these architectural margins are 'only Allah is victorious.' The metaphor Cervantes makes between the architectural and literary margin is developed to a second degree with the handwriting in the margin of the manuscript being Arabic calligraphy. This can be compared to the inscriptions in the architectural margin of the mosques, which are also written in Arabic calligraphy. This type of writing is very distinct from Western modes of writing because the purpose of Arabic calligraphy is "no como un medio utilitario de 21 Fernando Aznar, La Alhambra y el Generalife de Granada. Monumentos, 12. Figure 10: Architecture of the Mosque21 (from left to right and top to bottom): A) ataurique B) interlacing decoration C) calligraphy in the margin of the wall with scripture "Only Allah is Victorious". Also shown in Fig 11. D) horseshoe arc E) muqarnas F) half horseshoe arcs G) arc with muqarnas H) column with crowned capital Figure 8 (above): The horsehoe shaped windows and use of alternating colors and very detailed crennelations. The Arabic calligraphy can be seen above the windows. Taken by Alexandra Parent at the Alhambra in Granada, Spain. February 23, 2018. Figure 9 (above): Fig 8 on a closer scale to better see the calligraphy 13 comunicación entre los hombres sino como un medio sagrado de comunicación entre Dios y los hombres," meaning, it is not like a utilitarian means of communication between humans, but rather a sacred means of communication between God and men.22 This type of calligraphy that Arabs place in the margins of their mosques obviously have religious value and is called caligrafía cúfica or 'Kufic calligraphy' as is shown in Figure 11. 23 The text written in Arabic calligraphy in the margin of the wall of the mosque is epigrafía. It is present in all mosques and throughout the royal palace known as La Alhambra in Granada. As Fernando Aznar explains, "El texto tiene gran importancia en la decoración. Frases que ensalzan a Alá, o que hace referencia a las bellezas del lugar donde se encuentra, ditando a veces a los constructores de cada zona, se reparten por todos los muros de la residencia real."24This quote says that text has great importance in the decoration of the buildings, and that the phrases that praise Allah, or that refers to the beauties of the place where Allah is located, are all throughout the royal palace. It amplifies the important role that language has in religious symbols. 22 "La Caligrafía Árabe." 23 "Arabic Inscription." Alamy. Accessed February 24, 2020. https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo-arabic-inscription- carved-in-a-palace-wall-of-the-alhambra-in-granada-17181753.html. 24 Fernando Aznar, La Alhambra y el Generalife de Granada. Monumentos, 12. Figure 11: An example of Kufic calligraphy. The style of the Arabic writing in this image is classically used in Islamic mosques to state the word of Allah from the Holy Koran. This is the architectural margin. From Internet: public domain.23 14 Moorish Architectural Influence Under Christian Rule As the Christians slowly began organizing themselves into kingdoms and conquering Moorish cities in Al-Andalus, two incredibly different cultures met each other. As previously stated, an assimilation of sorts was taking place by the Christians who were adopting Islamic practices and other elements of their culture. Architecture was one of these elements that Christian rulers not only preserved, but in some cases built from bottom up utilizing these inherently Moorish styles. Using the example of the Mosque of Cordoba, it is important to note that in the middle of this Islamic prayer hall, there is something unknown to Islam; a Catholic Cathedral (Fig. 12, 13, and 14). This addition was made in the sixteenth century after the Moors were abolished from Iberia. The rulers who erected this cathedral demolished the central columns in order to make room for the Christian edifices, however, Charles V recognized the gravity of this action and how it drastically changed the ambiance and historical significance of this architectural feat. This cultural vandalism by the Christians is symbolic of the enforcement and imposition of their religion onto a different group of people. This theme is also apparent in the literary works of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to include Don Quixote of La Mancha by Miguel de Cervantes. Figure 12: Located in the middle of the Great Mosque of Cordoba. Christian, gothic architecture meeting with Islamic architectural styles. Taken by Alexandra Parent. January 31, 2018. 15 An example of Mudejar work is the Cathedral of Seville, built after the demolition of a mosque, in order to increase the power of the Christian rulers. The architectural style of the building is very European and gothic with high vaulted ceilings and stained glass.25 As a statement piece for Christianity in former Islamic Spain, it is not expected for one to find traces of Moorish architectural influence, but there is. The Cathedral was built by Christian architects, so there was no lack of qualified Christian craftsmen, however there are qualities inherently Moorish that make its way into this grand architectural achievement. As depicted in Figure 15, the high altar in the Cathedral is adorned in so much detail that it mimics the Moorish tendency to not leave any blank space. The incessant ornamental decoration style that was a part of Islamic Spain bled into and permeated traditional Christian and European styles of architecture making its way into the very soul of Christian craftsmanship. Although the Christian Spanish rulers 25 BBC Worldwide Learning, The Moorish South: Art in Muslim and Christian Spain from 711-1492. Figure 13 (right): Christian altar located in the middle of the Great Mosque of Cordoba in Spain. Taken by Alexandra Parent. January 31, 2018. Figure 14 (left): Example of Christianity inserting itself into Muslim architecture. Taken by Alexandra Parent. January 31, 2018. 16 erected this cathedral as a statement to assert their religious dominance, the Moorish aesthetic had already made its way into the minds of the architects of that era. In addition to this, the minaret attached to the Cathedral of Seville, La Giralda (Figure 16), is evidence of this as well. The construction of this minaret concluded in 1568 and is the twin tower to the city of Marrakech. Having begun construction in 1184, La Giralda is host to the visible mixing of Moorish and Christian culture. Through the stonework, inscriptions, and different styles used, La Giralda is evidence of this assimilation of cultural and architectural practices. 26 Perhaps the most notable architectural feat in regard to Moorish influence on Christianity is seen in the Real Alcázar, or Royal Alcazar. At first glance, it is a very distinct Moorish-looking building in terms of architecture; it contains the classic Moorish archways, courtyards, crenellations and pillars (Fig 17 and 18), so it would be reasonable to conclude that it was 26 "Cathedral of Seville. Aerial View." Accessed February 24, 2020. https://seebybike.com/blog/must-see-cathedral-and- alcazar-of-seville/cathedral-of-seville-aerial-view/. Figure 15 (right): The altar located inside the Cathedral of Seville. Known for it's incredulous detail and extravagant style that is suspected to be a result of lingering Moorish influences. Taken by Alexandra Parent. January 31, 2018. Figure 16 (left): An aerial view of the Cathedral of Seville. It includes many influences of Morrish architecture to include the large tower known as La Giralda, the minarets all over the building, and the many domes that make up the cathedral. From Internet: public domain.26 17 constructed under Islamic rule. However, Christian king Peter of Castile, also known as Peter the Cruel, commissioned the Alcazar as his royal palace in the fourteenth century. He made the Alcazar identical to the architectural stylings of the Spanish Middle Ages. So, the question arises as to why a Christian ruler would deliberately choose Islamic decoration? The answer is that it comes down to power. By appropriating the Islamic art and traditional expressions, the Christian ruler projects a sort of authority over the minority subjects.27 The Moorish expressions of wealth and power are understood differently than traditional Europeans, so by creating something that the Muslim population would recognize as powerful, Peter the Cruel wielded a sort of power over the Mudejars. 27 Fernández, "Second Flowering: Art of the Mudejars." Figure 17 (left): The courtyard of the Royal Alcazar. Despite being built by a Christian king, it has many, if not completely full of, influences from Islamic architecture. Note, the pillars, the archways, the courtyard, the crennelations. Taken by Alexandra Parent. January 31, 2018. Figure 18 (right): The Royal Alcazar in Seville, Spain. This wall has both Christian and Islamic influences. Note the differences between the lower floor and the second floor of the archways. The bottom is much more functional and plainer, like traditional Christian architecture whereas the top portions are much more detailed and colorful such as depicted by Islamic architecture. Taken by Alexandra Parent. January 31, 2018. 18 Part III: The Literary Margin Treated in the Episode of the Lost Manuscript in Volume I: Chapters Eight and Nine of Cervantes's Don Quixote When reading Don Quixote, the reader is frequently taken off the main narrative path involving the adventures of the main characters, the knight and his squire Sancho Panza, and led down secondary narratives involving encounters with characters who interrupt the main narration with tales of their own stories of love, captivity, and triumph. The complexity of the narrative shows the novel to be an amalgam of many different short novels, much like the way of the river Amazon, which is fed by many smaller rivers, at the heart of which is Cervantes's parody of books of chivalry. Nevertheless, the one unchanging constant is the way the novel opens a window onto the life and times of the man who wrote it. Cervantes's novel reflects his lived experience rooted in multicultural society whose heterogeneity was the source of Spain's economic and agricultural well-being. Cervantes saw the well-being of his country destroyed by the Hapsburg dynasty's religious intolerance and persecution of minorities who did not convert from their Jewish or Muslim faith. Cervantes himself was of Jewish ancestry. His father was a surgeon, a vocation known to be practiced by Jews. Cryptic references to his Jewish ancestry appear in the portada, or cover page of this novel. For example, the phrase from the book of Job—after darkness light is hoped for—and references to their inability to worship on the Sabbath appear in the first chapter of the novel; a day when the Jewish population must be in duelos and quebrantos, or 'pain and suffering'. While a student, Cervantes was arrested and ordered to have his right hand cut off for allegedly shooting a man who had insulted his sisters. Cervantes escaped punishment by fleeing to Italy from where he joined the Holy League (an alliance among the Vatican, France, and Spain) in the Battle of Lepanto, a major battle against the Turks in the waters of the 19 Mediterranean, during which Cervantes lost the use of his left hand. After his distinguished military service in this major victory against the Turks, Cervantes was taken captive and held prisoner for five years in Algeria. His profound understanding of the Islamic world of the Maghreb, as the northern region of Africa is known, is reflected throughout Don Quixote. Upon return to Spain, he obtained work as a tax collector tasked with gathering funds throughout Andalusia for the construction of the Spanish Armada. His detailed knowledge of the geography and customs of Southern Spain is reflected throughout the novel as well. Cervantes's experiences from his military expedition against the Turks, his years in captivity in northern Africa, his travels through Andalusia, and his Jewish ancestry can be added as another factor that forged the broad multicultural perspectivism formed in his novel. As a student, Cervantes was taught by Lope de Hoyos, a known follower of the Dutch humanist philosopher Erasmus of Rotterdam. Erasmus criticized the empty ritual of the Catholic Church as well as its intolerance for Christians, especially followers of Martin Luther, who sought an unmediated religious relationship with God; one that did not require mediation by a Catholic priest. The teachings of Erasmus, an intellect who denounced the hypocrisy of the Catholic Church and its persecution of minorities and different versions of Christianity, are embraced by Cervantes and find expression in a covert manner in Don Quixote (II: 22-23).28 The episode of the lost manuscript (Volume I:8-9) reflects the perspective of multiculturalism and diversity Cervantes gained from the life experiences outlined above. Chapter eight is first and foremost about Don Quixotes's iconic battle with the windmills, the most well-known episode of the novel. Don Quixote's illusion leads him to believe that the windmills were originally giants that have been transformed into windmills by his enemy, the 28 Judith Stallings-Ward, "Tiny (Erasmian) Dagger or Large Poniard? Metonymy vs. Metaphor in the Cave of Montesinos Episode in Don Quixote." 20 wizard Freston, to cheat Don Quixote from a victory in battle against them. The deception of the knight conveys Cervantes's use of humorous parody to denounce the books of chivalry whose fantasy version of reality has brainwashed Don Quixote. A subsequent adventure in this chapter reveals Don Quixote has another lapse of reason. He believes that a Basque woman travelling to Seville, preceded by two Benedictine friars who are not in her party, and surrounded by her own men on horseback, is a princess being kidnapped. Upon observing once again his master's mind in the grip of delusion, Don Quixote's squire Sancho Panza replies, "This will be worse than the windmills."29 This foreshadows the battle that Don Quixote will ultimately have with the Basque. At the end of Chapter eight, we are left with both men having their swords unsheathed and raised at each other, but then the narration of the story abruptly stops. The narrator, a literary form of Cervantes inserted into the story by the real historical Cervantes, begins to speak directly to the reader as if in an informal conversation with them to convey that the end of the scene and the rest of the history are missing.30 This narrative style continues into Part II, chapter nine when the narrator begins a search for the missing manuscript. In this chapter we are brought to Toledo and the narrator brings the reader through the Alcaná market. The narrator Cervantes tells the story of his journey to find the manuscript in the market and how he comes across a young boy trying to sell him some notebooks, old torn papers, and other small commodities. Cervantes is inclined to pick up a certain book that the boy has and realizes the script on the front is in Arabic. Since he could not read Arabic, he finds a Morisco aljamiado, so called for their ability to speak both Arabic and Spanish, who can help translate the manuscript. It was not difficult to find this person and soon Cervantes flipped to the middle of the book and asked the Morisco to translate. Cervantes points out the availability of translators of 29 Cervantes, Don Quixote, 62. 30 Cervantes, 65. 21 all classic languages in the market, thus underscoring the advantage of multicultural spaces such as the markets of Spain. As the translator--the Morisco aljamiado--began to read the page, he laughed at something written in the margin: it stated, "'This Dulcinea of Toboso, referred to so often in this history, they say had the best hand for salting pork of any woman in La Mancha.'"31 The narrator immediately knew that this was the missing manuscript he was looking for, so he had the Morisco read even more. It is then that the reader learns the novel was originally written in Arabic by the Arab historian Cide Hamete Benengeli. Narrator Cervantes commissions the Morisco to translate the entire novel, paying him in "two arrobas of raisins, and two fanegas of wheat," so that the story of Don Quixote and Sancho Panza can be continued.32 This process of translation of the original manuscript from Arabic to Spanish is now the source of the narrator Cervantes's history of Don Quixote, and it is a collaboration between the literary Christian "Cervantes" and the original Arabic author Cide Hamete Benengeli, delivered through the translator. The reader is now being told the story through someone else's eyes and mind. The novel descends into a rabbit hole of authorship in which, ironically, the new lens is a Morisco translator. This metaphor demonstrates that true Spanish history is written as a compilation between Christianity and Islam, not one or the other, thus demonstrating historical Cervantes's disdain and disapproval of the expulsion of the Moors. Rather, Cervantes displays the importance and necessity of diversity and multiculturalism. The true author, historical Cervantes, also establishes a metaphor between the literary margin, in which the literary Cervantes discovered the novel was indeed Don Quixote, and the architectural margins of the mosque. Cervantes does this in a very clever and implicit manner, 31 Cervantes, 67. 32 Cervantes, 68. 22 otherwise he would be severely censored. Through this implied metaphor of architectural and literary margins, Cervantes is able to write a novel that has commentary to covertly express his condemnation of the Moors and announce his glorification of multiculturalism. The focus of attention placed on the margin of the manuscript wherein Arabic commentary is written calls to mind the architectural margin of the mezquita, or 'mosque', in which the Arabic calligraphy is written. The comparison between the textual margin of Cervantes's manuscript and architectural margin of the walls of the mosque would be easy for the readers of Cervantes's day to recognize given the prevalence of Muslim architecture throughout Spain, as my survey in the first part of this essay shows. Furthermore, the handwriting in Arabic by the Arab historian easily calls to mind the calligraphy used for citations from the Koran. The Arabic commentary—associated with the authoritative word of the Koran placed in the margin of the walls of the mosque—second guesses the religious purity of Dulcinea, the object of courtly worship by the Christian knight. When the translator points out the Arab historian's commentary in the margin of the manuscript, that 'the Lady Dulcinea has the best hand at salting pork,' he taints her purity by placing her in contact with a food source that is considered polluted for Muslims. The comment casts Dulcinea in tainted light. The Arab historian's questioning of religious purity occurs in tandem with the questioning of the authority or authorship of the history of Don Quixote. The literary Cervantes is a Christian writer, but he is not the true author of the original manuscript; the Arab historian Cide Hamete claims true authorship; and Dulcinea is not the pillar of religious purity she is perceived to be. The play with the double meaning of the margin (textual vs architectural) occurs with the play of spatial perspective between margin vs center. The reader sees through Cervantes's use of the metaphor as a multicultural perspective that questions the absolute status of Christian 23 authority and Christian purity. The play with meaning and perspective in Cervantes's treatment of the margin in chapters eight and nine may be taken to one final and third level of development. The margin, shown to be central in connection with the ruptured or severed manuscript, is a covert expression for Cervantes's esteem for the contributions to Spanish society by the Muslim population of his country and his condemnation for their expulsion by governmental degree from Spain. In the eyes of Cervantes, this broke of the backbone of Spain's culture and economy since the Arab population made up an incredibly large portion of the Iberian Peninsula. Cervantes accomplishes this by, not only changing chapters, but beginning a whole new section of the novel. Part I concludes with chapter eight and the pending battle between Don Quixote and the Basque, then Part II begins with the narrator Cervantes informing the reader of his journey to find the rest of the novel. Being wary of the censorship that plagued others during the Inquisition, Cervantes chose this metaphorical approach to convey his true sentiments about the situation of Spain at this moment in history. This rupture in Don Quixote's history is reflective of the moment in Spain's history where law has been decreed to banish something so inherent to the nation itself: the Moorish people. By placing these episodes side by side, Cervantes invites the reader to compare the delusion of the Hapsburg imperial vision and its expulsion of the Moors with the episode of the windmills. The blindness of Spain's government seems even more laughable than Don Quixote's own misguided attack on the windmills. Cervantes's play with the margin allows him to express his views on multiculturalism in an indirect manner that allowed him to escape censorship by the Inquisition. The Inquisition was not savvy enough to realize that this profound division between Part I and II is symbolic of the division of tolerant Spain into an intolerant Spain. After Cervantes 24 died, the Inquisition did censor and expurgate a passage that was considered too directly stated. In chapter thirteen, Don Quixote is once again declaring his servitude and attesting to the beauty of his beloved Dulcinea of Toboso. In his description to Vivaldo, he uses a Petrarchan metaphor, a very classical and renaissance style of poetry, to describe Dulcinea. Don Quixote states (Volume I:13): "Her tresses are gold, her forehead Elysian fields, her eyebrows the arches of heaven, her eyes suns, her cheeks roses, her lips coral, her teeth pearls, her necklace alabaster, her bosom marble, her hands ivory, her skin white as snow, and the parts that modesty hides from human eyes are such, or so I believed and understand, that the most discerning consideration can only praise them but not compare them."33 While eloquently put, Cervantes is nonetheless making references to the private areas of Dulcinea's body and thus was censored by the Catholic Church in 1624 after his death; they dared not censor him before since his novel made him so beloved by the people. Cervantes was too clever to have to follow the rules. His questioning of authority was apparent from the very opening words of the novel when he writes, "[s]omewhere in La Mancha, in a place whose name I do not care to remember…"34 Cervantes conveys how exact places and names are all arbitrary and are not relevant to the novel. This echoes Cervantes own questioning of authority and Spain's religious Inquisition going on that persecuted the Moors and other minorities alike. 33 Cervantes, Don Quixote, 91. 34 Cervantes, 19. 25 Conclusion The religious tolerance and interdependence between minorities of Al-Andalus, which are reflected through the architecture of Andalusia and also underscored in Cervantes's Don Quixote through the metaphorical treatment of the literary margin in the episode of the lost manuscript, seems evermore elusive today. In light of the divisiveness and racism rampant in our society that mars efforts toward multiculturalism and diversity, such as those undertaken at universities like Norwich, tolerance seems like the impossible dream that is the object of the quest of the chivalrous knight Don Quixote. 26 Bibliography Arnold, Thomas Walker. The Preaching of Islam; A History of the Propagation of the Muslim Faith. New York: C. Scribner's sons, 1913. http://archive.org/details/preachingofisla00arno. Aznar, Fernando. La Alhambra y el Generalife de Granada. Monumentos Declared of World Interest by Unescco. Mariarsa:1985. BBC Worldwide Learning. The Moorish South: Art in Muslim and Christian Spain from 711- 1492. Documentary Film. The Art of Spain: From the Moors to Modernism, 2009. https://fod.infobase.com/p_ViewVideo.aspx?xtid=39408. Cervantes, Miguel. Don Quixote. Translated by Edith Grossman. 5 edition. New York: Harper Collins, 2003. Fernández, Luis. La Historia de España en 100 preguntas. Madrid, Spain: Ediciones Nowtilus, 2019. https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/norwich/reader.action?docID=5703133&ppg=1. Fernández, María Luisa. "Second Flowering: Art of the Mudejars." Saudi Aramco World, The Legacy of Al-Andalus, 44, no. 1 (February 1993): 36–41. Harsolia, Khadija Mohiuddin. "Captivity, Confinement and Resistance in Mudejar and Morisco Literature." University of California, Riverside, 2016. WorldCat.org. https://search.proquest.com/docview/1849025713?accountid=14521. Kalmar, Ivan Davidson. "Moorish Style: Orientalism, the Jews, and Synagogue Architecture." Jewish Social Studies 7, no. 3 (2001): 68–100. "La Caligrafía Árabe." Accessed February 21, 2020. http://www.arabespanol.org/cultura/caligrafia.htm. Maíz Chacón, Jorge. Breve historia de los reinos ibéricos. 1a. edición. Quintaesencia ; 6. Barcelona: Ariel, 2013. http://catdir.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy1313/2013369841- b.html. Menocal, Maria Rosa. The Ornament of the World: How Muslims, Jews and Christians Created a Culture of Tolerance in Medieval Spain. Reprint edition. Boston: Back Bay Books, 2003. O'Callaghan, Joseph. A History of Medieval Spain. 1st ed. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1975. https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/norwich/detail.action?docID=3138541. 27 Phillips, William D., and Carla Rahn Phillips. A Concise History of Spain. Cambridge Concise Histories. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010. https://library.norwich.edu/login?url=https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true &db=e000xna&AN=490553&scope=site. Raquejo, Tonia. "The 'Arab Cathedrals': Moorish Architecture as Seen by British Travellers." The Burlington Magazine 128, no. 1001 (1986): 555–63. Sheren, Ila Nicole. "Transcultured Architecture: Mudéjar's Epic Journey Reinterpreted." Contemporaneity: Historical Presence in Visual Culture 1 (June 1, 2011): 137–51. https://doi.org/10.5195/contemp.2011.5. Stallings-Ward, Judith. "Tiny (Erasmian) Dagger or Large Poniard? Metonymy vs. Metaphor in the Cave of Montesinos Episode in Don Quixote." Comparative Literature Studies. 43.4 (2006) special issue: Don Quixote and 400 Years of World Literature. 441-65. Stallings-Ward, Judith. Gerardo Diego´s Creation Myth of Music: Fábula de Equis y Zeda. London: Routledge, 2020. Urquízar-Herrera, Antonio. Admiration and Awe: Morisco Buildings and Identity Negotiations in Early Modern Spanish Historiography. 1 online resource (289 pages) vols. Oxford: OUP Oxford, 2017. http://public.ebookcentral.proquest.com/choice/publicfullrecord.aspx?p=4850548. Watt, W. Montgomery. A History of Islamic Spain. Islamic Surveys; 4. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1977.

China Railways Corporation (CRC) is considering new ways to attract capital to support the strategic development of the railway sector. Currently, government is the predominant equity financier, with debt being supplied by domestic bank credits and limited amounts borrowed from International Financial Institutions such as the World Bank and Asian Development Bank. Considering its high level of accumulated debt and liabilities (RMB 3.7 trillion on an asset base of 5.7 trillion), CRC wishes to explore equity investment mechanisms, to increase cash flow from its core and non-core activities, and to use different financing channels as a way to leverage the value of its assets and introduce market-based business models to the sector. CRC is seeking to attract investment from both the private sector and from public sources such as local governments and state owned enterprises. It refers to these sources of capital as 'social capital.' This report examines how companies in China and railways in seven other countries, China, France, India, Japan, Poland, Russia, United Kingdom, United States, have attracted capital and made capital budgeting decisions to support their strategic development.

The main impetus for this report (and for the reports prepared for the other six growth poles) is a request received from the Ministry of Regional Development and Public Administration. The request came within the context of on-going preparations for the 2014-2020 programming period, with energy efficiency being one the major themes of the Europe 2020 strategy, and a critical priority for all EU member countries. Within Romania, local authorities that will want to access energy efficiency funds under the 2014-2020 Regional Operational Program will need to first prepare energy efficiency strategies. The TRACE tool is specifically targeted at local authorities, and is a good instrument for drafting such strategies after the 1989 Revolution; Romania began its transition from a centralized system to a market-run economy. Today the country is a member of the European Union (EU) and NATO. After more than a decade of economic restructuring and political change, the country has taken significant steps to catch up with the economic performance of more developed EU countries. Although radical reforms brought about significant changes, the standard of living of Romanians is still behind the EU average. Cluj-Napoca (Cluj) is one of cities where such disparities are less pronounced, as the region is more developed and prosperous than most regions in the country. Cluj has developed quite well in the past few years, and it has become one of the most flourishing cities in the country, having a good growing potential. At present, the city is an important economic center, home to several local brands that have become famous nationwide as well as in Europe. Moreover, Cluj is known today as the 'capital' of the IT sector in the country, due to an aggressive expansion of this field in recent years.

Interview with Phyllis Lanza Caligaris. Topics include: Family history. Immigration of her grandfather, Emmanuel Montagna, and grandmother, Francesca Marrama, to the United States from Italy. Work history of her grandfather and how he would create a business, build it up, and sell it. Eventually, he opened Monty's Garden Restaurant in Leominster, MA. Her grandparents rented rooms to Italian immigrants in Leominster. What Monty's was like when it first opened, the people who worked there, the menu, the patrons, the hours. How the business changed over the years as it was passed on from Phyllis' grandfather, to her father, to her husband. Memories of her grandfather. What it means to be Italian. What it is like to be in business with family. ; 1 SPEAKER 1: It's Friday, December 7th. It's 10:20. We're at Monty's Restaurant, Central Street in Leominster. We're interviewing Phyllis Lanza Caligaris, and thank you, first of all, Phyllis. And I'm not sure; did I say your last name correctly? PHYLLIS: Correctly. SPEAKER 1: Okay. All right, and it's my understanding that your grandfather started Monty's. PHYLLIS: Yes. SPEAKER 1: So can you tell me a little bit about him personally? Not just the restaurant business, but… PHYLLIS: Okay. SPEAKER 1: What you remember about him? PHYLLIS: I can't determine what year he immigrated to the United States. There's no records in the Ellis Island files, so I assume he sailed into Boston. As with the rest of his siblings, I cannot find any info. But I know he was born 1879 and died 1960, and he came to America from a town called LaRocca. SPEAKER 1: Can you spell that? PHYLLIS: L-a capital R-O-C-C-A in the province of Abruzzi, A-B-R-U-Z-Z-I. SPEAKER 1: Okay. PHYLLIS: I have no idea what year. SPEAKER 1: Now, what is his name? PHYLLIS: Emmanuel Montagna. SPEAKER 1: Okay. And when he came, you think, to Boston, was it alone? Or was he traveling with other people, do you know? PHYLLIS: I have no idea, I have no idea. SPEAKER 1: Did he ever mention why he left? PHYLLIS: Well, I imagine like all other immigrants, for a better life here in the United States. In Italy, there were no jobs, no future. As well as my father immigrated to the United States as a young boy at the age of 12. But this person, my grandfather, when he immigrated -- I don't know too 2 much about his early childhood, only from when he married my grandmother, and then his education and his endeavors from that point on. And if you'd like me to… SPEAKER 1: Tell me what your grandmother. Who did he marry? PHYLLIS: He married Francesca Marrama. SPEAKER 1: Can you spell that? PHYLLIS: M-A-R-R-A-M-A. SPEAKER 1: Okay. And was she from Abruzzi? PHYLLIS: The province of Abruzzi, but the town, the next town to LaRocca called Pendama. And that is spelled P-E-N-D-A-M-A. SPEAKER 1: Okay. PHYLLIS: But they didn't know each other, and they met in Reedville, Mass, which is outside of Boston. They married in 1900 at the Stone Church where the reservoir is in West Boylston. And he, when he was a young man, was in construction and worked on that and helped build that church. It has nice memories, you know? To think that he worked on that church and helped build the reservoir, and he got married there. SPEAKER 1: Now was that -- I don't really know the history of that church. Was it indeed a church? PHYLLIS: Oh yes, yeah, yeah, yeah. And then for the longest time, it went idle, so to speak. And I still don't know today if they've refurbished it and are using it. SPEAKER 1: They don't use it as a church. I've actually never been inside, but I do know a lot of couples get their wedding. [Crosstalk] But I believe there aren't even windows in it. I think it's just a construction. PHYLLIS: Yeah. SPEAKER 1: So anyway, what was he doing in Reedville? PHYLLIS: I have no idea. For most of this history, comes down to me from my mother and what she remembered. And when I asked the question how they met, she said they met in [Ricco]. SPEAKER 1: Okay.3 PHYLLIS: And then at one point my grandmother was living in West Boylston, and he was working construction on the reservoir and the church; and whether they met there, I don't know, but I know they got married there. SPEAKER 1: Now what was your grandmo-, oh your grandmother was Marrama, okay. PHYLLIS: Marrama. SPEAKER 1: Marrama, okay. PHYLLIS: And she was 16 years old and he was 21. SPEAKER 1: Do you have any idea of why your grandfather would've come to Leominster? PHYLLIS: Usually, what happens with immigrants, they go to the town where other family members have gone before them, and they live with these family members until they get on their feet. And I'm sure that was the case because all of his siblings located in the Leominster area. SPEAKER 1: Okay. Do you want to tell me more about the church or West Boylston? PHYLLIS: No, no. I have no history on that at all. SPEAKER 1: Okay. PHYLLIS: I do have a lot of history on him, and he couldn't speak English when he came here, so he knew in order to advance himself he would have to -- he taught himself as well as going to night school. And I was reading an article about him, and this is quoting the article: "After moving to Leominster, he took advantage of night school, where he was accorded one of the best pupils in the school, making rapid strides under the tutorship of Attorney J. Ward Healey, who was principal of the night school at that time." You know, it just was interesting. SPEAKER 1: Now where was that clipping from? PHYLLIS: It was from a 25th anniversary write-up about my grandmother and grandfather. SPEAKER 1: Oh, I see. Now, did your grandmother speak English? PHYLLIS: No, I'm sure she didn't. SPEAKER 1: So you didn't know her?4 PHYLLIS: Yes, I did. By the time I arrived, she spoke broken English, but you could understand her. See, these people were self-taught. You know, in order to survive, you had to learn English. SPEAKER 1: So he was working construction. How did he get involved in the restaurant business? PHYLLIS: That comes at the end. This gentleman was into everything. SPEAKER 1: Oh, okay. PHYLLIS: Everything. You'd be amazed at his life. They had three children. SPEAKER 1: Okay. PHYLLIS: One son, who died, and two daughters. One of the daughters was my mother. SPEAKER 1: Okay. Why don't you tell me their names, the daughters? PHYLLIS: All right, okay. One was Mildred Lanza, Mildred Montagna Lanza, and the other one was Alice Montagna Tossi. SPEAKER 1: The son who died? PHYLLIS: His name was Henry Montagna. SPEAKER 1: I never thought of Henry as an Italian name, and I keep hearing it. PHYLLIS: I thought about that. I thought about that. And knowing my grandparents, I would've thought that they would've named him Henrico, which is Italian for Henry. But on the gravestone, it says Henry. So I was really surprised because that is not an -- well, they do have Henry in Italian. SPEAKER 1: I just interviewed someone with -- a Henry is in their family, too. PHYLLIS: Really? SPEAKER 1: So, okay. So unfortunately, their baby boy died. But you can just continue and tell me what you know about him. PHYLLIS: All right. My grandfather was as an ever-young man as well as through his adulthood, was a very enterprising man. In 1911 he opened the first movie house in Leominster called the Past Time. It was a silent movie house, and he charged 5 cents per person, and he gave away dishes to attract customers. The movie house was located in the old wood block in 5 the center of Leominster in Monument Square, and I imagine it was located there because he lived there with his family on the 3 rd floor. SPEAKER 1: Now, I think it was pretty common for theaters to offer dishes and plates, was it? PHYLLIS: Yep. SPEAKER 1: Do you have any of those original plates? PHYLLIS: No, no, no. Because I wasn't even born. My mother never kept anything, and I don't think Depression glass was in 1911. That was -- Depression glass was 1929, you know, so. But my mother told me this, she said… SPEAKER 1: So this is about 1911 then. PHYLLIS: 1911 when he opened the first movie theater in Leominster called the Past Time. SPEAKER 1: Okay. PHYLLIS: And after the movie house, he went to work for Yale Novelty Manufacturing Company on the corner of Johnson and Lancaster Street in Leominster. And my grandmother also worked there, and they made celluloid hairpins. SPEAKER 1: Now, is this before your mother would've been born? PHYLLIS: My mother was born in 1904. So this was after. SPEAKER 1: Okay. PHYLLIS: I think 1906. I think he was 2 years old when he died. SPEAKER 1: Right, so was he born… PHYLLIS: He was born first; probably 1902. SPEAKER 1: Okay. Working at the Yale Manufacturing Company, and when is this? Did they sell the movie house, or…? PHYLLIS: He would start businesses, prosper, and then sell them. And this is the events, how they transpired, according to my mother. So I don't know who he sold the movie house to, but then he went on to the Yale Novelty. SPEAKER 1: Okay. PHYLLIS: Also worked for the Far Florist Company on Orchard Street, and there he developed a love of flowers and gardens, which would be incorporated 6 into the name of his last endeavor, which was this restaurant, Monty's Garden Restaurant. SPEAKER 1: Now, where did Monty come from? Montagna? PHYLLIS: Okay, that is the last endeavor, and that will explain all the names. Okay, if I can explain them? SPEAKER 1: Okay. PHYLLIS: And getting back to the timeline, he then opened the first pool parlor on Pleasant Street where the day and night store is. And during his ownership of the pool parlor, he promoted wrestling matches at the town hall featuring a man named Jack Morrow. Now, Jack Morrow was Italian, but they Americanized his name. I don't know what his Italian name was. SPEAKER 1: Okay. PHYLLIS: Next business, he started the first bus line in Leominster at the start of Lancaster Street bringing workers down to the viscaloid shop on Lancaster Street. He had an open-bed truck with chairs in the back of it, and he would transport workers that worked in the factory down there. And eventually, if he made more money, he bought buses and had a bus company. The bus company he then sold to his brother Antonio Montagna. SPEAKER 1: I was wondering, did he have a partnership with his brothers when he was doing this? PHYLLIS: No, no, no. He did this all on his own. SPEAKER 1: On his own? PHYLLIS: Yeah. His next venture was an open food store in Monument Square, which is right where Friendly's is about now. And it was called the Montagna Food Company. As the business grew, he became partners with Luigi DiGiovanni, and he sold out to his partner, and the store was eventually to be named the Gloria Chain store, which became a full-service Italian market. SPEAKER 1: The Gloria Change Store? PHYLLIS: Chain.7 SPEAKER 1: Chain. PHYLLIS: Chain, C-H-A-I-N. SPEAKER 1: Where did Gloria come from? PHYLLIS: I have no idea; you'd have to ask descendents of Luigi DiGiovanni. Now, his next venture was selling oil burners in a building at the rear of 35 Central Street. It was called the Rainbow Oil Burner Company. And his future son-in-law, Phillip Lanza worked for him. He then bought the 3-decker building in the front of this 35 rear Central Street. He bought the 3-decker building that faced Central Street, and his family lived on the 3rd floor. The 2nd floor he rented out rooms to roomers, and the first floor he rented out to retail business. Always had an income coming in. And he had a lot of vision and he could foresee in 1933 that the repeal of prohibition was going to happen. So he went out and applied for the first liquor license in Leominster and opened the first restaurant in Leominster called Monty's Garden Restaurant. SPEAKER 1: This is the first restaurant? PHYLLIS: Restaurant, yep. SPEAKER 1: Wow. PHYLLIS: Now, Monty's… SPEAKER 1: Now what year was this? PHYLLIS: 1933. Monty's is short for Montagna; they used to call my grandfather Mr. Monty. And garden was because of the murals he had painted on the walls. And in fact, we still have some of the murals in the old section of the restaurant. He just loved the flowers and gardens. His home on Fort Pawn when he had it built, he had trellises and flowers hanging gardens all over and maintained them mostly himself. SPEAKER 1: Now, did he paint these murals, or he had…? PHYLLIS: He had them painted by a gentleman from Connecticut, and I believe his name is still on the mural, I think. We'd have to go look. Now this restaurant is still in the family, and with the 5th generation great-great 8 granddaughter working here, [Alana Fruschett]. Two of my daughters and one of my sons runs the restaurant. The other children, another son owns his own restaurant in Worcester. SPEAKER 1: And that was Stefano's. PHYLLIS: Stefano's, and my daughter and her husband own the pasta company below the restaurant, and her sister works there. So everyone in my family is in the food industry in one aspect or another. SPEAKER 1: Wow. So this is the same location as 1933, well I can see that it is. PHYLLIS: Yeah. SPEAKER 1: And did you ever think of expanding downstairs, to have the restaurant also downstairs? PHYLLIS: Well, my grandfather never wanted -- everybody's asked, why is the restaurant upstairs? Because he wanted to have retail stores down there to have the income. Plus, there are a lot of taverns located in this area. And he didn't want the people frequenting the taverns to just pop into the restaurant. Going up the stairs kind of prohibited -- it made for selective customers, let's put it that way. Okay? SPEAKER 1: So is this a 2-story building? I guess I didn't pay attention. PHYLLIS: Three-story. SPEAKER 1: Three? So what's above? PHYLLIS: Right now, they're using it for office space and storage. SPEAKER 1: And what was it used for back then? PHYLLIS: They lived on the 3rd floor, my grandparents and my aunt and my mother. Second floor was for roomers. He had tenants, you know, that would rent rooms. SPEAKER 1: On the second, here? PHYLLIS: Yes. SPEAKER 1: In this building? Behind the restaurant, or where? PHYLLIS: You know, this is a 3-story building. SPEAKER 1: Aren't we on the 2nd? PHYLLIS: This is where the roomers were, on this floor. 9 SPEAKER 1: Oh okay, before he opened the restaurant. PHYLLIS: Before he opened the restaurant. Once he opened the restaurant, on the 2nd floor -- he still had roomers on the 3rd floor because by then my aunt and my mother had moved out into their own homes. SPEAKER 1: Okay. PHYLLIS: So they still rented rooms up there, and my grandmother was such a hard worker. She not only helped with the restaurant in cooking and cleaning, she'd have to take care of the rooms of the roomers too, you know? SPEAKER 1: So let's talk a little bit about the boarding, the rooms. Who did they rent these rooms to? PHYLLIS: Well, you know, what I mentioned how when an immigrant comes to an area where there are other relatives or people that they knew in Italy, they want to congregate or relocate in the same area that they do? Well, sometimes they're not necessarily people that have families here. So they didn't have anyone and they didn't know where to go, or where to live, or they didn't have the funds, and people would tell them to go see Mr. Monty, he will help you. So my grandfather rented out rooms to people that -- immigrants from Italy. And some were not immigrants, some were just people that relocated here and they would just say Mr. Montagna has a rooming house, he will help you. You know? And many people came here and rented rooms at one time, just to get started, you know? SPEAKER 1: About how many rooms are we talking about? PHYLLIS: About 4 rooms. SPEAKER 1: Four? PHYLLIS: Four rooms. Once he had the restaurant, now I don't know how many rooms -- there must have been quite a few rooms on the 2nd floor before the restaurant. See, I only have knowledge of the four upstairs. But before them, I have no idea. SPEAKER 1: And now there are offices up there, you said? PHYLLIS: Yeah, yeah.10 SPEAKER 1: So was it basically word of mouth? PHYLLIS: Yeah, yeah, yeah. I can remember when I lived above the restaurant with my family, because I think it was a stopping place for many people because we didn't have to pay rent, and we still had roomers, and I remember the Salvation Army calling a lot of times asking if we had rooms for people that they couldn't house, you know? But after awhile we just stopped doing it because it was too much work. By the time my father took over the restaurant, and my mother -- I remember she had a few roomers, but then by the time -- and then I had, when I lived up there, I took care of some rooms too. But after I moved out, they discontinued having the rooms. SPEAKER 1: Now, did your mother or sister also get involved n the restaurant business? PHYLLIS: Well, my aunt -- no, but her husband did work as a bartender for my grandfather early on in 1930s. SPEAKER 1: I'm not sure, did you give -- you did give me her married name. PHYLLIS: Yes, Tossi. SPEAKER 1: Tossi, okay. So your mother. PHYLLIS: My mother. SPEAKER 1: She worked so hard? PHYLLIS: Well, that was my grandmother. SPEAKER 1: Yes, your grandmother. PHYLLIS: My father also worked for my grandfather as a bartender, and later on becoming the cook. And my mother worked very hard too. She didn't do much down here in the line of cooking, but she cleaned the downstairs, and she cleaned the rooms for the roomers, so she worked hard also. SPEAKER 1: Now your grandfather, was he primarily a manager/owner of this restaurant, or did he actually cook? PHYLLIS: No, he didn't cook. He was out front management, the best salesman you could ever have. He treated his customers like royalty, knew everybody by their name, his old cronies, would pour them extra drinks, you know. 11 He'd be behind the bar most of the time, and that's where his customers wanted to see him, behind the bar. "Oh, here's Mr. Monty. Hi Monty, how you doing? How's this going?" You know, that's part of the out front management, know your customers, treat your customers well. And I have to go into his other life away from the restaurant. He had a very active life, and that is my next segment. SPEAKER 1: Okay, can we still talk about the restaurant a little bit more? PHYLLIS: Sure, sure. SPEAKER 1: Who did he hire as a cook? Was that also a family member? PHYLLIS: No, no, these two gentlemen were from Boston. He hired a Paul [Solafia], and we used to call him Tiny [Bissonet]. Now his descendants are still around as well as Mr. Solafia's descendents, but they have both passed on. And after that, then there was my father in the kitchen, and my father taught my husband what he knows today. And then my husband passed all those learning techniques to my sons and one daughter who worked in the kitchen. And you know, it's been passed down like that, same recipes. SPEAKER 1: Back then was there a specialty that people would come in for? PHYLLIS: I should show you the old menu. SPEAKER 1: Oh yeah. PHYLLIS: Do you want to [show that]? SPEAKER 1: Well we'll look at it after we're done. PHYLLIS: I mean, when you consider spaghetti and meatball and a salad for 50 cents. SPEAKER 1: That would be like a dream come true now, wouldn't it? PHYLLIS: Oh boy, that was wonderful. And don't forget, this was the only restaurant. You know? Maybe they had diners, but this was the only restaurant, and they served Italian and American food. At one point he was serving Chinese food, chop suey, chow mein, and remember the Asian gentleman coming in and delivering his product, and it seemed funny that an Italian restaurant would serve that. But then you think back, there was no other really sit-down nice restaurant. SPEAKER 1: Was there an Asian population that used to come in?12 PHYLLIS: No. SPEAKER 1: So this is just… PHYLLIS: This is, you know, people that were used to going to Boston to get Chinese food, thereby thinking again, you know, why let them go to Boston when they can get it here? My grandfather was always thinking, always thinking. SPEAKER 1: Now, who primarily were the customers? I mean it's my understanding that people back then, let's say Italians, didn't really go out to dinner. Or is that just a myth? PHYLLIS: That's a myth. That's a myth. Many couples today that have passed on used to tell me when I worked here, you know, we got engaged up here in the booth. I presented my wife with her diamond, or I asked her to marry me, and they continue to bring their children and their grandchildren. So it's a tradition, you know? Oh boy, when I was working I would hear many stories from the customers, "Oh, your grandfather did this," or he was that. But to pinpoint people, there were so many, and there were a lot of Italians. SPEAKER 1: There were. PHYLLIS: A lot of Italians, a lot of politicians because my grandfather was involved, not directly with politics but committees, civic committees. But we'll go into that after we finish here. SPEAKER 1: Well I imagine it was sort of exciting back in the early '30s and mid '30s to share the Italian culture with the rest of Leominster. Do you remember ethnic group coming in and maybe being used to that kind of food? PHYLLIS: Well, I really don't want to pinpoint. SPEAKER 1: You don't have to pinpoint particular people. PHYLLIS: Just even particular ethnic backgrounds, you know. But I remember working when I had customers come in. Sugar on the [unintelligible - 00:26:58]. Another time I remember serving—because I waitressed here too—I remember ketchup on their spaghetti and sauce. I couldn't believe it. I couldn't go back to the table, you know. 13 But your Italian people were used to eating food like that, that they would serve here, and American people that weren't familiar with some of the dishes. But once they tasted it, you know, they would always order certain things. And of course the menu items changed over the years. They still served meat, steaks. SPEAKER 1: So did your grandfather introduce that, steak? PHYLLIS: Oh yes. He used to go to Boston, I don't know how many times a week, whereas now with the expressway, and he would go to the butcher shop and he would buy sides of beef and cartons of fruit and cartons of fresh vegetables and bring them back. And I remember going with him when I was a little girl; it was so interesting, you know, and everybody knew him in Boston in the market area. But he could get a better price by doing it that way than going through a third person, you know? A middleman. So you know, I can remember when my father was cooking here seeing him go in the big walk-in cooler and taking a knife and cutting off steak, of a side of beef. Or cutting off a certain portion and making hamburger or a roast or whatever, you know? Those are my memories of the kitchen. SPEAKER 1: Now, did he have maybe a different clientele? Let's say for the bar area, there were kind of regulars there? PHYLLIS: Yeah, oh yeah, yeah, yeah. A lot of people would come in just to have a drink. But these were -- they were not the tavern people that would go for a drink. They'd come in, in suits, and you know, they may have a drink before they went to the movies. See, the movie house was right adjacent to this building, and many people would either come before the movie or after the movies because we were open until two o'clock at that time. SPEAKER 1: Two o'clock in the morning? PHYLLIS: Yep. The only restaurant in Leominster, you're going to stay open for your customers when, you know -- of course the movie house would run two shows, and people would want to eat after the show or before. SPEAKER 1: Would it be a full menu still until two o'clock?14 PHYLLIS: Oh yes, oh yeah. I can remember when my father came into the business, he would tell me it was really hard to work until two o'clock in the morning and then go to bed and get up the next day and work the next day, you know? So when he took it over, he did away with two o'clock. Twelve o'clock. And then when my husband came into the business, it was 11, and then it went to 10. He said this, you know, it's too much. SPEAKER 1: I was just reading that Americans in particular, they're getting up earlier, they're going to bed earlier. So do you see that? PHYLLIS: Well, yes. SPEAKER 1: I mean, not necessarily not to go to dinner. PHYLLIS: Well yes, we do. Because your dinner hour is -- you have your early birds at four o'clock; those are the ones that go to bed at eight. And then about 8:30 it dies down, and you'll have your stragglers who are coming in after shopping, or a movie will come in, and we're open until 10 for that. SPEAKER 1: It's so different let's say in Europe where things are just heating up then, right? PHYLLIS: I went to Spain and things -- you know, 10 o'clock was very early for them to go out to eat. You know? And breakfast, you couldn't get any breakfast until 11. SPEAKER 1: It's so different. PHYLLIS: Unless you just wanted a coffee. SPEAKER 1: So first of all, was the restaurant set up in this way? PHYLLIS: No, this room here was always here, but there were booths all along the wall. They remodeled it to make it a banquet room, and the addition -- oh goodness, I can't think of it. They put the addition on -- my daughter would know, from seating maybe 50 people, we expanded it to… SPEAKER 1: When he opened it he could seat about 50? PHYLLIS: Well yeah, yes, yes. I'd say that, 50, 60. But when my husband and I took it over, our business was booming so much that people -- there was a 2-hour wait. SPEAKER 1: Now when was this?15 PHYLLIS: 1960, when my husband -- well, we knew, first of all we asked our children before we think of an addition, are you willing to stay on and work? And they said yes. And we went on and added a whole new kitchen and a whole new dining room, keeping the same décor in the booths that our customers insisted upon. They said if you don't have these booths in your new section, we're not coming back, you know? And they were so happy to see that we did. SPEAKER 1: There's so much more pride… PHYLLIS: Oh God. SPEAKER 1: So now your grandmother, how involved was she in this enterprise? PHYLLIS: Well, she went right along with my grandfather. She helped cook, she helped cleaned the downstairs for the downstairs restaurant, and she maintained the cleaning in the rooms of the roomers. So she was busy, she was a hard worker, a very hard worker. SPEAKER 1: So your grandfather, he must have been satisfied finally because this is his -- was this his last endeavor? Or was that… PHYLLIS: Well, it was his last business endeavor. SPEAKER 1: Business? PHYLLIS: Yeah, once he moved from above the restaurant, he built a home on Fort Pond, and he was more or less in retirement. He would still come in to check and make sure everything was okay, that my father was doing what he wanted my father to do; but eventually he became sickly, and that's when he stopped. SPEAKER 1: How many days was it open? PHYLLIS: He had it open seven days a week. SPEAKER 1: Wow. PHYLLIS: But this is my grandfather the businessman, you know? You have customers, they want to eat, you open seven days a week. SPEAKER 1: So I don't imagine you had a big Italian population for Sundays, or did you?16 PHYLLIS: No, it was mostly the other ethnic backgrounds that came in on Sunday. Because, you know, the Italians always gathered at their grandmother's house or their mother's house for Sunday dinner. It was, you know, a lot of loners, a lot of other ethnic background couples that would come as a treat to go out on Sunday, you know? SPEAKER 1: Do you think this was all of his employees back in 1933? PHYLLIS: Oh yeah, yeah. SPEAKER 1: And did they typically stay with him for a long time? PHYLLIS: Well, I was born in '34, the only ones I don't remember, this gentleman, this gentleman, the rest I remember. SPEAKER 1: So the two… PHYLLIS: I don't remember their names except her. They stayed. Her name is Gabrielle [Grenash]. SPEAKER 1: Grenash? PHYLLIS: I don't remember the others. SPEAKER 1: So it looks like two, four, twelve, eleven to twelve employees. PHYLLIS: Yeah. SPEAKER 1: And I think marking before the tape was running, but can you just explain those costumes a little bit that the waitresses wore? PHYLLIS: Well, in Italy, each little province or town had their own native dress, and I think he probably wanted to incorporate that with the red, the white, and the green colors of the Italian flag. So where my grandfather came from, the women wore these vests, and it was like a -- what's the word? SPEAKER 1: Bra? PHYLLIS: Bustier? SPEAKER 1: Oh yeah. PHYLLIS: You know, similar to that with black and white peasant blouse. Their hair in some kind of black scarf. And I'm sure it was similar to that where my grandfather came from, and he wanted something that was going to be reminiscent of Italy and with the Italian colors as well. Now, I don't know if I still have [age groups]. The first one did go into something similar to 17 that, trying to keep a tradition, but then it just became too cost-effective, you know, [unintelligible - 00:36:47] them and launder them and everything. SPEAKER 1: I'm thinking of keeping them clean. PHYLLIS: Well, yeah. SPEAKER 1: Because that looks difficult to do. PHYLLIS: Yeah. SPEAKER 1: There's so much white. Now, was he open for lunch also? PHYLLIS: Oh yeah. SPEAKER 1: For lunch and dinner. PHYLLIS: Just lunch and dinner seven days a week. Then as a new generation took over, they'd cut the hours down, although my father did keep seven days a week. When my husband and I took it over, we decided on Tuesday to close, on Tuesday because all the other restaurants were closed on Monday, so why not stay open on Monday? SPEAKER 1: So you have some of your grandfather's marketing expertise, evidently. So tell me what a day in his life was like owning the restaurant. PHYLLIS: Well, it was mostly -- you know he'd come in to his office, he'd go over the books, he'd do his bookkeeping, you know, his daily bookkeeping. And then he would take my grandmother and then go into Boston and spend the day in Boston purchasing the items I told you. And going to visit other friends, and then coming back so he could work the bar at night. SPEAKER 1: This is obviously after he became successful, but that's when you really remembered anyway. PHYLLIS: Yeah, I don't remember him working at the floor. I have pictures of him -- or in any other businesses he had, I wasn't around. And you know, it seems as though they didn't save too much then, like pictures and things. It was hard to come by some of these pictures that I do have. Now my children are all clamoring for them, you know? They want to carry on this heritage, and I'm so glad I talked to my mother. SPEAKER 1: Oh, I know. You have…18 PHYLLIS: So glad I talked to my mother about all this. SPEAKER 1: So what's the day for you like? Was it similar in any way? PHYLLIS: Well, when I was working here, I just worked the weekends because they were the busiest, keeping in mind I had six children at home [unintelligible - 00:39:13], and I'd be working. It was so busy, so very, very busy. Very stressful. Worrying about my children, are they okay, my teenagers, what are they doing, are they home on time, getting ready to seat the next customers, getting a call from home, it was horrible, it was horrible, that aspect of it. But the other aspect, the gratifying aspect was seeing customers that were older than me coming back and telling me stories about my grandfather, "Oh, Mr. Monty did this," or, "We've been coming here for 25 years," and knowing your customer by name. You know? They loved that if you recognized them, it meant something to them. And my husband was even busier than I was. He would be working 60 hours a week, it was hard for him. And that's when he decided to start cutting down the hours, the night hours, closing hours, and closing one day a week. He says, "I need that one day—not to relax, just to get things done," to have improvements done, or repairs done, or certain cleaning done to the stove, and things like that. He needed an extra day; and on his day off he was here all day. SPEAKER 1: Actually, you both talked about this. So you're glad that you continued with the business? PHYLLIS: Yes in one aspect because it's a two-sided feeling. The good side was it provided us with a very excellent way of life. Secondly, the other side of the coin, we had no family life. You know how the Italians get together on Sunday? We didn't have that. My husband was always working. So my father, who loved -- I'm an only child, so he just loved being with my children. He would take us out to dinner with all my children, so they got used to going out to eat very 19 young and being very critical of the menu and, you know. Being in the food business, you know, they grew up that way. Holidays my husband insisted, when he had the business, we close on Christmas, close on Thanksgiving, and close on Easter. We were open for New Year's Day, but you know, you had everybody that had hangovers come in on New Year's Day, so my husband said, we're closing New Year's Day, too. And that was really the only time we could get together as a family. So you have your advantages and you have your disadvantages, and you try to mesh them together. SPEAKER 1: Now, does that mean your grandfather was open during Christmas Day, Thanksgiving Day? PHYLLIS: Always the businessman. I remember coming up here into this room having Christmas dinner with my grandparents and my mother, and myself and my aunt and her family, and my father having to cook, you know, for us, for our customers that came in. You know, and he'd run in, you know, because he was busy in the kitchen. I always remembered that. I remember one Thanksgiving I had it by myself in a booth, I felt so terrible. Because my father was working, and my mother, she was upstairs, she didn't want to come down, and I don't know where the rest of the family was then, you know? But I remember being alone then. SPEAKER 1: Did that in any way become a stimulus for you to have six children? PHYLLIS: Well, it provided the stimulus to have as much family get-togethers as possible. You know, there's a lot of family time, let's all be together. If you want to bring your friends over that's okay, but this is our time. Tuesdays, Tuesday night it was a special time; either we went out to eat as a family, or we had people over. But that was our Sunday dinner, like -- because everybody would be home, my husband; and I would say don't plan anything for Tuesday night. That's our family night, you know? And I feel badly because today my children have to work around the schedule here, so they guard their time-20 off very, very much. So, "Ma, this is my only day off, you know? I'm going to do this; I'm going to spend time with my family." So it's hard even to get together now with them because they're, you know, six children. My son is working hard at his restaurant, my daughter downstairs who works all week long wants her Sundays to herself. In that aspect I'm sorry that we're not an average Italian family. But on the other hand, it's providing us with other things in life. SPEAKER 1: I'm sure you did the right things only because your children are in the business. PHYLLIS: Oh yes, oh yes. We provided a business for four of our children who -- my son also worked here, but then he wanted to have his own restaurant, which I think is wonderful. Now he knows how hard his father worked. You know, when I go to visit him, he'll say, "I can't get everything done. "This has happened, "that, and then one thing or another, and I laugh and I look at him and I say, "Think about your father, what he went through." SPEAKER 1: Your mother saw her father work like that. PHYLLIS: Yeah. SPEAKER 1: You saw your father. PHYLLIS: And she was used to it by the time her husband was in the business; she was used to seeing her father work all those hours. So she didn't -- I never heard her complaining that much about my father having to go into work certain nights, days, holidays, because she was brought up in that. Although I saw it, and I accepted it, I didn't like it. But I accepted it because it was our way of life, you know? But now the restaurant has provided my husband and I with so much opportunity, to travel and to do the things that we couldn't do, to have a social life, to have friends, and you know, we're appreciating that now. SPEAKER 1: Good. Your mother, your grandmother, you? PHYLLIS: Well, my grandmother did. I remember going to visit and staying with her at their home on Fort Pond, I used to love to go there because she would cook my favorite foods, like pancakes from scratch and different kind of 21 pastas, and it was nice being there. And we were right on the pond and I would bring all my friends over, and she'd feed everybody and we'd go swimming. My mother cooked when she lived in her own home, but when she moved above the restaurant, she didn't cook. "You hungry? Go ask your father for something to eat," you know? We didn't have meals together. My daughters all cook, are wonderful cooks. The one that has the store downstairs, out of this world, she's fabulous. But they all cook. And both my sons, even the son that works here, he cooks. So it's all in the food industry throughout the whole family. SPEAKER 1: Now I see… PHYLLIS: Oh yes, the veal parmesan was a specialty. SPEAKER 1: Was that offered every day? PHYLLIS: Yes. You know, as the different owners took leadership of the restaurant, they brought in different foods, you know, different menus. My children today have much more on their menu than we had only for the fact that preparation time, you know, you can only do so much. You can't be making these very fancy dishes to order because we had a small kitchen and you couldn't do that. When they expanded, then they started expanding their menu. I will show you the original menu that's on the wall in the waiting room. SPEAKER 1: Was Friday a big fish day? PHYLLIS: Oh yeah, yes. He also went in and bought his -- I'm sorry, he bought his fish fresh in Boston also, transporting it back and forth. You know, he made sure he'd be there first thing on Thursday to pick up his fish supply, scallop, shrimp, haddock. SPEAKER 1: That leads me to another question. I was wondering if Fridays are still a big fish day. PHYLLIS: Oh yeah, oh yes, yeah. You'd be surprised, especially with today's customers are so health conscious. They'll have fish any time during the week, not only on Friday because it's, you know, it's good for you. So we 22 have a few specialties during the week of fish as well as our fish menu ever, not just on Fridays. SPEAKER 1: Is that different? I'm wondering, do people really primarily fish only on Fridays back then? And now it's more [accepted]? PHYLLIS: I have to think. You know, fish was very inexpensive years ago. Today fish is as expensive as steak, you know, certain types of fish. So I would assume fish could've been on the Italian table more than once a week if they could afford to buy it. You know, there was only one fish market in Leominster at the time, and I still remember my own family having fish more than once a week on Fridays. But I can't speak for others. You know, with the sauce, you can make a marinara -- what do you call it? I need to get -- a certain kind of sauce made with squid. SPEAKER 1: I don't know what it's called. PHYLLIS: I can't think of the name, senior moment. I'll think of it. And that's made with sauce. So Italians would have that with pasta, or they would make, good pasta. Anything -- clam sauce, they would make. And that wasn't just on Friday; that was anytime, you know, that the mother wanted to cook it. SPEAKER 1: Now did you call -- do you just call sauce "sauce"? I mean did you ever call it gravy? PHYLLIS: No. SPEAKER 1: Why is that? PHYLLIS: I don't know. But any Italian that's Italian calls it sauce. Anybody else, if they're not Italian, calls it gravy. When people say I want gravy, if somebody says gravy they bring them out brown gravy. SPEAKER 1: So how have things changed over the years? Let's say the clientele. PHYLLIS: The clientele changes with the times. I remember when I worked I had a lot of yuppies, that they wanted to go out; and no matter what the cost, they wanted good food. And they expected for you to provide that with a smile and excellent service, and then they were yours forever. I remember that in particular, a lot of young people, young professionals…23 SPEAKER 1: What year, about? Oh, they have to come. PHYLLIS: Do they have to come? SPEAKER 2: Yeah they have to -- unless you guys want to go into the lounge. PHYLLIS: Go into the lounge. SPEAKER 1: Sure. PHYLLIS: And then he had a mahogany bar, a 10-foot mahogany bar. But when that 4th generation came in, they decided it would be a business move, a better business move, to increase the size of the other dining room to have large parties come in. So, you know, the little bit of business the bar did there, they decided to take it out. SPEAKER 1: So the 4th generation is your children. PHYLLIS: Yes. SPEAKER 1: And you said the 5th is working too, your grandchildren? PHYLLIS: One of my daughters Darla is waitressing here. Who knows what she wants? It's a start. They all started working here when they were young, all my children. As soon as they were tall enough to wash dishes, they were behind there washing dishes. And then they learned how to make the salads and work the kitchen line. SPEAKER 1: How has the restaurant business changed over the years? Oh, first of all we were talking about the clientele and how you mentioned the people who were coming in. PHYLLIS: Yeah, that I thought were yuppies. SPEAKER 1: Yuppies. And I asked you what year. PHYLLIS: '79 is when we remodeled. SPEAKER 1: Remodeled? PHYLLIS: And enlarged the restaurant. SPEAKER 1: So how have people's expectations changed when they come out to eat? PHYLLIS: I think they're more knowledgeable today. Even then in 1979 people knew what they wanted. They wanted good quality, and they let me know about it. Whereas years and years ago, they just took whatever you put in front of them and were happy. They never would complain. Not that we 24 didn't give them good service or good food, but I note the clientele today are very discriminating, if that's the correct word. They know what they want and you gotta provide it. SPEAKER 1: I noticed the sign when we just walked in here to the lounge is catering, you offer catering now? PHYLLIS: Yeah, they just started doing that. You know, a lot of the restaurants are doing that now. People would come up and -- see, we don't deliver, but people would come up and say, well I want such and such for a group of 30. And we would suggest certain foods, certain sizes; do you want it hot or do you want it oven ready? You know, it's a big help. A lot of people -- you know, more people are eating out. There's two workers in the family all the time and they don't have time to come home and cook. So anything that makes life easier for them, and that's why the store downstairs, she has all prepared foods that people can buy by the pound and go home and heat it up and have a meal. SPEAKER 1: But do you do a take-out? PHYLLIS: Oh yeah. SPEAKER 1: When did that really start, do you think? PHYLLIS: Forever. SPEAKER 1: Forever? PHYLLIS: When my grandfather had it, he was -- I remember having take-out, and the customers that were shut-ins would call a taxi and call here and say, I'd like such and such, and the taxi is picking it up. SPEAKER 1: So you went from only one restaurant, you're the only restaurant in town, so now there's so many. PHYLLIS: Five or six Italian restaurants. And we know the owners very well, because they're all mostly Italians other than the ones that are in Fitchburg. And we're all very friendly with them, you know. SPEAKER 1: Do you try to offer something different than let's say their restaurants offer?25 PHYLLIS: Not really. We go our own way and do our own thing. They're always looking for new menus, new preparation of foods, different foods introduced, you know, all the specialties, that they will try different. LINDA: Hi, I'm Linda. SPEAKER 1: Linda. PHYLLIS: She's interviewing for Fitchburg State College. SPEAKER 1: We're almost done. SPEAKER 2: All right. Did you want to look at that box on my truck so I can leave it here? Because he's worried about these two. PHYLLIS: Nothing but good about you, honey. SPEAKER 1: A different type of menu. PHYLLIS: Menus. People are starting to come in. SPEAKER 1: Let me ask you about your grandfather as far as he was civic-minded. PHYLLIS: Yeah. SPEAKER 1: Okay. PHYLLIS: They would ask him to be their Marshall of their mini-parade, and I remember seeing a picture of my grandfather on a horse leading a parade. SPEAKER 1: Maybe the historical society has that. PHYLLIS: Maybe. I know they have a wonderful film that they just put on video that I was asked to go and see, and my grandfather is in many of the scenes, and my grandmother as well. I could not believe my grandmother was in them. SPEAKER 1: How exciting. PHYLLIS: It was. And the most exciting part for me was the last shot. They had shots of all the children in all the schools, and these Lancaster Street schools, it showed a shot of all the children, and of course they put the nursery school children in the front, there I was. I couldn't believe it. And I knew it was me. I knew it because I said I had a coat just like that. And I go, "Oh my God, that's me." It was so interesting. SPEAKER 1: Now, who produced that?26 PHYLLIS: It's the historical society. They showed it to the public, I had a private viewing, and then they showed it to the public and as soon as they get enough money, they're going to mass produce them to sell to different people. SPEAKER 1: Was this related to Italians or just Leominster in general? PHYLLIS: Leominster in general. It had pictures of the restaurant, scenes of the waitresses serving customers, my grandfather standing there, my grandfather behind the bar with my father and my uncle. They had a shot of the walk-in cooler with the beef hanging. I think it was a promotional film depicting what's in Leominster because certain businesses were depicted also, like Fuller Lumber Company that no longer exists, shots of them; DuPont; people coming out of work. So it looked like a promotional thing. It showed city council and my grandfather was on a lot of committees. So anyway getting back to -- he was a founding father of Saint Anna's Church. He served on many committees, and one of which was the selective service board, otherwise known as the draft board. And I remember hearing how difficult it was for him to draft some of the sons of his closest friends, draft them to go to war. It was very difficult for him. And as I said before, he helped many immigrant Italian families to get established once they arrived in Leominster; and if anyone needed financial help for a business or money to send their son to college, they would always come and ask my grandfather for a loan. And you know, he would help many Italian families become assimilated in the American culture; and as a result he became godfather to many Italian sons and daughters, many, because that was a note of compliment to someone to ask them to be godparent to their child. And as I said, he was a man ahead of his time with his wisdom, his vision, his kindness and generosity. And that's how we'll always remember him. SPEAKER 1: He died when you were in your 30s or so?27 PHYLLIS: No, I was married and had children. He died in 1960. My husband was working at the restaurant. We were living above the restaurant and I had three children. SPEAKER 1: But the point is you really got to know him. PHYLLIS: Oh yes, yes. I'd like to think I was one of his favorites. I wasn't afraid of him. He was a very stern man. He seemed stern to all the grandchildren, but he really was an old softie. And I'd always -- when I was away at school, when I was at private girl's school, and I'd come home, and I'd always want to be with him, or I would like pestering him, you know, and he would make like I was pestering him, but really not, you know? And I used to kid with him, and I used to play with his single strand of hair that he had, that you could curl it, and he'd let me do it, you know? But the others never got close to him because they thought he was so stern, but he wasn't. I'll always remember him. SPEAKER 1: You know, a question comes to mind, because usually I ask people if it was important for them to marry Italian. PHYLLIS: Yes, it was. SPEAKER 1: But in your instance I'm wondering how important it was to marry someone who liked the restaurant business. PHYLLIS: Well, when I first met my husband, that had no bearing whatsoever how I became falling in love with my husband, because his parents also owned a variety store/restaurant in Leominster, and he worked there. So in 1960 after we came back from Italy—because he was in the service—he had a decision to make whether to stay in the service and go to Korea, or get out of the service and either take over his father's business or take over my father's business, and he chose this restaurant. SPEAKER 1: And briefly about the last name Caligaris. You said it's Italian. PHYLLIS: It is. If you're in Italy, it's spelled with a C. In Greece, it's spelled with a K because there's no C in the Greek alphabet and there's no K in the Italian alphabet. And we assumed that it was an intermarriage between 28 some Greeks, you know. The Caligaris originated in the southern part of Italy, but my husband's relatives came from northern Italy; the [Piedmont] area, which is not in Italy. We have Turin and Milano, so you can see they intermarried and then they moved to northern Italy. And his family had vineyards in the province of Asti, where they make Asti Spumante. They used to make barberra wine, red wine. It's interesting going there to see the oxen come up the hill loaded with mounds of grapes. People would handpick the grapes. I remember my mother with the scissors, snipping off the grapes and putting them in the basket. [Unintelligible – 01:06:20] SPEAKER 1: Your grandfather was the founder of Saint Anna's, was he a religious man? PHYLLIS: Yes. He had the -- what do I want to say? The degree, the bishop Evans degree in the Knights of Columbus; it's one of the highest degrees you can get. And he was very active with the Knights of Columbus. Very religious, very generous to the church. SPEAKER 1: What would he think of the business today? Let's say he walked up the stairs like I just did. PHYLLIS: I often think about that, and I would say, if only my grandfather lived, you know, to see his different generations, what they've done to the restaurant and how they've improved on it and how his grandchildren and great grandchildren and great-great grandchild have still maintained ties to the restaurant, that would please him so much. SPEAKER 1: He would be shocked by the way food is prepared now? PHYLLIS: No, because my grandfather, as I said, is before his time. He knows there's always improvements. You have to be better and best yourself, so he would understand this. You know, he wasn't set in his ways. No, he would be very proud, very proud. He would be very proud that the new section still maintained the atmosphere of the old. He would be the happiest to know it was still family that was running the restaurant. SPEAKER 1: One more question, what does it mean to be Italian to you?29 PHYLLIS: We have such a proud heritage. I can't imagine being anything else than Italian. We're a very warm people, loving, family-oriented, giving. We understand the plight and unfortunate incidents of other ethnic people because we were in their place at one time, you know, and I think that helps us to understand the other ethnic backgrounds. I think being Italian has given me a wonderful sense of different types of food, not only Italian food but other foods that we would be willing to try, because it would be different. I'm sure you've heard of the saying Italians live to eat, not eat to live. And that is so true, so true. The first thing someone comes to your house, sit down, "Have this, have that," you know, that's our first thing that comes to mind is food. It's a big part of our life, a part of our heritage. Unfortunately the younger people don't have the time—let's put it that way—to become involved where they can be with fellow Italians like the Italian center down on Lancaster Street where we are members of and we have social gatherings with a lot of other Italians. You know? And it reinforces our heritage. Unfortunately the younger people don't do that. So consequently what's going to happen, the heritage, it's going to lose its meaning, you know? And there's so many intermarriages that it's thinning out, you know? My generation, they really would've liked you to marry someone of your ethnic background, which I did. The generation before mine, it was insisted upon. You marry your own. You know? Like every other ethnic background went the same way. But today's generation, it doesn't make any difference. SPEAKER 1: Did it make a difference with your children's generation? PHYLLIS: No, no. They were the ones that intermarried other backgrounds. I have -- let's see, one child that married a half-Italian, that's the best we could get. She was half-Italian. And all the rest married, you know, French, or Irish, Yankee or whatever. 30 And you know, they adapt to our ways. They learn how to eat the foods that we eat, albeit it was very foreign to them. But now they love it. And I have one French son-in-law and he keeps reminding me, "Oh Ma, remember when you put that on the table for the first time and I didn't know what it was? And now I love it." SPEAKER 1: Now, were the spouses involved with the restaurant? PHYLLIS: At some point as an extra job, you know, bartending, one thing or another, you know? The wife would bartender or waitress. You know, that was just as extra money, not really -- the family really was the mainstay. They managed the restaurant and manned the restaurant. It's best not to have the in-laws on any decision. It has to be family, and they have to get along. They make a big effort. SPEAKER 1: Do they? PHYLLIS: They make a very big effort to get along. They have meetings. If anything happens they discuss it, which is good. You just can't have siblings run a restaurant and they're not happy about it, and it festers and festers, and -- no. That's why it's so out of the ordinary to have a restaurant go five generations. And if Alana is really not in a management end of it, who knows what she wants to do? Taking business administration, so who knows what she wants to do? SPEAKER 1: Are there any restaurants in the state, let's say, that span five generations? PHYLLIS: Not that I know of. SPEAKER 1: That really is amazing. PHYLLIS: What happens with people -- like in the Boston area, I know the Union House is an old restaurant. They claim to be the first restaurant in Massachusetts, and sure, if it's still owned by the same owner. SPEAKER 1: I thought it was sold. PHYLLIS: It could be. SPEAKER 1: I don't know. PHYLLIS: That never entered our mind. SPEAKER 1: Never?31 PHYLLIS: Never. SPEAKER 1: Even now? PHYLLIS: Never. Never entered our mind. SPEAKER 1: What was your hardest experience? PHYLLIS: Working those weekends when my children were home, worrying about them, not being able to be there to go over, you know, what was going on in my house. I found that very difficult. The stress working here -- I loved being—I'm a people person—I loved being with my customers, interacting with them, hearing if they enjoyed it, if they didn't enjoy it, why. But the stress was the cause of a heart attack for me. So after then my children became really involved and said, "Look, you just go up in the office and do a few things, and between the four of us we'll take care of the downstairs." And then eventually after awhile, they could handle everything. So I didn't have to work. SPEAKER 1: So what role do you play now? Do you play any in the restaurant? PHYLLIS: Nope. I come in, see my children on Friday, "Hi, how are you? How are you doing? How is this one doing? What's up?" and this and that, and just to keep in contact, go downstairs and see my two daughters. Once in awhile I'll go into Worcester to see my son and his wife and four children. SPEAKER 1: Do they live in Worcester? PHYLLIS: Yes, yeah, yeah. I'm enjoying life now. My husband and I are really enjoying life and we're reaping the rewards of hard work at the restaurant. And I know someday my children will too. They believe in more -- other management, other family members being managers, thereby giving them more time off to be with their families. They still work the weekends, but not all of them. One will be here. And then they rotate, so they all have time off, which is good. With my husband and I, I had no sisters, and his brother has another profession, so it was kind of all up to us to do it. SPEAKER 1: Please tell me now, your two daughters that work downstairs, that own that -- what's it called?32 PHYLLIS: The [Pasta] Company. My daughter, Sandra [Osborne] and her husband Richard own that. And I'm going to have to take you down there to show you. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, I want to see that. PHYLLIS: And just recently her sister came to work for her, and it's so wonderful. SPEAKER 1: And what's her name? PHYLLIS: Lynn. SPEAKER 1: Lynn? PHYLLIS: It's so wonderful that she's working for her sister just because family is there. When my daughter's not there she knows her sister is, and all will be run right. SPEAKER 1: And now the children up here, what are their names? PHYLLIS: Leslie. SPEAKER 1: Leslie. PHYLLIS: There's Dean. And they all have their own department that they run. Leslie is the -- she assists, manager, bookkeeper. Dean is the out front manager, hiring, firing waitresses, training them. Brian does the bar and hiring the bartenders and the cooks, overseeing the kitchen, at times, cooking himself, dishwashers. You know, it's divided up nicely, but at one point I was doing it all. My husband was doing the bookwork, but I was doing the hiring and firing of everybody, and it was so stressful. SPEAKER 1: And Steven is at Stefano's. PHYLLIS: Yeah. And, you know, his wife helps him. She has her own teaching job, but she helped him on the weekends, and his oldest daughter works on Saturday because it's that busy, as a waitress. And he was telling me that she knows the business already, that she could manage that business. So I can foresee his children going right through his business, which is -- it's good. You know, there's nothing like having family there. SPEAKER 1: That's right. Thank you, is there anything else you'd like to add? PHYLLIS: No, I think I covered my grandfather's life pretty much.33 SPEAKER 1: He sounds like a wonderful man. PHYLLIS: Wasn't he? SPEAKER 1: Remarkable. PHYLLIS: A remarkable person, you know? And my son said to me the other day -- he was interviewed by Maria Populous, she has the "Cooking with Maria." SPEAKER 1: Oh, okay. PHYLLIS: And they did an hour-segment on Stefano's and they interviewed him. At the initial interview, he said how disappointed he was that he never got to meet who all started this, you know? Shot of him cooking and doing his specialty, what he liked, and then his other two chefs. It was great. I was so proud of him. SPEAKER 1: So proud of your past, and it sounds like you're so proud of your future. PHYLLIS: Oh yeah, I've often said I want to be in the know. You know, when you look in the world today, you always have to be thankful for what you have because things could've been -- my parents had a good life, my father and mother, well, they worked hard. They worked very, very hard. SPEAKER 2: I'm putting my [unintelligible - 01:19:40] so don't worry about it. PHYLLIS: Okay dear. My children, they'll have a good life, because they married men who have good businesses, and they'll support them with a good life. So I can rest knowing that all my…/AT/pa/tf/es

This book offers a contrastive, corpus-illustrated study of modal adverbs in English and Polish. It adopts a functional perspective on modal adverbs, and focuses on their interpersonal, textual and rhetorical functions in the two languages. The items under analysis (e.g. certainly, probably, evidently, clearly) are categorised differently in Anglophone and Polish linguistics, which is why this book also provides some insights into the treatment of modality and modal adverbs in English and Polish studies, thus contributing to the discussion of the ways in which such concepts as modal adverb, modal particle and discourse marker are understood across different languages and different linguistic traditions. It draws its examples from two monolingual corpora (the British National Corpus and the National Corpus of Polish), and the English-Polish parallel corpus Paralela. ; This project is financed from the grant received from the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education under the Regional Initiative of Excellence programme for the years 2019-2022; project number 009/RID/2018/19, the amount of funding: PLN 10 947.15. It has also received financial support from the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education under subsidy for maintaining the research potential of the Faculty of Philology, University of Białystok. ; a.rozumko@uwb.edu.pl ; Agata Rozumko is an Assistant Professor of English and English-Polish Contrastive Linguistics in the Institute of Modern Languages at the University of Bialystok. 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Part two of an interview with Daniel Tata. Topics include: The food Daniel's family prepared and ate while he was growing up. Sunday dinners. What Daniel's father was like. The types of chores Daniel and his siblings did. What the neighborhood Daniel grew up in was like. Important Italian residents in the local area. Differences between first, second, and third generations of Italian Americans. Daniel's aspirations for his life. Being stationed at Pearl Harbor after the attack. ; 1 DANIEL TATA: No, we just talked about that. Yeah, they used to use the wine pressure, or the wine press; they've made a lot of wine, the Italian people, especially at this time of the year with the wine making era. INTERVIEWER: Did your father make wine? DANIEL TATA: Yeah, he always had two or three barrels of wine down the cellar. In fact, that was like water to us, they'd put a bottle every dinner that you had they had a bottle of wine on the table [unintelligible - 00:00:38] like drinking a glass. INTERVIEWER: Even children? DANIEL TATA: Huh? INTERVIEWER: Children too would drink it? DANIEL TATA: Yeah, yeah, this was part of the diet, actually. They used to go to school when you'd hear about these Irish kids or English kids saying, "Boy, I had a glass of wine. Boy, did I get drunk!" [Laughter] We said, "You got drunk on wine?" [Laughter] We couldn't believe it, because to us that was part of our diet, actually. Of course in Italy they drank a lot of wine because of the water problems out there. INTERVIEWER: Uh-huh. DANIEL TATA: To them it was a natural thing. It was, it was [unintelligible - 00:01:26] got you drunk, you didn't drink as much as that. Not to get drunk, you know when to stop. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: I've always wondered about that, I mean, I don't think even today there's a drinking age in Italy; you can drink anytime. DANIEL TATA: Yeah, it's just a natural thing. It seems to be part of their diet. Then you hear of people drinking and getting drunk and that, but I know to me it never affected me. Because I didn't abuse it like some of them just don't know how, when to stop. But to us we, you had a meal, you had a glass of wine or half a glass. It was [unintelligible - 00:02:17] set up on the table.2 INTERVIEWER: Speaking of the table, what kinds of foods did your mother make? DANIEL TATA: She used to do a lot of baking. She baked her own bread, the pastry. Of course you must have heard of all the pastry that they used to have. The [unintelligible - 00:02:35] and waffles, biscuits, they were very good in cooking. I know. Spaghetti, they mase their own spaghetti, their own ravioli. Then the part of Italy that we came from, they made gnocchi. I don't know if you've heard of that. INTERVIEWER: Uh-huh. I love those. DANIEL TATA: Yeah, a lot of food and we don't know what they are. The part I guess that we come from, that was sort of one of the delicacies. INTERVIEWER: Did your mother make macaroni every day? Pasta every day? DANIEL TATA: No, they make enough of it. They dry it up. They'd hang it. [Unintelligible - 00:03:25] Like I said, the food situation didn't bother the Italian people much. They knew how to survive, they knew how to can, they knew how to preserve stuff, I don't know how they did it but I'm surprised they didn't go into the food business. INTERVIEWER: Hmm. That's true. DANIEL TATA: Yeah. When you come to think of the things they used to do, they used to make their own wine, they used to make their own half of the food that they had, they'd can it, [unintelligible - 00:03:57] Street you have a lot of them that [unintelligible - 00:04:07] restaurants. INTERVIEWER: Well, they had the Gondola restaurant? DANIEL TATA: Yeah, The El Camino, Monty's. INTERVIEWER: Now, did your family eat differently on Sundays? DANIEL TATA: Sundays was the homemade and chicken day. They would make a chicken and cook homemade, more or less. And they usually, they'd invite their relatives too, some of them. Somebody only 3 was a couple or something like that. You invite them over for a Sunday dinner. INTERVIEWER: Your mother must have had a very large table, to serve all those people. DANIEL TATA: Oh yeah, there was always a party. I used to call it the house of the party. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: House of the party. DANIEL TATA: [Laughter] Everybody sat around the table. My father being on one end, my mother being on the other end. INTERVIEWER: Was your father served first? DANIEL TATA: No. Well, they used to have pots. I don't know if you ever remember the table pots, they never, they have scoop and they'd scoop out if it was soup or a bean supper or something like that, even scoop a portion for you. He would cut the bread or break the chicken up so everybody would have a piece of it. He was almost like what they call the master of the house in those days. INTERVIEWER: What was he like? What was your father like? DANIEL TATA: He was, he was very…he was a comedian actually. INTERVIEWER: Really? DANIEL TATA: He always had stories to tell. In fact our whole neighborhood used to come over the house at night because he was always telling stories. INTERVIEWER: What kinds of stories? DANIEL TATA: Things that he did while he was in the Italy or while he was out here. Friends that he was with and what they did. INTERVIEWER: So do you remember any stories from Italy? DANIEL TATA: Yeah. He was always telling a story about jumping over the moon. People was wondering, what are you talking about? How you gonna get up to the sky to jump over the moon? He said, "Well, the birds fly don't they?" [Laughter] Yeah, like I said, he was actually a comedian inside, I can remember. He always played 4 with his kids too, you know. In fact he put a tent around our house so we wouldn't run out in the streets and things like that. INTERVIEWER: What was your mother like? DANIEL TATA: My mother was industrious. She was always making sure that we did our homework, or did your studies, you know. She was always busy making meatballs or something, you know, preparing the week's menu, I guess, or what. INTERVIEWER: And did all of you have chores to do around the house? DANIEL TATA: Well, we didn't call it chores. We called it more or less of helping. Whatever had to be done in the house, you have to do it. You have to sweep the floor or you have to pick up all the clothes left in the bedroom. They had a lot of clothes in those days. [Laughter] We'd take care of the house, or take care of the furnace. Everybody had something to do. INTERVIEWER: So you all pitched in and… DANIEL TATA: We all pitched in. Then if you went to work then you didn't do anything. That was your free time. INTERVIEWER: So you must have gotten more free time when you got the printing press down in the basement? DANIEL TATA: Oh yeah, I always had some one of my brothers to get down and help me. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: That wasn't fair. DANIEL TATA: [Laughter] They got wiser and they said, "Oh, you're making money and I'm not getting any of it?" [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: So, was there boys' work and girls' work in the house? DANIEL TATA: Girls did the housework. They'd do the ironing and help the mother do the washing. INTERVIEWER: What about the boys? DANIEL TATA: The boys were, like I said, they'd go out around the neighborhood and see if they could get something to do to get some money. That's one thing that we learned when we were kids. [Laughter]5 Is how to earn the nickel so that we can go to the movies because you couldn't ask your father because your father doesn't make that much? INTERVIEWER: Now did…? I'm sorry, go ahead. DANIEL TATA: But somehow I always managed to earn a quarter or earn a dime, which, which in those days was a lot of money, that's all you needed then. The movies were five cents, I guess, in those days, then they used to have matinee specials where they have a chum night day where for a dime you take somebody with you, a companion or a friend. INTERVIEWER: Did you grow up on Lincoln Terrace? DANIEL TATA: No, Cedar Street. Yeah. Well, it was between the Italian area and the French area. Mostly Irish where we were. The Reagans, the Fagans, the Burnses. Yeah, we were, I think we were about two Italian families on that street. But further away, about a hundred yards away there was the Italian area, but mostly were the Irish, the [unintelligible - 00:10:38]. Yeah, they had a farm there too. A little farm. One of the [Lilmoores]. Yeah, he had ducks, horses. We used to go there and help him. He'd give us a quarter or a dollar or something. Sometimes we did a lot of work. INTERVIEWER: Well, since you were Italian, did you find yourself going into the Italian section more? DANIEL TATA: Well, your friends were there. Let's put it that way. The Irish, the Irish kids always called you names. They'd call you guinea or wop. "What are you doing over here, you wop?" [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: Was that more good natured or was that, did they mean it? DANIEL TATA: Well, it was a kidding thing, but you took it, you resented it, you know. They would call the French kids frogs. INTERVIEWER: I never understood that. Where does that come from? DANIEL TATA: I don't know. Frog. I mean, what's a frog? Frog? They don't have any frogs in France, do they? Or they eat frogs? [Laughter]6 INTERVIEWER: Ahh! Maybe that's why. Frog legs, right? DANIEL TATA: Probably that was it, but they used to call the French frogs; have you heard that too? INTERVIEWER: I've heard that. Uh-huh. DANIEL TATA: The wops or guineas or… INTERVIEWER: So did you hear that a lot? DANIEL TATA: We did that for a long time, yeah. Yeah, because that was way back in the Depression days, you know. And we weren't too many in the area, so they resented us coming in I guess. There was always street fights. INTERVIEWER: Were there? DANIEL TATA: [Laughter] They were harmless, but there was street fights, you know, because you resented being called names. INTERVIEWER: Were there gangs in that time? You know, gangs of Irish or gangs… DANIEL TATA: Well, we had baseball teams. Gangs, we'd gang up and play against the Irish or French. Sandlot, you know, sandlot games, a lot of those. We didn't have any coaches in those days or a Little League or minor league and stuff like that; you did everything on your own. INTERVIEWER: Uh-huh. DANIEL TATA: If you had a baseball team you'd pick the team. You didn't have anybody to tell you, "Well, you're not gonna play today because you didn't hit yesterday." [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: So did you eventually become friends with other ethnic groups? DANIEL TATA: Yeah, yeah, we went to school together. Little by little those things just disappear, you get to be friends. They'd invite us to their house or they like the sandwich that your mother makes. There was a lot of that. You know, exchange of food. "Hey, I'll give you a piece of pie if you go get me a piece of salami."7 [Laughter] "My mother made some beef stew. See if you got some spaghetti over there." That was common. Switching dishes. INTERVIEWER: So your parents and their parents must've seen you mingling a little bit. Did it bother them at all? DANIEL TATA: No, they stood their ground. Most of them were professional people, they had the better jobs, let's put it that way. They worked in the post office or they were policemen or firemen. That's where the stuff about getting together and see how we can get those jobs too came about. There was a lot of that, you know. You started to [unintelligible - 00:14:36] "Hey, how come O'Donnell there, Francis over there, he's a cop, he works in the post office. I'm still shoveling dirt." They didn't like that. There was a lot of that going on. INTERVIEWER: Did they receive any help from let's say the Irish community or French community? DANIEL TATA: No, it was a hard barrier there. It was hard to crash that barrier. About, you know, getting those jobs or becoming teachers or things like that. A lot of the girls wanted to, that time there used to be the normal schools, Fitchburg State used to be known as the Teachers Normal School or something like that. INTERVIEWER: Yeah, I can't remember exactly but I think it had both of that. DANIEL TATA: Yeah, that was actually for teachers, training teachers. And while the younger ladies, they wanted to go to school, didn't know how to get there. That's why a lot of these other things came by assistance from people that knew different things. Some of the more educated Italians started to advise us about different things. INTERVIEWER: So when you say better educated, do you mean these were the children of the immigrants? Or even the immigrants themselves would advise you? DANIEL TATA: Even the immigrants themselves. Some of them had gone to the higher classes and most of the, well a lot of the fellows that came 8 over here were only 14, 15 years old. They didn't perform their school obligations. They just hit the trail to make money, I guess. Those that came later with more educated, and they were sad to see what their people were doing. There must be a better way out of this, you know, the Italians say. And then they started to see that they had all these different clubs and all. And some of them tried to group those people together and tried to see what was going on in the political structure. They found out that that was the part that they were missing. INTERVIEWER: So who were the real leaders when you were growing up in the Italian community? DANIEL TATA: Well, the names that I recall was the [Palumbos], the [Bartimos], [Itsis], the [Peleccias], the [Donfros], the Rossis, the [Tragias], then they had a lot of them, they had stores up in town, like Monty's. Yeah, he started off in the fruit business and he ended up with Monty's Garden. They had the [Valeris]. INTERVIEWER: So what gave them the stature for you to look up to them? DANIEL TATA: Well, we listened to them, not looked up to them but we listened to what they had to say, you know. Some of them, like Mr. Palumbo there, he was very in tuned about your heritage, you know. Figuring that you are Italian, you should be able to speak the Italian language. He was one of the ones that instituted that at the high school. Little by little we had lawyers coming to the area, Italian lawyers. But they came from other areas, they moved in there in this area because they didn't have any Italian lawyers and things like that. INTERVIEWER: So was Palumbo, was he one of the founders of the Italian civic [unintelligible - 00:19:06]? DANIEL TATA: I think he was. INTERVIEWER: Uh-huh.9 DANIEL TATA: Like I said, when I got into it, it was after the war. A lot of the prior records were lost, somewhere along the line somebody lost them. INTERVIEWER: Now is Palumbo one of the people who gave… did they give scholarships [unintelligible - 00:19:28]? DANIEL TATA: Yeah, yeah, he instituted a program where all the Italian clubs would contribute to the scholarship that he had set up. We had a school counselor on the school committee, Dr. [Cotalbo] to help him fund the scholarship at the high school. Get them to get the Italian language class going. INTERVIEWER: That's still going on today? DANIEL TATA: No, that disbanded after the clubs started to disappear, because then we had nobody to contribute to it. So the Italian clubs did that for a while until they were running out of money; then they had to more or less stop that part. And then I guess they started to expand the class but for some reason or other they stopped the Italian language class because of the shortage in money or something. That probably was it. But I used to do mostly the writing and soliciting for Mr. Palumbo to get the money from the other people. INTERVIEWER: The writing and the printing too. DANIEL TATA: Yeah. [Laughter] That was part of it. [Laughter] But they had quite a few of the kids that went on to college and took that Italian course. And [Tenuzzi] he became the education director in the state. Yeah, they had quite a crew of them. When I look at the book there's a lot of those names there. The kids that were going to school they did pretty good in the education field. INTERVIEWER: Is that Robert…? DANIEL TATA: Robert, yeah. There was [unintelligible - 00:21:39], there was quite a few of them. But you'd have to go through that book to see when it actually started.10 INTERVIEWER: You were talking about the Italians, how they helped each other if they were from the same village or region. DANIEL TATA: Right, that's why they had so many different clubs. Because everybody that came from a certain district of Italy formed their own society, so they could help each other. A lot of them never had insurance policies; they didn't know what banking was or things like that. And they'd protect them from their work if they lost their job or got sick they would get a benefit from the society that they belonged because they used to pool some money. It wasn't much, but they got some kind of a stipend from the organizations. And every little community of Italy had their own little society that they used to call them, if you came from Abruzzi the Abruzzi club or [Cathenia] the [Cathenia] club, Roman, the Roman club. Wherever they came from they called themselves by that name. INTERVIEWER: There doesn't seem to be many [Calibrese] in this area. DANIEL TATA: No, but they had a society, Abruzzi they used to call it, [Calibrese] Abruzzi [Cathenio] club. Then they had the [Forgia] club; that was way down the bottom of Italy. Then they had the San de Maria club, that was our club that came closer to Rome. And they had the Roman club, Yolanda. And they had the Napolitanas, of Naples. Everybody in their own area had one of those clubs around. INTERVIEWER: Do you think that people felt closer when they were part of the same region? DANIEL TATA: They could talk to each other. They knew each other, so their communication was more in their sphere. INTERVIEWER: But that must have been within the Italian community. Outside of the Italian community everyone just thought of probably Italian. DANIEL TATA: Yeah. You are Italian. Well, sometimes they would call you [Cathenio] or "Hey, Abruzzi!" INTERVIEWER: Really, outside of the community?11 DANIEL TATA: Or Saladini Lamarche, you come from lamarche, something like that. Or your area don't know anything, or something like that. Or these guys come from [unintelligible - 00:24:40], they're down the boot, they're farmers, you know. [Laughter] They try to degrade each other or elevate each other. In fact I'm better than you because I come from the city, you know. You come from the cow country or the wine country. INTERVIEWER: Now, do you find the next generation, do they more consider themselves just Italian or have they tried to… do they try to recapture that regional sense, like the, what did you call them, pasan, when you're from the same… DANIEL TATA: Provincia. INTERVIEWER: No, paisan… didn't you say your father… DANIEL TATA: Paisan. INTERVIEWER: Paisan, yeah. DANIEL TATA: Paisan, that's friend or province. You're a paisan, you're from my area. INTERVIEWER: But is that diluted now with each generation? DANIEL TATA: Yeah, yeah, this generation's kind of disbanded those situations, they're Italians, you know, and then a lot of them now they're Americanized. They figure they're the second or third generation of Italian. INTERVIEWER: You know what surprises me is grandchildren of immigrants typically don't even know which region they were from. DANIEL TATA: Right, yeah. Well, that's because that was kept away from them, you know. The following generation from the immigrant generation never exposed their generation. Like my generation never fulfilled the obligation to telling my kids, well, your father or mother or your grandfather had a hard time. INTERVIEWER: Why is that?12 DANIEL TATA: Because your success was a lot different from theirs. You made it, they had a hard time making it. And then you got educated, they didn't. Education had a lot to do with it. You inspired yourself to do a lot of things besides what you really are, you know. INTERVIEWER: So let we understand now, do you feel like maybe your generation didn't fulfill their obligation… DANIEL TATA: Right. They didn't pass it on or they didn't impose on it more than they should have. Let them know that what we did wasn't easy. We had to fight our way up. They don't seem to realize what you did or I did, you know. You're probably in the same generation as I am, you know. Your exposure to life was different than theirs. Theirs is easier. We made $20, $30; they're making thousands of dollars working. So they got a better life than we had. We had to, well, we saved before we bought a house; they just buy it. They have a different concept of life. INTERVIEWER: So you were saying how Italians helped themselves; do you see the new immigrant group moving into Leominster doing that same thing? DANIEL TATA: Those that come from Italy do; but those that are here don't. INTERVIEWER: What do you mean? DANIEL TATA: The people who are still migrating from foreign countries or from Italy they seem to be closer to one another than we are. Because I guess they feel that they were intruding, they're still intruding and we're here. We know what's it all about. INTERVIEWER: What was your hardest experience in life? DANIEL TATA: My hardest experience was trying to go to school when I was growing up. Like I told you, my mother insisted on us going to school, but they didn't have the resources to send us to school. But we did it more one way or another. More or less found a way in doing it. Maybe we didn't do what we really wanted to do but we got part of it anyway.13 INTERVIEWER: What did you really want to do? DANIEL TATA: I don't know, I just… it's hard to say. But I was always ambitious anyway. Somewhere or other I says I'm not gonna work for somebody, I'm gonna work for myself and that's what I aspired to do. Probably in all my life I only worked for two or three people. A lot of people just want a job, you know. If they get a job, they'll have security. I say well, you can do it that way. You can be a cop if you want, but I'm gonna go in business, see if I can make it. And there was a lot of them in my sense of thinking. Then a lot of them just wanted security, you know. Which was their problem if they wanted it; once they found out how to get it they went for it. INTERVIEWER: Did you ever consider moving? DANIEL TATA: I did once. I wanted to see what the other part of the world was, yeah. That's why I joined that force that went over to Pearl Harbor; after the bombing they were looking for volunteers to go and work at the shipyard out there. INTERVIEWER: And you left? DANIEL TATA: So I left. INTERVIEWER: So that was just before you got married then? DANIEL TATA: I got married just before I left. INTERVIEWER: Oh, you got married before you left? DANIEL TATA: Yeah… I was there two years, then the war ended. I got drafted out there. INTERVIEWER: So you volunteered, it had nothing to do with the service? DANIEL TATA: Well, it was part of the manpower program they called it. They needed a lot of people to go over there and rebuild the destruction that they had there, right after the bombing and things like that they were calling for construction workers. Well, they had a unit they call the CBs, the civilian battalion. But after a while they militarized that unit. But I was in the manpower group; we went over there to work actually, to work for the Navy department.14 Repaired the ships, repaired the planes, the carriers, and all the stuff that was destroyed there. But I was young when I was there so they had to draft me, they drafted me. So I stayed there. INTERVIEWER: So did you ever come back? DANIEL TATA: I came back after the war, yeah. And then when my father died I came back for a short time, then I had to go back to fill out my obligation. INTERVIEWER: But when you went over to Pearl Harbor that was 1942? DANIEL TATA: It was '44. I had to sign up for two years. In '43 I was over in California, [unintelligible - 00:32:53] Island training for the job that I was going to do. Whenever repairing jobs that we had to do, we had to be trained for it. So we'd stay in California Navy yards and work around there. INTERVIEWER: So was the devastation still…? DANIEL TATA: It was still there you know, yeah. The Arizona was really visible then. You could see the bow sticking out of the water, you know, how it was. And they told us how many bodies were there. They made one attempt to try to raise it, then I guess the admiral figured it would be better to leave it there and make a tomb out of it, and that's what they did. They encircled it with a platform of cement. I guess now it's a shrine. People go there, walk around it. But there was a lot of devastation there. Real stuff, there are places they never even mentioned, like Schofield Barrack, the airfield that they had destroyed. They leveled it right down, plane after plane. You wouldn't believe it if you didn't see it. And they never mentioned that; I don't know why. INTERVIEWER: You must have been so surprised when you landed and saw it. DANIEL TATA: Yeah, well we were close to it because our barracks where we slept and bathed was next to that airfield. Hickam field, they called it. INTERVIEWER: So explain to me, can you remember? First of all, did you come on a Navy ship?15 DANIEL TATA: Yeah we did, we went over on one of the Navy ships. Yeah, we went in with the troops actually. There was about 2000 sailors going over there to replace the ones that got destroyed or died, replenish the troops you know. INTERVIEWER: So explain to me what it was like when you landed and saw this with your own eyes. DANIEL TATA: I didn't have to realize what war was. But after a while you just take it for granted. It was still a military zone; it was under martial law. There were lot of things you couldn't go to, a lot of place you couldn't do. We were restricted to certain areas, because they didn't know whether they were coming back or what. That was the height of the war was in '42. After that they started to make grounds. Part of the stuff they needed was back in position. They got their fleet backs together and things like that. But there was a lot of that stuff going on, repairing mostly. Getting the damage over with. It took a while, but they succeeded. INTERVIEWER: That must've been satisfying work. DANIEL TATA: Oh yeah, you were accomplishing something. Then you met everybody. A lot of the people that were in the service came over, "Hey Danny, what are you doing here?" [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: You mean you met people from this area? DANIEL TATA: Yeah, I met a lot of them. And I'd take them over to the barracks and they couldn't get, a lot of them like to drink you know, have a beer or have a shot of whisky or something. They didn't have that stuff but we had what they call a liquor card, we were entitled to one bottle of whisky a week. So we celebrated. INTERVIEWER: Bet they were happy they ran into you. DANIEL TATA: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: So now, after working there for a period… what did you do, sign up for a period of time? DANIEL TATA: Yeah, we had to sign up for two years.16 INTERVIEWER: And then you came home after that? DANIEL TATA: Well, they wanted me to stay there because everybody was going home and there was still a lot of things to do. They had what they call deactivation. Bringing everything back to civilian life. INTERVIEWER: What do you mean by that? They brought you back to civilian life? DANIEL TATA: Right. Well, not only us but the community too because that was a war zone, you know. INTERVIEWER: So when you left after two years did another group come in? DANIEL TATA: They had other groups come in, but they went to Japan or a lot of a lot of islands that were destroyed, too, had to be maintained and restructured. A lot of them there were in the construction field. Went over and rebuilt a lot of the buildings, a lot of the devastation. Things that happened. Then the Hiroshima, they had a group that went there; I wouldn't sign up for that one. I didn't want to get that radiation. They would tell you what it was all about, you know. I said, "That's not for me." I says, "I was here two years, let somebody else do that." INTERVIEWER: So when you came home then you were drafted? DANIEL TATA: I was drafted while I was there, second year… first year that I was there, so I would stay there. They figured if I was just a civilian I may want to go home you know. So they said [unintelligible - 00:39:02] so we're gonna draft you and you stay here. INTERVIEWER: Were you allowed to stay at home in 1944 when you returned? DANIEL TATA: No. INTERVIEWER: No? DANIEL TATA: No, I had to go back because I was still under military orders. They called it at the convenience of the government. I'm gonna show you my… discharge paper, I still have them. INTERVIEWER: I'll look at it after, but… so you went back to Pearl Harbor and worked there for another how long?17 DANIEL TATA: To finish out my time. But after my time was over, well, I had a chance to take my wife over. INTERVIEWER: Oh! DANIEL TATA: They were gonna give me an apartment or a cottage, what they call a naval [unintelligible - 00:39:56]. They had an area where all the workers could stay. And if you were married and had children and you needed a house they would furnish it for you. If you stayed there and signed up for the period of time that they wanted you. INTERVIEWER: So did you do that? Did you bring your wife over? DANIEL TATA: No, she didn't want to come. INTERVIEWER: No? DANIEL TATA: No. Better stayed there. INTERVIEWER: You mean stayed there after. DANIEL TATA: Right. INTERVIEWER: After you got discharged? DANIEL TATA: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: What did you do with your printing business while this was happening? DANIEL TATA: My brother was supposed to be running it, but he never did. INTERVIEWER: [Unintelligible - 00:40:43] DANIEL TATA: Yeah, I left it to him. I had a… I was doing work for that [unintelligible - 00:40:48] company, I had a set job for him, all he had to do is go in there, push the button and start the machine and they burned out the [unintelligible - 00:40:57] out of the machine, him and my younger brother. That one they hired, they didn't know what to do, how to fix the machine, so they just abandoned it and they lost the contract. INTERVIEWER: Okay. DANIEL TATA: Yeah, I fixed it myself. All you have to do is come in here, the die is all set, and they have the same cards all the time. All you do is 18 just feed the machine. It was automatic, because I bought an automatic machine. INTERVIEWER: So was that on Mechanic Street? DANIEL TATA: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: So what did they do – just closed up the shop? DANIEL TATA: Yes, they just closed up and they had money in the bank to pay for the rent. [Laughter] INTERVIEWER: So you came back. DANIEL TATA: I come back and it was a disaster. INTERVIEWER: Now what year did you come back? DANIEL TATA: '46. INTERVIEWER: So you just… DANIEL TATA: August '46, it was the end of the year too. So I had my work cut out for me. INTERVIEWER: So you had to start all over. DANIEL TATA: Start all over. My brothers. [Unintelligible - 00:42:09] and nobody would tell me anything. INTERVIEWER: Oh, so you didn't even know while you were gone? DANIEL TATA: No. INTERVIEWER: Not even your wife? DANIEL TATA: My wife gave him the checkbook. I said, "Rita, this is what I got coming from the different people that owe me money. Take it and deposit it in the bank and pay off the bills [unintelligible - 00:42:34] so she turned around and gave it to my brother. INTERVIEWER: I imagine it took a while before you forgave him. DANIEL TATA: Well, I wasn't in an arguing mood; I was ready to start all over again. INTERVIEWER: You had to start over in '46 and then again in '54, after the fire. Just one more question, how did it feel to be…/AT/jf/fh/sg

The thesis is focused on solving an important theoretical and applied problem of substantiating theoretical and methodological grounds for the international economic policy through identifying the patterns and novel forms of protectionism, and substantiating the integral scientific concept of neo-protectionism. The objective of the thesis is to develop theoretical and methodological grounds of protectionism, and to create, on this basis, an integral scientific concept of neo-protectionism in the international economic policy in the context of liberalizing global economic relations, to formulate an integrative conceptual approach to the application of neoprotectionism in the economic development policy of Ukraine.The interdisciplinary multi-criteria approach to defining protectionism from the perspective of ideology, idea, policy and practice is proposed, which allowed for investigating the transformation of its manifestation forms in the process of evolutionary development of the international economic relations. The international economic policy was studied as an unbroken continuum of the economic and political practice of the states by methodological tools of the international political economy. It is found that from the international political economy perspective a choice between protectionism and free trade as the principles for implementation of the economic policy of the state is conditional on the pattern of global economic processes with their immanent contradictions, the specifics of regionalization and integration processes, and the global economy tendencies. The choice between the government's commitment to the policy of minimizing costs and maximizing benefits, and the character of its participation in the international economic cooperation is determined by the pattern of international trade and international movement of production factors, on the one hand, and determine it, on the other hand. It is demonstrated that the choice of protectionist policy, as follows from the international political economy discourse, is conditional on: operation of public and non-public economic entities; effects from the implementation of national economic policies; the coordinating equilibrium between national, regional, interstate and global level of decision making; the existing mechanisms for global control of international economic interests.Interpretation of the international economic policy by the methodological tools of the international political economy allowed to identify the endogenous character of the external economic policy (recognizing thereby the protectionism as a policy that can be potentially demanded by the public (represented by voters), business people (represented by lobbying groups), government (which implements economic interests of the nation), and to reveal the variety of entities involved in the international economic relations, which have exogenous impact on the policy implemented by national governments (by signing trade agreements), limiting thereby the conditions for the protectionist policy implementation.Theoretical modeling of protectionist intentions in the international economic cooperation on the basis of the interdisciplinary economic-political approach laid grounds for rethinking the conclusions made by the classical and neo-classical theories of trade and the theory of correlation of production factors about the unconditional impact of the free trade principle on the population's welfare as a derivative from the function of consumption. The analysis of two groups of protectionism theories – the ones based on studies of the structure of protectionism within the countries, and the ones investigating the level of protectionism between countries in time – demonstrated that the voters' welfare or the so called "win of the majority" are the determinants of protectionist initiatives. The factors underlying the voters' demand for protectionism are highlighted: welfare measured by economic as well as social and ecological effects; social solidarity; social protection; commitment to social values; commitment to national identity; adherence to ideological principles of the policy of economic nationalism; mitigation of effects from the information asymmetry of rational voters. The pressure by lobbying groups on the choice of the principle underlying government's implementation of the external trade policy is explained by: phase of business cycle; hysteresis effects in the economy; the level of competitiveness in export-oriented sectors; the extent of import dependence in the economy; distributive and allocation effects of the economic activities.The author's concept of neo-protectionism in the international economic policy is substantiated, which is defined as a complex hierarchical set of principles, rules and instruments of protective, stimulating, discriminative and restrictive nature, implemented at mega-, meta-, macro- and mesolevel of the international economic policy. A multilevel typology of neo-protectionism is proposed, based on specific features: the level of international economic policy, generating entities, manifestation environment, instruments for the international economic policy with indirect impact. It was used to identify its essential characteristics in all the forms of manifestation of the international economic relations; to define the functions of neo-protectionism by its type (ideological, institutional, integrative, conjuncture-formative, factor-based, infrastructural, monetary, currency-based, financial, debt-based, fiscal) and sub-types (ecological, migrational, sectoral, based on primary commodities, resource-based, energy-based, technological, innovative, informational, digital, investment-based). This allowed to identify the purpose for applications of neo-protectionism at mega-, meta-, macro- and mesolevel of the international economic policy, and to visualize the degree of its functional and structural complexity and dimensionality as a phenomenon and a process, which realization varies depending on the entities applying it, the objects for which it is applying, its coverage and objectives.A theoretical and methodological approach for macro- and meta-level assessment of the international economic policy based on neo-protectionist instruments is developed. Its application enabled for outlining and describing the policy of economic nationalism (which motivation basis is formed by domination, expansion, domestic extended reproduction by creating new comparative advantages), and the policy of economic patriotism (which motivation basis is formed by rehabilitation of economic growth, curbing of the expansionary potentials of partner countries, creating new comparative advantages and achieving sustainable development), with distinguishing its sub-types: supranational, local, liberal, and conservative. The distinctive features of neo-mercantilist policy are defined, and the ways of its implementation are revealed. It is shown that the neo-mercantilist policy generates anti-competitive market distortions affecting not only foreign producers, but domestic ones as well, considering the scales of the latter involvement in global value added chains, and causes market imbalances resulting from the unfair competition. Theoretical and methodological grounds for studies of the international economic policy are improved, which is based on the principles of stability, hierarchy, adaptability, complementarity, subsidiarity, and balance, by including legitimation as a novel principle of the international economic policy implementation, which involves a combination of regulatory, de-regulatory and re-regulatory mechanisms of impact on the international economic relations, and results in the implementation of the institutional norms and rules that directly or indirectly ignore/deny/distort the agreements that exist at international/regional level, lead to anti-competitive market distortions, trade and investment imbalances, and open up opportunities for gaining new comparative advantages. Self-legitimation is defined as an attributive characteristic of the entities involved in the international economic policy at mega-, meta- and macrolevel, which enables for implementation of the neoprotectionist policy.The thesis substantiates multiple combinations in implementation of neoprotectionism through multidirectional manifestations of deregulation-regulation, integration-disintegration, coordination-de-coordination, expansion-fragmentation, balancing-unbalancing, stimulation-restriction, protection-discrimination, and the reasonability of neo-protectionist measures in the economic development policy of Ukraine.The structural components of the global economy as an environment for neoprotectionist manifestations are revealed: production and investment activities, research and development, international monetary relations. The functions of neoprotectionism within the international economic system are revealed: allocative (sectoral neo-protectionism; infrastructural neo-protectionism; factor-based neoprotectionism; integrative neo-protectionism; financial neo-protectionism; investment-based neo-protectionism); distributive (institutional neo-protectionism; fiscal neoprotectionism; financial neo-protectionism; investment-based neo-protectionism); stabilizing (monetary neo-protectionism; currency-based neo-protectionism; debtbased neo-protectionism; financial neo-protectionism; investment-based neoprotectionism). The instruments for the international economic policy with indirect impact, enabling for the implementation of neo-protectionism, are outlined as follows: fiscal, monetary and currency policies.Modeling of clustering processes in the Ukrainian economy by use of Boston matrix and Leontiev model enabled to identify four productive clusters: innovation (manufacturing of computers, electronic and optical devices; telecommunications; computer software design, consulting and information services; professional, R&D activities; information and telecommunications; printing and publishing activities; production of movies and video-films); auxiliary (supply of electricity, gas, steam and conditioned air; wholesale and retail trade; repair of automobiles and motorcycles; hotels and restaurants; financial and insurance activities); traditional (agriculture, forestry and fishing; mining and quarrying; manufacturing industries; construction; transport; storage; postal and courier services; production chemical substances and chemical products; car making and mechanical engineering; light industry), and to define the industries driving the economic growth, generating net income and having direct impact on the rates of GDP growth.A methodological approach to the assessment of the effectiveness of tax preferences and other preferences provided for residents of industrial parks is proposed, which, contrary to the existing approaches, uses applied models of the overall equilibrium for identifying the industries that have to be priority recipients of government assistance through the network of industrial parks, in the context of the intensified and leading development of the country by key macroeconomic indicators, and for quantitative optimization of the preferences considering the stable revenues of the public budget, which enabled to substantiate the nomenclature of efficient stimuli for residents of industrial parks, to achieve the objectives: to make the national industry move up in the value added chains and create a closed-loop innovation cycle in Ukraine.The system of tax and other preferences for residents of industrial parks, intended to recover and further the innovation-driven development of the production and export capacities of the Ukrainian economy, is assessed, which enabled to adapt international experiences of using the mechanism of free economic zones to the domestic practice, to create a favorable investment environment for high tech productions in the national economy for the period required by them to form competitive advantages. ; У дисертації розроблено цілісну наукову концепцію неопротекціонізму у міжнародній економічній політиці в умовах лібералізації світогосподарських зв'язків і на цій основі сформульовано інтегративний концептуальний підхід застосування неопротекціонізму в політиці економічного розвитку України.В роботі запропоновано міждисциплінарний багатокатегоріальний підхід до визначення протекціонізму з позицій ідеології, ідеї, політики і практики, що дозволило дослідити трансформацію форм його прояву в процесі еволюційного розвитку міжнародних економічних відносин. Міжнародна економічна політика досліджувалась в нерозривній єдності економічної й політичної практики держав методологічним інструментарієм міжнародної політичної економії. Встановлено, що з позиції міжнародної політичної економії, на вибір між протекціонізмом чи вільною торгівлею як принципами реалізації економічної політики держави впливають стан світогосподарських процесів з іманентними їм суперечностями, особливості протікання процесів регіоналізації та інтеграції і тенденції розвитку світової економіки. Вибір між сповідуванням державою політики мінімізації втрат чи максимізації вигод, а також характер її участі в міжнародному економічному співробітництві, з одного боку, детермінується станом міжнародної торгівлі і міжнародного переміщення факторів виробництва, а, з іншого боку, визначає його. Виявлено, що на вибір протекціоністської політики, згідно теоретичного дискурсу міжнародної політичної економії, впливають: діяльність державних і недержавних суб'єктів господарювання; ефекти від реалізації національних економічних політик; стан координаційної рівноваги між національним, регіональним, міждержавним і глобальним рівнями прийняття рішень; формування механізмів глобального управління міжнародними економічними процесами.Інтерпретація міжнародної економічної політики методологічним інструментарієм міжнародної політичної економії дозволила виявити ендогенний характер зовнішньоекономічної політики (тим самим визнаючи протекціонізм як політику, на яку потенційно може формувати запит суспільство (в особі виборців), підприємці (в особі лобістських груп), уряд (що реалізує економічні інтереси держави)) й водночас ідентифікувати різноманіття суб'єктів міжнародних економічних відносин, що чинять екзогенний вплив на реалізацію політики національних держав (шляхом підписання торговельних угод), тим самим обмежуючи умови для реалізації протекціоністської політики.Теоретичне моделювання протекціоністських інтенцій в міжнародному економічному співробітництві на основі міждисциплінарного економікополітичного підходу дало підстави до переосмислення висновків класичної, неокласичної теорій торгівлі і теорії співвідношення факторів виробництва про беззастережний вплив принципу вільної торгівлі на «добробут» населення як похідну від функції споживання. Аналіз двох груп теорій протекціонізму – як тих, що базуються на дослідженні структури протекціонізму в межах країн, так і тих, що досліджують рівень протекціонізму між країнами в часі – дозволив встановити, що добробут виборців або т.зв. виграш більшості лежить в основі ініціювання вжиття протекціоністських заходів. Встановлено, що з боку населення затребуваність на протекціонізм може бути продиктована запитом на: добробут, що вимірюється, окрім економічних, ще й соціальними і екологічними ефектами; соціальну солідарність; соціальне забезпечення; відстоювання соціальних цінностей; відстоювання національної ідентичності; сповідування ідеологічних принципів політики економічного націоналізму; нівелювання ефектів інформаційної асиметрії раціональних виборців. З боку лобістських груп тиск на вибір принципу реалізації зовнішньоторговельної політики урядом пояснюється: стадією бізнес-циклу; ефектами гістерезису в економіці; рівнем конкурентоспроможності експортоорієнтованих секторів; ступенем імпортозалежності економіки; дистрибутивними й алокаційними ефектами економічної діяльності.В дисертації обґрунтовано авторську концепцію неопротекціонізму в міжнародній економічній політиці, під яким розуміється складноієрархічна сукупність принципів, правил та інструментів захисного, стимулюючого, дискримінаційного та рестрикційного характеру, що реалізується на мега-, мета-, макро- і мезорівнях міжнародної економічної політики. В дослідженні запропоновано багаторівневу типологізацію неопротекціонізму за конкретними ознаками, до яких віднесено: рівень міжнародної економічної політики, суб'єкти генерування, середовище прояву, інструменти міжнародної економічної політики непрямого впливу, що дало змогу виявити його сутнісні характеристики у всіх формах прояву міжнародних економічних відносин; встановити функції, що виконує неопротекціонізм залежно від його типів (ідеологічний, інституційний, інтеграційний, кон'юнктуро-формуючий/ галузевий, факторний, інфраструктурний, монетарний, валютний, фінансовий, борговий, фіскальний) та підтипів (екологічний, міграційний, сировинний, ресурсний, енергетичний, технологічний, інноваційний, інформаційний, цифровий, інвестиційний). Це дозволило ідентифікувати мету застосування неопротекціонізму на мега-, мета-, макро- і мезорівні міжнародної економічної політики, та візуалізувати ступінь його функціонально-структурної складності та розмірності як явища та процесу, реалізація якого видозмінюється залежно від суб'єктів, які його застосовують, об'єктів, на які розповсюджується його дія, простору застосування, цілей здійснення.В роботі розроблено науково-методичний підхід оцінювання міжнародної економічної політики на макро- і мета- рівнях, зумовленої використанням інструментарію неопротекціонізму, застосування якого дозволило виокремити і охарактеризувати політику економічного націоналізму (мотиваційною основою якого виступають домінування, експансія, забезпечення національного розширеного відтворення шляхом створення нових порівняльних переваг) і політику економічного патріотизму (мотиваційною основою якого виступають відновлення економічного зростання, стримування експансійного потенціалу країн-партнерів, створення нових порівняльних переваг й досягнення сталого розвитку) з виокремленням таких його підтипів, як наднаціональний, локальний, ліберальний, консервативний. Визначено характерні риси політики неомеркантилізму і встановлено способи, в які вона може реалізовуватись. Встановлено, що політика неомеркантилізму продукує антиконкурентні ринкові викривлення, які зачіпають не лише іноземних виробників, але й національних, беручи до уваги ступінь залучення останніх до глобальних ланцюгів створення доданої вартості, і призводить до ринкових дисбалансів внаслідок несправедливої конкуренції.Удосконалено теоретико-методологічні засади дослідження міжнародної економічної політики, що визначається принципами стійкості, ієрархічності, адаптивності, комплементарності, субсидіарності та збалансованості, шляхом включення легітимації як новітнього принципу здійснення міжнародної економічної політики, що передбачає комбінування регуляторних, дерегуляторних та ререгуляторних механізмів впливу на міжнародні економічні відносини, результується в імплементації таких інституційних норм і правил, які прямо чи опосередковано нехтують/спростовують/викривлюють домовленості, що існують на міжнародному/регіональному рівні, призводять до антиконкурентних ринкових деформацій, торговельних й інвестиційних дисбалансів та уможливлюють отримання нових порівняльних переваг. Самолегітимація визначена як атрибутивна характеристика суб'єктів міжнародної економічної політики на мега-, мета- і макрорівнях, що уможливлює реалізацію політики неопротекціонізму.В дисертаційному дослідженні обґрунтовано множинні комбінації реалізації неопротекціонізму через різноспрямовані прояви дерегуляціїрегуляції, інтеграції-дезінтеграції, координації-декоординації, розширенняфрагментації, врівноваження-розбалансування, стимулювання-обмеження, захисту-дискримінації та доцільність застосування неопротекціонізму в політиці економічного розвитку України.Встановлено, що структурними елементами світового господарства як середовища прояву неопротекціонізму виступають: виробничо-інвестиційна сфера діяльності, науково-технічна сфера, сфера міжнародної торгівлі, міжнародні валютно-фінансові та кредитні відносини. Виявлено, що неопротекціонізм в межах міжнародної економічної системи виконує наступні функції: регуляторну (ідеологіний неопротекціонізм; інтеграційний неопротекціонізм; факторний неопротекціонізм; монетарний неопротекціонізм; валютний неопротекціонізм; борговий неопротекціонізм; фінансовий неопротекціонізм; інвестиційний неопротекціонізм); алокаційну (кон'юнктурноформуючий/галузевий неопротекціонізм; інфраструктурний неопротекціонізм; факторний неопротекціонізм; інтеграційний неопротекціонізм; фінансовий неопротекціонізм; інвестиційний неопротекціонізм); дистрибутивну (інституційний неопротекціонізм; фіскальний неопротекціонізм; фінансовий неопротекціонізм; інвестиційний неопротекціонізм); стабілізаційну (монетарний неопротекціонізм; валютний неопротекціонізм; борговий неопротекціонізм; фінансовий неопротекціонізм; інвестиційний неопротекціонізм).Моделювання процесів кластерізації української економіки із використанням бостонської матриці та моделі Леонтьєва дозволило виділити чотири продуктивні кластери: інноваційний (виробництво комп'ютерів, електронної та оптичної продукції; телекомунікації (електрозв'язок); комп'ютерне програмування, консультування та надання інформаційних послуг; професійна, наукова та технічна діяльність; інформація та телекомунікації; видавнича діяльність; виробництво кіно- та відеофільмів; допоміжний (постачання електроенергії, газу, пари та кондиційованого повітря; оптова та роздрібна торгівля; ремонт автотранспортних засобів і мотоциклів; тимчасове розміщування й організація харчування; фінансова та страхова діяльність), традиційний (сільське, лісове та рибне господарство; добувна промисловість і розроблення кар'єрів; переробна промисловість; будівництво; транспорт, складське господарство, поштова та кур'єрська діяльність; виробництво хімічних речовин і хімічної продукції), стратегічний (транспорт, складське господарство, поштова та кур'єрська діяльність; виробництво хімічних речовин і хімічної продукції; автомобіле- та машинобудування; легка промисловість) та визначити галузі-драйвери економічного зростання, в яких можливе отримання високого чистого валового доходу та які безпосередньо впливають на темпи зростання ВВП.Запропоновано методологічний підхід до оцінювання ефективності надання податкових пільг й інших преференцій резидентам індустріальних парків, який, на відміну від існуючих підходів, передбачає використання прикладних моделей загальної рівноваги для ідентифікації пріоритетних галузей-реципієнтів державної допомоги через мережу індустріальних парків у контексті активізації випереджаючого розвитку країни за ключовими макроекономічними показниками, а також визначення оптимального обсягу відповідних преференцій з міркувань сталих надходжень державного бюджету, що дозволило обґрунтувати перелік перспективних стимулів резидентам індустріальних парків для досягнення цілей висхідного руху вітчизняної промисловості ланцюгами доданої вартості й створення замкнутого циклу інновацій в Україні.В роботі проведено оцінку використання системи податкових й інших преференцій для резидентів індустріальних парків з метою відновлення та забезпечення подальшого інноваційного розвитку виробничо-експортного потенціалу України, що дало змогу адаптувати міжнародний досвід використання механізму вільних економічних зон до вітчизняної практики задля створення сприятливого інвестиційного середовища для нових високотехнологічних виробництв у національній економіці на період формування ними конкурентних переваг.

Economía solidaria, un concepto para muchos desconocido, pues el término solidario pareciera ajeno dentro de un marco económico competitivo como se observa en la cúpula del capitalismo y de la misma globalización en sí, sin embargo, es importante rescatar su fundamento, pues en ella encontramos la capacidad de proveer de manera sostenible las bases para un desarrollo personal y social, en palabras de Gazaga, (2007), "El fundamento de la economía solidaria es la introducción de niveles crecientes de cooperación y solidaridad en las actividades, organizaciones e instituciones económicas, de manera de generar un conjunto de beneficios sociales y culturales que trasciendan la esfera del beneficio económico y favorezcan a la sociedad en su conjunto". Sin embargo, una alternativa para hallar formas de desarrollo económico dentro de una comunidad específica, obteniendo beneficios para la sociedad en general, es un sector que hoy por hoy se encuentra en crisis, así lo menciona un estudio realizado por el diario EL TIEMPO (1998), donde destaco diversas situaciones atribuibles a la crisis como: El recelo por las continuas intervenciones en el sector cooperativo y la racha de malas informaciones ha logrado contagiar el pánico no sólo a los ahorradores sino a otras entidades de sector financiero que no quieren dar créditos ni otorgar respaldo a las cooperativas. En segunda instancia las corporaciones financieras se niegan a respaldarlos con créditos, el sector público no quiere realizar inversiones en sus oficinas, las aseguradoras tienen recelo a respaldar su actividad y como si fuera poco los socios y ahorradores están retirando sus depósitos. Tal es el caso de Estraval y su colapso financiero, que evidencia no solo lo destacado por el estudio en mención, sino diversas dificultades que han generado una gran desconfianza por parte de los ahorradores al sector en sí; no obstante, es un medio que pese a sus dificultades cuenta con principios fundamentales para propinar por un mejor desarrollo económico dentro de nuestra sociedad, tan es así que una de las características más distinguidas de la Economía Solidaria la de demostrar con hechos que es posible y necesario incorporar la solidaridad como un elemento esencial a la hora de medir el comportamiento económico de una organización. Ahora bien, estas razones son algunas de las que se presentan en la Cooperativa Multiactiva de la Universidad Libre Librecoop Ltda., por lo cual se decidió realizar un trabajo de intervención centrado en la construcción de un plan de desarrollo que permita la mejora continua de la cooperativa y así mismo contribuya al mejoramiento permanente y la consolidación de unas estrategias que conlleven a la sostenibilidad económica y cumplimiento de la misión organizacional de esta. Con el fin de lograr cumplir los objetivos planteados en este trabajo de intervención se toma como punto de partida un estudio interno y externo que logre contribuir de forma eficaz a la solución de las problemáticas mencionadas anteriormente. Merino (2013), mencionaba que "El plan de desarrollo es una herramienta de gestión que promueve el desarrollo social en un determinado territorio. De esta manera, sienta las bases para atender las necesidades insatisfechas de la población y para mejorar la calidad de vida de todos los ciudadanos". Y a su vez Escobar (2005), dejaba en claro que "La intención principal del trabajo es demostrar las inquietudes que surgen por parte de los trabajadores asociados en las organizaciones de economía solidaria con la idea clave de una mayor productividad basado en la eficiencia y eficacia para un plan de ahorro" Así las cosas, frente a la problemática que posee Librecoop se desarrolló un proceso de evaluación donde se tuvo en cuenta, en principio la legislación y su evolución en la historia por medio de las reformas que surgieron a partir del modelo de economía, de ahí se encontraron ligerezas en cuanto a: la aplicación de las normas, la cantidad de asociados, los aportes de los mismos y finalmente la aplicabilidad de los principios y fines solidarios; estos últimos con mayor observancia pues la estructura principal de este tipo de sociedades debe tener como objetivo el buen desempeño de las actividades que se desarrollan dentro de ella, así lo mencionan los artículos 4 y 5 del Capítulo segundo de la Ley 454 de 1998. En consecuencia, con lo anterior, se ha determinado que el interés del presente proyecto de intervención se centra en puntualizar los siguientes asuntos a saber desde el entorno actual de la cooperativa: Primeramente, desplegar un proceso de capacitación a todos los asociados de la cooperativa, en el cual se enfatice la importancia de la economía solidaria en nuestra sociedad actual, esto con el fin de incentivar al individuo para la contribución del buen desarrollo de la calidad de vida de las personas que conforman o quieran hacerse parte de la cooperativa. En segundo lugar, se propone una actualización estatutaria de la entidad donde se pueda ampliar el ingreso de nuevos asociados dispuestos a crecer dentro de la misma y que deseen obtener todos los beneficios que la cooperativa tiene para sus asociados. En un último momento se plantea un mejoramiento en la oferta de créditos, servicios y los nuevos productos de la organización. Para lograr el cumplimiento de estos mismos se posee un conocimiento claro y un apoyo oportuno en el cual, por medio de nuevas y modernas capacitaciones de formación y acompañamiento se instruirá a los asociados en los procesos administrativos se busca que la Cooperativa conozca de la mejor manera y clara la importancia de la economía solidaria en nuestra sociedad y mejore la calidad de vida de sus integrantes realizando una gestión de proyección, actualización y organización de la misma. Los talleres que se realizan para cumplir los objetivos que se establecieron son las siguientes: Primero se realiza una mesa de trabajo de reconocimiento de la entidad, se plantean una serie de preguntas al representante legal, contador, revisor fiscal y secretaria, donde por medio de la información que se recopila se realiza un estudio para saber en qué estado esta Librecoop. Segundo se hace una reunión con la secretaria Alejandra Patiño donde se le pide ampliación de la información de la entidad y nos suministra documentación de Librecoop como: los estatutos, los estados financieros, cámara de comercio, Rut y requerimiento impuesto por la Súper Solidaria. Tercero se realizan unos estatutos para la cooperativa Multiactiva libre, actualizados y basados en la norma vigente. Cuarto y por último se desarrolla una cartilla con los parámetros de cambio de la entidad como lo son: cambio de estatutos, implementación de cronogramas de actividades y créditos. Con la aplicabilidad de estos últimos se logra presentar un factor de mejora, debido a que son de real importancia para el funcionamiento de las cooperativas, pues si bien a través del desarrollo de actividades fundamentadas en los principios y fines solidarios se demuestra el fortalecimiento económico que trae consigo el esfuerzo mutuo de las personas en donde cada uno de ellos se desempeña como líderes o gestores, partiendo de una idea de acción común con el fin de formar un espacio socio económico sostenible. ; Solidarity economy, a concept for many unknown, because the term solidarity seems alien within a competitive economic framework as seen in the dome of capitalism and globalization itself, however, it is important to rescue its foundation, because in it we find the ability to sustainably provide the basis for personal and social development, in the words of Gazaga, (2007), "The foundation of solidarity economy is the introduction of increasing levels of cooperation and solidarity in economic activities, organizations and institutions , in order to generate a set of social and cultural benefits that transcend the sphere of economic benefit and favor society as a whole ". However, an alternative to find forms of economic development within a specific community, obtaining benefits for society in general, is a sector that is currently in crisis, as mentioned in a study by the newspaper EL TIEMPO (1998). ), where I highlight various situations attributable to the crisis, such as: The mistrust of the continuous interventions in the cooperative sector and the run of bad information has managed to spread the panic not only to the savers but to other entities of the financial sector that do not want to give credits or grant support to the cooperatives. Secondly, the financial corporations refuse to back them with credits, the public sector does not want to make investments in their offices, the insurers are hesitant to support their activity and, as if that were not enough, the partners and savers are withdrawing their deposits. Such is the case of Estraval and its financial collapse, which evidences not only the highlighted by the study in mention, but diverse difficulties that have generated a great distrust on the part of the savers to the sector in himself; nevertheless, it is a medium that, despite its difficulties, has fundamental principles to guide for a better economic development within our society, so much so that one of the most distinguished characteristics of the Solidarity Economy is to demonstrate nuestra sociedad y mejore la calidad de vida de sus integrantes realizando una gestión de proyección, actualización y organización de la misma. Los talleres que se realizan para cumplir los objetivos que se establecieron son las siguientes: Primero se realiza una mesa de trabajo de reconocimiento de la entidad, se plantean una serie de preguntas al representante legal, contador, revisor fiscal y secretaria, donde por medio de la información que se recopila se realiza un estudio para saber en qué estado esta Librecoop. Segundo se hace una reunión con la secretaria Alejandra Patiño donde se le pide ampliación de la información de la entidad y nos suministra documentación de Librecoop como: los estatutos, los estados financieros, cámara de comercio, Rut y requerimiento impuesto por la Súper Solidaria. Tercero se realizan unos estatutos para la cooperativa Multiactiva libre, actualizados y basados en la norma vigente. Cuarto y por último se desarrolla una cartilla con los parámetros de cambio de la entidad como lo son: cambio de estatutos, implementación de cronogramas de actividades y créditos. Con la aplicabilidad de estos últimos se logra presentar un factor de mejora, debido a que son de real importancia para el funcionamiento de las cooperativas, pues si bien a través del desarrollo de actividades fundamentadas en los principios y fines solidarios se demuestra el fortalecimiento económico que trae consigo el esfuerzo mutuo de las personas en donde cada uno de ellos se desempeña como líderes o gestores, partiendo de una idea de acción común con el fin de formar un espacio socioeconómico sostenible. with facts that it is possible and It is necessary to incorporate solidarity as an essential element when measuring the economic behavior of an organization. However, these reasons are some of those presented in the Cooperativa Multiactiva of the Libre Librecoop Ltda. University, for which it was decided to carry out an intervention work focused on the construction of a development plan that allows the continuous improvement of the cooperative and likewise contribute to the permanent improvement and consolidation of strategies that lead to economic sustainability and compliance with the organizational mission of this. In order to achieve the objectives set out in this intervention work, an internal and external study that contributes effectively to the solution of the aforementioned problems is taken as the starting point. Merino (2013), mentioned that "The development plan is a management tool that promotes social development in a given territory. In this way, it lays the foundations to address the unmet needs of the population and to improve the quality of life of all citizens. " And in turn Escobar (2005), made it clear that "The main intention of the work is to demonstrate the concerns that arise from part of the workers associated in solidarity economy organizations with the key idea of higher productivity based on efficiency and effectiveness for a savings plan" Thus, in the face of the problems that Librecoop has, an evaluation process was developed which took into account, in principle, the legislation and its evolution in history through the reforms that emerged from the economic model, hence the they found lightness in terms of: the application of the rules, the number of associates, the contributions of the same and finally the applicability of the principles and solidarity goals; the latter with greater observance because the main structure of this type of company should have as its objective the good performance of the activities that take place within it, as mentioned in articles 4 and 5 of Chapter Two of Law 454 of 1998. Consequently, with the above, it has been determined that the interest of the present intervention project focuses on specifying the following issues to know from the current environment of the cooperative: Firstly, to develop a training process for all members of the cooperative, which emphasizes the importance of solidarity economy in our current society, this in order to encourage the individual to contribute to the good development of the quality of life of the people that make up or want to become part of the cooperative. Secondly, a statutory update of the entity is proposed, where it is possible to expand the income of new members willing to grow within it and who wish to obtain all the benefits that the cooperative has for its associates At a last moment, there is an improvement in the offer of credits, services and new products of the organization. To achieve compliance with these, there is a clear knowledge and timely support in which, through new and modern training and accompaniment training, the associates will be instructed in the administrative processes, so that the Cooperative knows the best way and clear the importance of solidarity economy in our society and improve the quality of life of its members by managing projection, updating and organization of it. The workshops that are carried out to fulfill the objectives that were established are the following: First, a recognition desk of the entity is made, a series of questions are posed to the legal representative, accountant, fiscal auditor and secretary, where through the information that is collected a study is made to know in which state is Librecoop . Descriptores / Palabras Claves • Economía solidaria • Cooperativas • Intervención acción participativa • Estatutos • Plan de desarrollo • Sector solidario Conclusiones Se realizó un estudio interno y externo donde se llegaron a las siguientes conclusiones: 1. Se sugiere estudiar y evaluar los estatutos suministrados por el grupo de monitores solidarios para su verificación y posterior aplicación a la entidad encaminados en relación a su objeto social. 2. Se requiere de una amplia capacitación al personal activo, pues el desconocimiento del debido manejo de este tipo de entidades por parte de los empleados, no ha permitido un efectivo cumplimiento en el marco normativo que los rige y a su vez a obstruido el crecimiento financiero de la entidad. 3. Convocar a una asamblea extraordinarias a todos los asociados para hacerlos participes tanto de las dificultades como de las necesidades de la entidad, y así hallar un consenso más efectivo en los cambios que la Cooperativa requiere. 4. Hacer entrega tanto a los empleados como a los asociados de la entidad de un plan de desarrollo del manejo de las sociedades solidarias, así como suministrar las estrategias para su respectivo desarrollo. Second a meeting is made with the secretary Alejandra Patiño where she is asked to expand the information of the entity and provides us with Librecoop documentation such as: the statutes, the financial statements, the Chamber of Commerce, Rut and the requirement imposed by the Super Solidarity.Third, bylaws are made for the free Multiactiva cooperative, updated and based on the current norm. Fourth and finally a booklet is developed with the parameters of change of the entity as they are: change of statutes, implementation of schedules of activities and credits With the applicability of the latter, it is possible to present a factor of improvement, because they are of real importance for the operation of the cooperatives, because although through the development of activities based on the principles and aims of solidarity, the economic strengthening is demonstrated. It brings with it the mutual effort of the people where each of them works as leaders or managers, based on an idea of common action in order to form a sustainable socio-economic space. ; 1. Descripción de la organización. -- 2. Cuadro de caracterización.-- 3. Resumen.-- 4. Justificación.-- 5. Objetivos.-- 6. Objetivo.-- 7. General.-- 8. Objetivos específicos.-- 9. Marco teórico.-- 10. Metodología.-- 11. Proceso de intervención y desarrollo del proyecto.-- 12. Indicadores, análisis y resultados del proyecto.-- 13. Impacto de la organización.-- 14. Plan de acción.-- 15. Cronograma.-- 16. Conclusiones.-- 17. Recomendaciones.-- 18. Referencias.

El Ecuador, como país intercultural y plurinacional recoge en su memoria social todas las costumbres, mitos, leyendas y tradiciones que transforman en direccionamientos para el desarrollo del país en todas sus áreas, ya que compila en el Derecho Consuetudinario de los pueblos originarios del Ecuador su forma de actuar, ya hoy en día gracias a la revolución ciudadana, lo podemos socializar y aplicar, mismos que deben ser cumplidos en forma coercitiva porque ese es su modo de vida, que con toda seguridad lo manifiesto, es la base para llegar al Sumak Kausay. El presente trabajo explica en resumen la historia de nuestros pueblos originarios, mismos que para llegar a la vida republicana y la colonización han sufrido un proceso de expansionismo y dominación incaica – española, en su debido orden, para luego entrar en la capitulación por las grandes empresas de conquistas, organizadas técnicamente en Centro América y expandirse hacia América del Sur e ingresar al proceso de formación del amerindio, que en el tránsito de Inca a indio y campesino, ha sufrido discriminaciones en todo sentido, llegando a ocultar toda la sabiduría ancestral que luego fue catalogado como actividades paganas en contra de Dios de acuerdo a la Biblia que nos trajeron del viejo mundo (Vera, 1989) En este proceso, el amerindio pasa por un período de tamizaje en donde se cumplió con el gran objetivo de la conquista; que desaparezca de una vez por todas los rasgos culturales de la cosmología andina, que el runa y la huarmi tengan vergüenza de sus ancestros, sus etnias y culturas; de este modo, terminaron con su vestimenta, culto, creencias, mitos, leyendas y tradiciones (Derecho Consuetudinario). Conscientes estamos que toda la memoria ancestral se resume en el Derecho Consuetudinario de los pueblos originarios del Ecuador, pero no se puede desarrollar, preservar y socializar sino existe un proceso de enseñanza básica para que sea transmitida de generación en generación, caso contrario, toda esa riqueza cultural quedaría en el olvido. Razón por la cual los maestros cumplen un papel importante en el proceso de enseñanza aprendizaje, ya que son los responsables del conocimiento histórico real del antes y el después de las comunidades y pueblos del Ecuador. Para que un docente pueda transmitir los conocimientos ancestrales inéditos a las futuras generaciones, debe dominar la norma y la sociología jurídica ya que nos da la sabiduría y todas las herramientas para hacerlo con eficiencia, efectividad, y eficacia de todos los conocimientos ancestrales en prácticas diarias; es así como, en la vida republicana, hasta la década de los 90 los educadores no podían realizar prácticas educativas reales en forma clara, transparente y cierta, porque los contenidos científicos se basaban sólo en conocimientos extranjeros o currículos de otros países y en el mejor de los casos al catecismo. Es la Sociología Jurídica, la filosofía y el Derecho Consuetudinario especialmente la danza el teatro y los juegos populares las únicas actividades que de una u otra manera utilizan legalmente los educadores para realizar el proceso de enseñanza aprendizaje con saberes ancestrales plasmados en mensajes a través de corografías, obras teatrales y juegos lúdicos o populares. Tanto en el Ecuador como en el resto de América Latina, existe un nuevo escenario político en la cual la: multi-pluri-inter-culturalidad está ganando espacio y legitimidad. Esta nueva coyuntura incluye el reconocimiento por parte de los estados sobre la diversidad étnica y cultural, así también la necesidad de reconocer derechos específicos, colectivos y de la naturaleza, lo que algunos autores llaman el nuevo "constitucionalismo multicultural", que está enfocado en una nueva forma de solución de conflictos, ya sea por la conciliación, mediación, arbitraje, pero principalmente la justicia indígena (Van, 2000) y su relación con la ciudadanía "étnica" "cultural". (Montoya, 2002). Ratifican la aplicación de los Métodos Alternativos y Solución de Conflictos (MASC) mismos que están amparados por la Constitución ecuatoriana en su Artículo 190. Como bien sabemos, a diferencia de otros países de la región, en el Ecuador este reconocimiento oficial es de mayor jerarquía; reflejo y resultado de luchas y demandas del movimiento indígena, de sus procesos de fortalecimiento identitario como actores sociales, políticos y culturales y de su cuestionamiento de los modelos existentes de ciudadanía, democracia, estado y nación liderados por los movimientos indígenas en sus diversas organizaciones de la costa, sierra y oriente. Las demandas de reconocimiento cultural de los pueblos indígenas y pueblos originarios del Ecuador, han puesto en duda la vigencia de un sistema jurídico mono cultural, aun teniendo en cuenta el escenario del multiculturalismo constitucional que recorrió las reformas constitucionales latinoamericanas desde la aprobación del Convenio No. 169 por parte de la Organización Internacional de Trabajo en 1989. En el Ecuador este proceso es primordial y de sumo interés, razón por la cual con la aprobación del referéndum de la nueva Constitución en el 2008, en la que se define como Estado Plurinacional de Derechos, reconociendo la coexistencia de una diversidad de sistemas jurídicos. Los países de la región, como Bolivia y Venezuela, entre otros, han transitado procesos similares, cuestionando la permanencia del denominado monismo jurídico quien plantea que las crisis son una precondición para el surgimiento de nuevas teorías y referentes para la solución de conflictos. El reconocimiento por parte del Estado de los sistemas jurídicos, no implica que las autoridades de los pueblos y nacionalidades indígenas tengan el objetivo de crear algo nuevo, sino el reconocimiento de una realidad histórica de ejercicio de derechos consuetudinarios, que en el marco de la construcción colonial de la dominación estatal fueron invisibilizados, negados y perseguidos, como prácticas al margen de la ley. El pluralismo jurídico no es una "alternativa" del derecho, sino un proceso de construcción de otras formas jurídicas que identifiquen al derecho con los sectores mayoritarios de la sociedad, y de respuestas institucionales a procesos de transición de una sociedad marcada por la colonialidad hacia una construcción social y estatal de carácter intercultural y plurinacional, en donde se compila todas las costumbres, tradiciones, leyendas y mitos ancestrales. Tal como lo plantea (Coutinho, 1990), "un pluralismo de sujetos colectivos fundado en un nuevo desafío: construir una nueva hegemonía que contemple el equilibrio entre el predominio de la voluntad general, sin negar el pluralismo de los intereses particulares". En los últimos cuatro años de vigencia de la nueva carta magna del Ecuador, la coexistencia de la justicia ordinaria y la justicia indígena no ha estado exenta de conflictos respecto de los alcances de la jurisdicción de la administración y justicia indígena, de la adaptación de procesos a los derechos humanos, de los mecanismos de coordinación entre autoridades estatales y autoridades indígenas, entre otros. En ciertos casos se alcanzan situaciones en las que las autoridades comunitarias fueran sometidas a la justicia ordinaria por exceder su jurisdicción (Ref. Caso La Cocha), así como fuertes reclamos por parte de las autoridades comunitarias respecto de la intervención no solicitada de operadores de justicia al margen de sus derechos colectivos. Razón por la cual sociólogos, filósofos e investigadores para dar jerarquía a toda la memoria, filosofía ancestral y la cosmovisión andina, enfocan como Derecho Consuetudinario para llegar al cumplimiento de la armonía comunitaria. ; Ecuador, as an intercultural and multinational country in its social memory, collects all customs, myths, legends and traditions that become the country's means for development in all areas, as compiled in the customary law of the indigenous peoples of Ecuador that nowadays, thanks to the citizen's revolution we can socialize and apply, these should executed as an imperative because that is their way of life, which I can surely say, is the foundation to achieve the Smac Kausay. In this paper we explain in brief the history of our people, whom to reach the republican status and colonization have undergone a process of expansionism and Inca- Spanish domination, thereafter entering the capitulation by the big companies conquests, technically organized in Central America to expand into South America and enter the process of formation of the Amerindian going from Inca to Indian and peasant, has suffered discrimination in every way; thus hiding all ancient wisdom since it was listed as pagan activities against God and the Bible that were brought from the old continent. In this process the Amerindian goes through a period of screening where he meets the great object of conquest, disappearing once and for all the cultural traits of the Andean cosmology, the run and huarmi are ashamed of their ancestors, their ethnicities and cultures; in this way the screening process finished with their costume, religion, beliefs, myths, legends and traditions. It is known that all the ancestral memory is summed up in the customary law of the indigenous peoples of Ecuador, however, it is not possible for it to develop, preserve and socialize, unless through a process of basic education to be transmitted from generation to generation; otherwise, all this cultural richness would be forgotten. This is why teachers play an important role in the teaching-learning process since they are responsible for the actual historical knowledge before and after the communities and people of Ecuador. For a teacher to transmit to future generations unpublished ancestral knowledge, you must 22 master the art, as only art gives us the wisdom and all the tools to do it with efficiency, effectiveness, and expertise of all ancient knowledge in daily practices; the reason being is that during the republican period until the 90s, educators could not make real educational practices in clear, transparent and authentic ways, because scientific contents are based only on foreign expertise or curricula of other countries. Performing arts are especially theater and dance popular games the only activities that one way or another legally used educators for the teaching-learning process with ancestral knowledge embodied in messages through choreographies, plays and recreational or popular games. Both in Ecuador and in the rest of Latin America, there is a new political scenario in which the multi- -inter-culture is gaining ground and legitimacy. This new bias includes the States recognition over ethnic and cultural diversity, and also the need to recognize personal and common rights, as well as those of nature, for which some authors call the new "multicultural constitutionalism." Van Cott (2000) and its relation to the cultural ethnicity. Montoya (2002). In relation to what is the Alternative Dispute Resolution mean (ADR) which are covered by the Constitution in Article 190. As we know, unlike other countries in the region, in Ecuador this official recognition is of major prominence; reflection and result of struggles and demands of the indigenous movement in the processes of strengthening identity and social, political and cultural actors and their questioning of existing models of citizenship; democracy, state and nation led by indigenous movements in their various organizations through the coast, mountains and east. The demand for cultural recognition of indigenous peoples and indigenous people of Ecuador have questioned the validity of a mono cultural legal system, even taking into account the stage of the constitutional multiculturalism that swept Latin American constitutional reforms since the adoption of Convention No. 169 by the International Labor Organization in 1989. In Ecuador this process is essential and of great interest, thus with the approval of the referendum on the new Constitution in 2008, which is defined as multinational State of Rights, recognizing the coexistence of a variety of legal systems in it. The countries of the region such as Bolivia, Venezuela and others, have passed similar processes, questioning the permanence of the so-called legal monism who argues that crises are a precondition for the emergence of new theories and relating to conflict resolution. The recognition by the State of legal systems does not imply that the authorities of the indigenous people and nationalities have the goal of creating something new, but the recognition of a historical reality exercise of customary rights, which under the colonial domination were invisible, denied and persecuted, and practices outside the law. We do not consider the legal pluralism as an "alternative" use of law but as a process of construction of other legal forms identifying the law with the majority sectors of society and institutional responses to processes of transition from a society marked by colonialism moving towards a social state characterized as intercultural and multinational where all the customs, traditions, legends and ancient myths are compiled. As stated by Coutinho (1990), "a pluralism of collective subjects based on a new challenge: to build a new hegemony that considers the balance between the dominance of the general will, without denying the pluralism of individual interests". In the last 4 years of validity of the new Constitution of Ecuador, the coexistence of ordinary justice and indigenous justice, has not been free of conflict over the scope of the jurisdiction of the administration and indigenous justice, the adaptation of cases to human rights, the mechanisms of coordination between state authorities and indigenous leaders, among others. Reaching in some cases, situations where the Community authorities were subjected to regular courts to "exceed" its jurisdiction (Ref. Case La Cocha) and strong complaints from the Community authorities regarding the unsolicited intervention of justice operators regardless of their collective rights. 24 In this research all cultural features of the main communities and indigenous nationalities of the three regions of Ecuador are also being analyzed, which have gone unnoticed in the social context and in the best case, taken as isolated activities, put in practice or socialized in the main festivities of the people. This is the reason for us as educators for basic education, to give all the memory hierarchy, ancient philosophy and the Andean world we take it as customary law to take into action with the community may it be as a voluntary act or coercively. Part of the study of this paper is also to extent the responsibility to the State-Government, to maintain all the values and principles of the ancestral memory and cultural heritage of the indigenous people of Ecuador in an intact and unchanged way, to transmit to future generations; goal which you can achieve only with the education and training of teachers in different areas, but mainly in performing arts ; as well, on how to handle: customs, traditions, ethnic and folk legends, which is part of the standard of living of the indigenous people and peasants, and serves as a relevant issue to the development of basic education curriculum. This research with proposed development schedule was fulfilling the objectives, analyzing the extent to which cultures of indigenous people of Ecuador are present in the teaching of basic education, teacher training, and the level of positioning in the absence the arts, the presence of popular traditions in the curriculum and teacher preparation for teaching and its impact on society, and only then get to know the cultures of indigenous people of Ecuador in basic education. A study on the contribution of arts and popular traditions in the curriculum of basic education to achieve the implementation of the common system of legal pluralism with coarse principles based on Andean philosophy. The methodology, as an instrument for the operationalization of variables and objectives of the research is based on the paradigm of functionalism and constructivism, with field research (indigenous community leaders, members of councils, cultural promoters, educational authorities, elders of the different communities , basic education teachers) as descriptive, bibliographic and documentary scientific contributions in the areas of study, collecting data with the technique of the survey, interview and observation, and tools such as questionnaire. Interview guide and observation sheets, which allowed establishing the relationships between variables and approving the alternative hypothesis. Thus affirm that in our country, knowledge of the cultures of the indigenous people of Ecuador have not been involved, but rather have been marginalized and forgotten, where only basic education devoted to teaching general knowledge and specified in the area of mathematics and language, which is why there is a lack of 80% of the current population, and especially of teachers, both Ecuadorian reality as ethnicities and cultures of our ancestors.