The article presents the results of research of the formation of historical memory, conflicts of memories, the correlation of individual and collective memory in human consciousness, which today is one of the most relevant in the Ukrainian humanities, given the annexation of Crimea, Russian aggression against Ukraine and ongoing conditions the struggle for the establishment and assertion of the independence of our state. The phenomenon of historical memory is one of those that a wide range of humanities are trying to study: philosophy, history, sociology, culturology, psychology, etc. The semantic content of the concepts "conflict (or war) of memories", "individual historical memory", "collective historical memory", the relationship between the concepts of "memory" and "history" is considered. It is emphasized that memory is an important condition that determines the activity of a person and a certain social group. The reasons for the development of memory conflicts may be in the intensification of ambiguous interpretations of the past, opposing interpretations of the past, official policy in the cultural sphere, regional features of the interpretation of past events, which leads to changes in toponymy, symbolism, etc. In addition, today in Ukrainian society there are several vectors of conflicts of memory: from the memory of the USSR ("beautiful Soviet country" or "terrible totalitarian state") to one of the sharpest conflicts of memory, concerning the actual heroic discourse that unfolded with the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war, raising a painful question: who to consider a hero? It is emphasized that today memories of the past, of collective historical traumas, and their processing are sometimes used to confront peoples and cause conflicts of memories. The past orients society to the system coordinates of "friend and foe", forms views on national interests and determines preferences. The task of the individual in these conditions - to maintain critical thinking and try to learn as deeply as possible the actual, archival material. It is argued that memory conflicts are a reflection of both individual and collective consciousness and need to be further understood in multidisciplinary scientific discourse.
The article is devoted to the overview of the main features of contemporary anti-Americanism with the special focus on its regional dimensions. This issue has theoretical and practical value: it is important for better understanding of the current developments in the sphere of international relations and world's attitudes towards American foreign policy. Comparatively to foreign researches – in Ukrainian political and historical studies anti-Americanism is not a popular issue. The research methodology within proposed article is mainly based on a comparative analysis. It is found that each country has its own specifics of the perception of the United States, which depends on history, relationship with the USA, traditions of political culture etc. There are also identified mutual features for the negative sentiments towards the USA in the different regions of the world. It is concluded that contemporary anti-Americanism can be qualified as a comprehensive (is interpreted by different scholars as ideology, philosophy, attitudes, tendency, outlook, etc.), a large-scale (covers all social levels, wide-spread due to mass-media), a universal (is present in rhetoric of right and left political forces), a global (can be found all over the globe, both among American allies as well as opponents), a wave-shaped (periods of rise and fall of the negative attitudes towards the USA are clearly determined by world public opinion polls), and a manipulative (is used by politicians and business to attract attention of the public, to explain fails in foreign or domestic policy, to mobilize voters, to advertize goods) phenomenon.
It this article the author lights up the phenomenon of partisan fight in the USA and its influence on motion of war. Its analysed in research bibliographic materials and the main aspects are described. For a long time, historians studying the subjects of the civil war in the United States, considered the guerrilla struggle of the Confederate States as a vivid but not entirely fruitful page of the war. However, it is impossible not to realize that the actions of the Confederate guerrillas have changed the nature of the civil war. The current popularity of materials devoted to the wars in Vietnam and Afghanistan, where partisan tactics have shown that it is quite productive, gives an opportunity to look at the partisan struggle during a civil war from a new angle. Most of the materials we have reviewed focus on the description of guerrilla warfare in individual geographic areas, or in relation to a separate guerrilla leader and the actions of his detachments. The new findings on the influence of guerrilla warfare have not been considered for a long time, but in recent years they have received a lot of attention. In 1986, the authors of the "Why the South Lost the Civil War" agreed that if, after defeat of regular troops, the Confederacy moved to a full-scale guerrilla warfare, this could have been an alternative to defeat. It would have developed into a struggle that the Spanish people carried against Napoleon during his invasion, and this would be an extremely heavy burden for the Union. The authors completely deny that the use of guerrilla tactics eventually became one of the reasons for the defeat of the Confederacy in the war. However, most modern historians do not support this statement and admit that, after the defeat of the regular army, no partisan movement could lead to victory in the war. Gary Gallacher, a well-known journalist and historian of the Vietnam War, argued that the Confederacy had to build its own guerrilla movement, like the Vietcong. However, it should be noted that in the 1860s there were no military doctrines at all, or even the views of those close to modern methods of warfare, and this would violate all the rules of the time and military traditions, which was impossible. ; В запропонованій статті автор висвітлює тлумачення феномену партизанської боротьби у США та обґрунтовує її вплив на хід подій війни. У дослідженні проаналізовано бібліографічний доробок та охарактеризовано основні аспекти питань, які розглядалися у публікаціях.
It this article the author lights up the phenomenon of partisan fight in the USA and its influence on motion of war. Its analysed in research bibliographic materials and the main aspects are described. For a long time, historians studying the subjects of the civil war in the United States, considered the guerrilla struggle of the Confederate States as a vivid but not entirely fruitful page of the war. However, it is impossible not to realize that the actions of the Confederate guerrillas have changed the nature of the civil war. The current popularity of materials devoted to the wars in Vietnam and Afghanistan, where partisan tactics have shown that it is quite productive, gives an opportunity to look at the partisan struggle during a civil war from a new angle. Most of the materials we have reviewed focus on the description of guerrilla warfare in individual geographic areas, or in relation to a separate guerrilla leader and the actions of his detachments. The new findings on the influence of guerrilla warfare have not been considered for a long time, but in recent years they have received a lot of attention. In 1986, the authors of the "Why the South Lost the Civil War" agreed that if, after defeat of regular troops, the Confederacy moved to a full-scale guerrilla warfare, this could have been an alternative to defeat. It would have developed into a struggle that the Spanish people carried against Napoleon during his invasion, and this would be an extremely heavy burden for the Union. The authors completely deny that the use of guerrilla tactics eventually became one of the reasons for the defeat of the Confederacy in the war. However, most modern historians do not support this statement and admit that, after the defeat of the regular army, no partisan movement could lead to victory in the war. Gary Gallacher, a well-known journalist and historian of the Vietnam War, argued that the Confederacy had to build its own guerrilla movement, like the Vietcong. However, it should be noted that in the 1860s there were no military doctrines at all, or even the views of those close to modern methods of warfare, and this would violate all the rules of the time and military traditions, which was impossible. ; В запропонованій статті автор висвітлює тлумачення феномену партизанської боротьби у США та обґрунтовує її вплив на хід подій війни. У дослідженні проаналізовано бібліографічний доробок та охарактеризовано основні аспекти питань, які розглядалися у публікаціях.
The creativity of Spengler and the ambiguity of his theory have caused and continue to cause profound interest, as well as fierce debates. Spengler introduced his cultural historical doctrine in the book "The Decline of the West", in which he sought to reflect all the diversity of historical metamorphoses of humanity. His advanced concept of high cultures allowed him to approach the analysis of contemporary political processes from a historical perspective. "The Decline of the West" has already become an integral part of the European spiritual culture. This paper attempts to analyze Spengler's philosophy of history. During the research, the authors have used the comparative-historical method, the methodology of philosophical hermeneutics, as well as the integrative anthropological approach.
In this article, we concentrate our attention around some topics which are intrinsically contingent to the state of mind of the contemporary TV series production consumer. Here we try to comprehend some common features, motifs, signs, the meaning of which is not certain; nevertheless, they are present in almost every TV series of our times. We attempt at tracing some significant motifs in the final seasons of such different TV series products as the "Game of Thrones", "Vikings", and Norwegian "Okkupert". The first of them belongs to the genre of fantasy, the second to the historical reconstruction, and the third one is a spurious attempt at modelling the near future where Russia occupies Norway. Nevertheless, we see some motifs, both visual and verbal, permeating all the three TV series worlds.Let us enumerate some of them. Their range extends from the maxims of political wisdom to simple heathen mythological symbols (e.g. ravens). In our humble opinion, those signs are almost indexal. Their meaning is void of deepness; signs simply refer to other signs of the outer reality, so we have a reference point to start with. So we have some grounds to believe their message.First of all, their range comprises basic fears of contemporary reality. It does not matter in what imaginary world we find them. Fantasy, as well as pseudo-history, refers to the actual challenges of today as effectively as the TV series situated in. We have political fears, such as Russian invasion, and the TV series "Vikings" reflects it as well as the Norwegian "Okkupert". We have ecological fears, and the "Game of Thrones" reflects them as well. We have epidemiological fears, but the "Game of Thrones" copes with them easily.We regard this type of signs or motifs as necessary points of attraction, hints of reality, which make identification possible.The TV series analyzed here were heavily criticized by Facebook users, especially the 8th season of the "Game of Thrones". Nevertheless, we can make precisely these Facebook activities a criterion of taking a TV series into account as important. They produce memes and give people useful opportunities to comment such actual events as elections or other political activities through them. Significant motifs which are recognizable in many contemporary contexts facilitate this use of TV series as a comment to reality.Manuscript received 01.05.2020 ; Статтю присвячено інтерпретації останніх сезонів трьох серіалів, які так чи інакше віддзеркалюють ситуацію сучасності, а тому мотиви, які в них регулярно виникають і час від часу перегукуються, здаються нам знаковими. Термін «знак» вживається тут у сенсі всього, що може заступати місце чогось іншого, відсилаючи до нього як до свого зовнішнього об'єкта. Неможливо передбачити, як знаки в сучасних серіалах, як-от «Гра престолів», «Вікінги» чи «Окуповані», взаємодіятимуть із реальністю поза екраном, але ми намагалися відстежити ті знаки-мотиви, які відсилають до сучасної реальності або безпосередньо, або в ній же опосередковано. Інтерпретація таких мотивів не може бути стовідсотково об'єктивною, але суть гуманітарії якраз у намаганні заповнити зазор між тим, що ми бачимо на екрані, і тим, що є його неявним значенням.Матеріал надійшов 01.05.2020
The article deals with current historiography of the research program of modernization in Western – mostly US – academic literature. The article stresses the importance of the theory's reputation for its success or failure. The paper traces the origins of the critique of the discourse of modernization. The interrelation between academic scholarship and ideological partisanship is being examined. It is argued that ideology is an integral part of academic discourse, so the task of academics is not to get rid of ideology but to control it and keep within reasonable boundaries. The topicality of the issue raised in the article is determined by the hegemony of neo-liberal thinking which is a descendant of modernization theory with its belief in the exemplar nature of the Western experience. The article juxtaposes two mutually exclusive approaches to modernization theory, that of E.Tiryakian and I. Wallerstein. While the former is advocating the worthiness of modernization theory on grounds of its intellectual prowess, the latter is claiming that the idea of modernization was ideology, not a theory and as such was stillborn. Thus, they arrive at mutually opposite conclusions – the revival of modernization theory versus its burial. The article examines the vast literature on the origins, developmental history and political connections of modernization theory. The involvement of the founders of the modernization theory into the policy making towards the Third World is discussed. The role of modernization theory in buttressing the US policy during Vietnam War is revealed.It is argued that reputation of the scientific theory is critical to its reception and survival. The modernization theory today in Western nations is faced with radical left rejection, liberal critique and uncritical apology. At the same time there is a dangerous trend in Ukraine when the modernization theory is being perceived and (ab)used in a ritualistic manner. This is posture towards modernization research program should be combated by means of restoring value of rational discourse and selective appropriation of the legacy of the idea of modernization. ; Стаття розглядає сучасну історіографію дослідницької програми модернізації у закордонній - переважно американській – суспільствознавчій літературі. Стаття простежує походження критики дискурсу модернізації, визначає взаємовідношення між науковою теорією і партійною ідеологією в рамках дослідницької програми модернізації. Стаття вибудовує типологію підходів до теорії модернізації: ліворадикальний заперечення, ліберальну критику і некритичну апологію, а також пропонує визначити впливову тенденцію сприйняття теорії модернізації в Україну як рітуалізований культ.
When we talk about historical revisionism, negative connotations as a rule are prevailing. Prohibition of revision of certain historical interpretation and assessment is one of the tasks of historical policy which is carried out by adopting so-called «memorial laws». Taking care of the formation of the desired representations of the past (narratives) is directly related to the interests of institutionalized power in its own stabilization and strengthening. Power is a function of the community, whose identity is formed historically. Consolidation of collective identity through the support and repro- duction of common representations of the past is one of the tools to strengthen power. At the same time, the very nature of human experience acquisition which is permanent mediation of the horizon of the past and the present, presuppose a reinterpretation of this past. Major shifts in the experience of generations, which occur as a result of certain social changes, lead to a new look at the past of the community. In this sense, rethinking and rewriting history becomes necessary to clarify, update, rationalize the collective identity, which is problematized by new experience. Historical policy can both respond to this need for identity transformation through re- thinking representations of one's own past and come into conflict with it. In the latter case, the narratives transferring by institutional power begin to conflict with the communicative memory of the generation experiencing a shift. One of the tools of self-preservation of power in this situ- ation is blocking of living historical experience, which can take various forms. The culmination of such a blockade is «hermetization» of historical time that take place in totalitarian state. The living historicity of experience, which requires a constant rethinking of one's own historically inherited identity, is replaced by an artificial, time-frozen identity, which, precisely because of this nature, becomes fragile and doomed to destruction. On the other hand, the rewriting of history initiated by the authorities within the framework of historical policy may face resistance to the representations of the past rooted in the commu- nicative and cultural memory. The resistance of historical narratives indicates that the collective memory and the identity founded in it are not only a power construct, but also a spontaneous layering of sediments of historical experience. In today's world of global communications and unified everyday practices, historical narra- tives are beginning to play an increasing role, as they remain the only seat of identity. At the same time, this process reinforces the conflict potential of communities, which can be observed in many examples of the revival of historically motivated political ambitions. In this situation, a critical clarification of various interpretations of the past becomes a means of rationalizing the historically inherited identity of communities as a necessary condition for intercultural dialogue. ; У сучасній суспільній думці феномен історичного ревізіонізму має, переважно, негативні ко- нотації. Одним з головних завдань історичної політики сучасних держав є заборона перегля- ду певних історичних інтерпретацій та оцінок, яка реалізується за допомогою так званих «меморіальних законів». Опікування формуванням бажаних репрезентацій минулого (нарати- вів) безпосередньо пов'язане з інтересами влади у власній стабілізації та підсиленні. Влада є функцією спільноти, ідентичність якої формується історично. Консолідація колективної іден- тичності через підтримання та відтворення спільних репрезентацій минулого є одним із інст- рументів зміцнення влади. В той же час сам характер набуття людиною історичного досвіду, який є постійним опосередкуванням горизонту минулого сучасним, передбачає і реінтерпретацію цього мину- лого. Великі зрушення у досвіді поколінь, які відбуваються внаслідок певних соціальних змін, зумовлюють і новий погляд на минуле спільнот. У цьому сенсі якраз переосмислення та пере- писування історії стає необхідним для прояснення, поновлення, раціоналізації колективної ідентичності, яка проблематизується новим досвідом. Історична політика може як відповідати цій потребі трансформації ідентичності крізь переосмислення репрезентацій власного минулого, так і вступати у суперечність з нею. В останньому випадку трансльовані владою наративи починають конфліктувати з комуні- кативною пам'яттю покоління, що переживає зрушення у досвіді. Один із інструментів самозбереження влади у цій ситуації — блокування історичного досвіду, що може мати різні форми. Кульмінацією такого блокування є «герметизація» часу, типова для тоталітарної дер- жави. Жива історичність досвіду, яка вимагає постійного переосмислення власної історично успадкованої ідентичності, підміняється штучною, застиглою у часі ідентичністю, яка саме в силу цього свого характеру стає крихкою та приреченою на руйнацію. З іншого боку, ініційовані владою у межах історичної політики переписування історії можуть наражатися на опір вкорінених у комунікативній та культурній пам'яті історич- них репрезентацій минулого. Резистентність історичних наративів вказує на те, що колек- тивна пам'ять і фундована в ній ідентичність є не лише інституційними (владними) кон- структами, але й стихійними нашаруваннями седиментацій історичного досвіду. У сучасному світі ґлобальних комунікацій та уніфікованих повсякденних практик іс- торичні наративи починають відігравати дедалі більшу роль, оскільки залишаються єдиним «вмістилищем» унікальності колективної ідентичності. Разом з тим цей процес підсилює конфліктний потенціал спільнот, що можна спостерігати на численних сучасних прикладах відродження історично мотивованих політичних амбіцій. У цій ситуації критичне прояснен- ня різноманітних репрезентацій минулого стає засобом раціоналізації історично успадкова- них ідентичностей спільнот як необхідної умови міжкультурного діалогу.
The main problem of contemporary science of culture is the study of such concepts as cultural communication, acculturation, inculturation, multiculturalism. It is under the influence of the social environment that these concepts go through the process of socialization among individuals to cultural life in a civilized society. The purpose of the research is to provide scientific and theoretical substantiation of the peculiarities of the cultural communication development within society and its social changes through the analysis and comparison of various approaches to studying their cultural interaction. The research methodology consists in the analytical analysis of the cultural communication study on the emergence of social tensions in society. The analysis provides an opportunity to show and analyze the evolution of cultural communication, to follow the essence of cultural concepts and the dynamics of their development. The scientific novelty of the results obtained is that the article analytically analyses the nature of the types of notions of cultural communication and multiculturalism from the side of social tensions in the cultural sphere and pays attention to the study of two directions of the problems of culture – social and culturological. It can be seen that all cultural models or cultural codes are enriched and modernized and penetrate the social processes of society. Today, we can see that human culture constantly borrows various patterns and cultural stamps, and globalization imposes these standards on society, leading to contradictions and tensions among the population in cultural exchange or interaction, which also occurs in world civilizations. What they experienced socially cultural changes that we get as a globalized inheritance. Conclusion: culture is a driving force for the stabilization of political, social, cultural and cultural processes in society and plays an important social role. Cultural globali zation becomes a complex of all interconnected processes, optimization of cultural ...
The article is devoted to the analysis of contemporary Ukrainian, Belarusian and Polish historiography of the history of Belarusians in the south of Ukraine and in Odesa and the district during the Ukrainian National-Democratic Revolution. The scientific relevance of the problem of research is associated with an insufficient level of its research in Ukrainian historiography. This aspect was chosen with taking into account the fact that during the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution of 1917-1920 the territory of Southern Ukraine, mainly the city of Odesa and the district, due to economic ties and its political significance, became an important region for concentration of Belarusians, their trade activities, participation in political life and national state construction, etc. Of particular interest are the researches of M. Sсhavlinskiy, D. Mikhalyuk, O. Zubko. The researchers from Odesa are represented insufficiently. Researchers address such important problems as the creation of the Belarusian National Council in Odesa, the Belarusian National Commissariat and the Consulate, the activities of Belarusian national organizations. Most of the research examines the history of Belarusians in the south of Ukraine and the city of Odesa in the context of studying other problems. As a result of the study, it was found that in modern historiography – Ukrainian, Belarusian, Polish – some aspects of the history of Belarusians in the south of Ukraine, mainly in Odesa and the district, were covered for the period of 1917-1919.The researches are as special as and more general, in which events in the region are mentioned briefly in the context of a wider problem related mainly to the Belarusian national movement and the Belarusian state construction. As a rule, the investigators are limited only to mentions of personalities, or briefly characterize the Odesa period of their biographies. Further research requires the problem of interaction between the Belarusian ethnic group in the population of Odesa and in the south of ...
The article deals with aspects of the interconnection of the phenomena of social trauma and social conflict, especially in the context of modern Ukrainian society, as well as in the context of the problems of Ukrainian studies discourse. The authors note the extreme importance of the phenomenon of social trauma in the state of health, in the vital program of the individual, in the collective self-identification of social groups, in particular of nations, and the problems and specifics of the manifestation of social trauma in philosophical and sociological sciences. Social trauma is capable to influence the personality's understanding of the meaning of its existence, the interpretation of the direction of development of social processes, the content of interpersonal and intergroup relations in the society. As a result of the defeat of one of the parties of a social conflict, the trauma itself can turn into a conflict factor in the social organism. The authors emphasize the diverse impact of social trauma on the emergence and course of social conflicts in interpersonal and intergroup spheres in the history and contemporary realities of Ukrainian society. It is emphasized that social trauma can be caused not only by real but also by fictional events, which can also cause social conflicts. The article emphasizes the extremely important role of the value positions of the subjects of social conflict in the ranking of traumatic events in the Convention of Ukrainian Studies, shows the influence of these positions on the interethnic and interclass relations in Ukraine. The peculiarities of the connection of social trauma with social conflicts in the life of the modern Ukrainian society in the post-truth situation are also analyzed. The authors emphasize that provoking social conflict by means of creating a post-truth situation if post-truth speculates on real or imagined social trauma is especially dangerous for the society. An ongoing social conflict will be deep and lasting. The manipulation of historical facts by placing them in a post-truth situation is illustrated in the article by facts from the sphere of hybrid warfare conducted by the Russian Federation in the eastern territories of Ukraine. The article explores several aspects of the impact of social trauma on social conflicts in the context of anomie in the spiritual life of the Ukrainian society.
Розглянуто сучасну проблематику популізму через призму ідеологій, зокрема консерватизму та лібералізму. Зазначено, що світовий досвід свідчить, що популістський рух активізувався в періоди, коли країни переживали переломні етапи своєї історії. Проаналізовано проблематику популізму як наявність соціального замовлення від зацікавлених суб'єктів політичної дії, які застосовують популізм для реалізації своїх програм та у боротьбі за владу. ; Problem setting. The article deals with the problems of populism in the context of ideology: conservatism and liberalism. The growth of populism comes after the destruction of the liberal consensus, which began after the Cold War, with increasing tension between democratic majority and liberal constitutionalism – the two main pillars of democratic regimes. Strengthening the role of populism shows the gradual loss of the attractiveness of liberal solutions in the field of politics, economy and culture, and ideology.Recent research and publications analysis. World experience shows that the populist movement was intensified in periods when the country experienced a turning point in its history. In sharp socio-economic changes particularly when breaking the old principles and adopting new ones, the political arena is occupied by populist leaders, who suggest simplified ideas and quick decisions to solve crisis issues.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. An important point in building a strong civil society is the populism syndrome of Soviet human. While being the part of an empire, which focused its attention on the image that went for export, it adjusted the system of ideological mirrors, creating the illusion of its, and therefore our, presence in the world. The purpose of the article is to analyze the contemporary aspect of populism through the prism of ideological norms (namely conservatism and liberalism).Paper main body. As a system of views, ideas and concepts, ideology is embodied in various forms of social consciousness that differ in their subject matter, the nature of the reflection of the interests of the public subject, and the function they perform in public life. As a rule, ideology is closely related to such forms of social consciousness as political consciousness and legal consciousness, art and morality, philosophy and science, as well as religion, economic consciousness of a person, etc.World experience shows that the populist movement intensified at a time when countries were experiencing crucial stages in their history. With dramatic socio-economic shifts, especially when the old foundations were broken and the new ones were not yet clearly defined, populist figures were entering the political arena.Among the reasons for the emergence of populism in the mass consciousness and political ideologies of different states, including the post-Soviet space, is the desire of citizens to associate positive socio-economic development with individuals and the so-called "iron" power. At the same time, democracy is perceived as a brake on the path of economic stabilization and progress, which is stimulated by a certain part of the national political party. Unless there is support in the majority of the population, the process of active depletion begins, and it is given to the reaction of self-defence of one's own "populist slogans".Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Analyzing the views of representatives of liberalism, we can state that this socio-political trend is not "negative". Besides, in the controversy of individualism with the collectivism, it adheres to the position of an arbitrator. After all, a liberal cannot be considered as an individualist who wants self-isolation. A free person is open, as well as a free society. The person in such a society is always inherent in individual responsibility, moral discipline. In society, a person knows how to "connect himself/herself internally".When turning to the ideas of populism in the context of ideologies, this issue is gaining another political discourse, it should be noted that this phenomenon has acquired the status of everyday experience today. The struggle for power is the main theme and driving motive of this sphere of communication. The more open and democratic a society life is, the more attention is paid to populism in society.
Розглянуто сучасну проблематику популізму через призму ідеологій, зокрема консерватизму та лібералізму. Зазначено, що світовий досвід свідчить, що популістський рух активізувався в періоди, коли країни переживали переломні етапи своєї історії. Проаналізовано проблематику популізму як наявність соціального замовлення від зацікавлених суб'єктів політичної дії, які застосовують популізм для реалізації своїх програм та у боротьбі за владу. ; Problem setting. The article deals with the problems of populism in the context of ideology: conservatism and liberalism. The growth of populism comes after the destruction of the liberal consensus, which began after the Cold War, with increasing tension between democratic majority and liberal constitutionalism – the two main pillars of democratic regimes. Strengthening the role of populism shows the gradual loss of the attractiveness of liberal solutions in the field of politics, economy and culture, and ideology.Recent research and publications analysis. World experience shows that the populist movement was intensified in periods when the country experienced a turning point in its history. In sharp socio-economic changes particularly when breaking the old principles and adopting new ones, the political arena is occupied by populist leaders, who suggest simplified ideas and quick decisions to solve crisis issues.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. An important point in building a strong civil society is the populism syndrome of Soviet human. While being the part of an empire, which focused its attention on the image that went for export, it adjusted the system of ideological mirrors, creating the illusion of its, and therefore our, presence in the world. The purpose of the article is to analyze the contemporary aspect of populism through the prism of ideological norms (namely conservatism and liberalism).Paper main body. As a system of views, ideas and concepts, ideology is embodied in various forms of social consciousness that differ in their subject matter, the nature of the reflection of the interests of the public subject, and the function they perform in public life. As a rule, ideology is closely related to such forms of social consciousness as political consciousness and legal consciousness, art and morality, philosophy and science, as well as religion, economic consciousness of a person, etc.World experience shows that the populist movement intensified at a time when countries were experiencing crucial stages in their history. With dramatic socio-economic shifts, especially when the old foundations were broken and the new ones were not yet clearly defined, populist figures were entering the political arena.Among the reasons for the emergence of populism in the mass consciousness and political ideologies of different states, including the post-Soviet space, is the desire of citizens to associate positive socio-economic development with individuals and the so-called "iron" power. At the same time, democracy is perceived as a brake on the path of economic stabilization and progress, which is stimulated by a certain part of the national political party. Unless there is support in the majority of the population, the process of active depletion begins, and it is given to the reaction of self-defence of one's own "populist slogans".Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Analyzing the views of representatives of liberalism, we can state that this socio-political trend is not "negative". Besides, in the controversy of individualism with the collectivism, it adheres to the position of an arbitrator. After all, a liberal cannot be considered as an individualist who wants self-isolation. A free person is open, as well as a free society. The person in such a society is always inherent in individual responsibility, moral discipline. In society, a person knows how to "connect himself/herself internally".When turning to the ideas of populism in the context of ideologies, this issue is gaining another political discourse, it should be noted that this phenomenon has acquired the status of everyday experience today. The struggle for power is the main theme and driving motive of this sphere of communication. The more open and democratic a society life is, the more attention is paid to populism in society.
In the article the bulk of domestic historiography is systematized, general and special studies on the topic are distinguished. The scientific achievements of Ukrainian scientists, created both at the age of the Soviet state and at the time of the independence of Ukraine concerning the emigration of the Ukrainian immigrants to Canada, social and political life of the Diaspora in the interwar period and the impact on it of the immigration policy of the country are analyzed. The changes in the methods and methodology of the Soviet and contemporary historiography are reflected, the causes of these differences with taking into consideration the periodization of the national historical thought development are analyzed. It has been noted, the source base of the national Diaspora studies is substantially extending due to the transfer of previously inaccessible Canadian archives to Ukraine. The author states, that the Ukrainian ethnic group in Canada has mostly been researched by the Diaspora scientists. It is ascertained how deeply certain questions were enlightened, and what problems require further research.
У статті проаналізована сучасна українська історіографія історії євреїв в українських землях, що перебували під владою Російської імперії наприкінці XVIII – на початку ХХ ст. Виділено основні напрями сучасних досліджень в українській юдаїці. Проаналізовано узагальнюючі роботи з історії українського єврейства; спеціальні розвідки, що досліджують історіографію історії євреїв, економічну історію, політику царизму в національному питанні, міграції, освіту та просвітництво, єврейське населення окремих регіонів та міст тощо. ; The article analyzes the contemporary Ukrainian historiography of the history of Jewry in the Ukrainian lands under the authority of the Russian Empire at the end of XVIII and the beginning of the XX century. The basic directions of contemporary research in the Ukrainian Judaica are marked. The general works on the history of Ukrainian Jewry; special works on the historiography of Jewish history, economic history, government policy in the national question, migration, education, the Jewish population of Ukrainian regions and cities are analyzed. The article can be useful to researchers of various aspects of imperial period Ukrainian history.
