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The paradox of field research permits
The paradox of field research permits
This essay provides an account of the way in which permits for field research in South Sudan were obtained. It shows how, despite the fact that the new country did not have a formal procedure for researchers, doing fieldwork at South Sudans borders with DR Congo and Uganda would have been impossible without a few letters of endorsement signed by people within the South Sudanese government. This inherent contradiction is further complicated by a paradox: The security personnel at the border interpreted the letters differently than the staff in the government offices in the capital. The essay argues that the contradiction between practice and procedures and the paradox of variable legitimacies provide key insight in the everyday organization of the state in South Sudan, both in the center and in the periphery.

A scheme of analysis for separatism is proposed that identifies the essential factor in a separatist process & explains the waves of active & "dead" separatist activity. Three dimensions in the separatist process are distinguished: conflict, mobilization, & collective action. Each stage is determined by certain factors, eg: contradictions of identity & interests between people & nation; social, political, & economic opportunities of the people; elite behavior; & strength & social movement. Evolution from one dimension to the next depends on these factors, national policy, & societal changes caused by modernization. Periods of inactivity or activity can be explained by verifying the presence or absence of these factors. It is concluded that there are false & real "dead" periods, & that not all separatist activity has a sound basis. 2 Tables. Modified HA

PO surveys from 1979 to 1981 are analyzed to assess changing Dutch attitudes on foreign & defense policies & the influence of pressure group activism, particularly that of the peace movement. Despite difficulties in data interpretation, findings indicate a greater change in intensity than in content of such attitudes; while there is quasi-unanimity to maintain NATO membership & balance of power, the majority of Rs want no new nuclear arms probably due to the peace movement, & wish to remove existing ones from Dutch territory & cease nuclear activity in the Dutch armed forces. Potential political gains by parties espousing these goals, particularly the Dutch Labor Party, are predicted. Contradictions in the available data are noted, however, & the necessity of more detailed research is emphasized. 35 Tables. Modified HA.

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J.C.H. Blom, P. Romijn, Srebrenica, een 'veilig' gebied. Reconstructie, achtergronden, gevolgen en analyses van de val van een Safe Area, I, II, III, Bootsma, P., ed. D.C.L. Schoonoord, Dutchbat III en de bevolking. Medische aangelegenheden. Bevoorrading door de lucht C. Wiebes, Intelligence en de oorlog in Bosnië, 1992-1995. De rol van de inlichtingen- en veiligheidsdiensten B. Naarden, Beeld en Balkan. Waarneming en werkelijkheid in Zuidoost-Europa G. Duijzings, Geschiedenis en herinnering in Oost-Bosnië. De achtergronden van de val van Srebrenica. Thorough and balanced? A closer look at the NIOD report, J. W. L. BrouwerThis vast report contains many interesting chapters, notably on the fall of the Srebrenica enclave and the minor political scandals that subsequently erupted in the Netherlands. Unfortunately, the report was published in such haste that editing errors abound. This does not make the reporteasy reading. Furthermore, there are a number of contradictions between the conclusions in the first part and the final conclusions. Lastly, the strong condemnation of Dutch diplomacy in 1991-1993 and, in particular, the denunciation of the Foreign Minister, Mr Van den Broek, is inconsistent with the stated intentions of the authors to refrain from making any political judgements.