Suchergebnisse

In this paper, I analyze Croatian citizenship policies in the post-communist context & argue that it is a very instructive case for understanding the citizenship conundrum that followed the end of the communist regimes in Central & Eastern Europe. Almost everywhere in post-communist Europe, & especially in the post-partition states formed after the collapse of socialist multinational federations, new citizenship legislation & administrative practices frequently resulted in creating three distinct categories of individuals: the included, the excluded, & the invited (more often than not ethnic kin abroad). I put a special focus on the transformations of the citizenship policies in Croatia & how the dynamic between the included, the excluded & the invited changed from nationalist Croatia in the 1990s to an EU-oriented Croatia in the 2000s. The analysis of Croatian citizenship policies allows me to suggest that post-Tudman Croatia can be seen as an exemplary case of ethnic democracy according to the criteria defined by Sammy Smooha. Adapted from the source document.

Performance measure reforms have greatly influenced the operations of government entities over the past two decades. This case study investigates the impact of these reforms on nonprofit human service organizations in Oregon, a state with a long history of performance activities. The authors pursue two research questions: (1) what impact did these reforms have on the performance and capacity of the nonprofit entities engaged in human services. and (2) what is the impact of the reported performance on the funding decisions made by the state legislature. The authors observe substantial improvement in the performance of the nonprofit organizations as well as increased capacity for their future performance. Somewhat surprisingly, the authors also observe that funding for programs with common performance measures received large increases in funding, whereas programs with unique measures were cut dramatically. The authors compare outcomes measurement from performance measurement, accounting, and evaluation perspectives and conclude with several suggestions for future research.

A close reading of Adam Smith's works, "An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of Wealth of Nations" and "The Theory of Moral Sentiments," indicates that he would not support the advocacy of free markets wholeheartedly. His view on market systems, although "free," implies strong institutions and regulations. Adam Smith would have been particularly concerned with the fact that the large multinationals are as much political actors as they are economic actors. He would have argued that there may be 'moral' limits to globalization. In his view, the general rules of morality are (in modern parlance) 'socially embedded.' Thus, sympathy and fellow-feeling mostly operate at 'close quarters' and, in particular, they may not be effective at a transnational level.

One consequence of the liberalization of certain services in the European Union was that a number of formerly inward-looking incumbents in telecommunications and electricity rapidly transformed themselves into some of the world's leading Multinationals. However, the precise relationship between liberalization and incumbent internationalization is contested. This article tests three persuasive arguments derived from the political economy literature on this relationship. The first claims that those incumbents most exposed to domestic liberalization would internationalise most. The second asserts the opposite: incumbents operating where liberalization was restricted could exploit monopolistic rents to finance their aggressive internationalisation. The third argument claims that a diversity of paths will be adopted by countries and incumbents vis-à-vis liberalization and internationalization. Using correlation and cluster analysis of the sample of all major EU telecoms and electricity incumbent Multinationals evidence is found in favour of the third hypothesis. Internationalization as a response to liberalization took diverse forms in terms of timing and extent and this is best explained using a country, sector and firm logic.

Sobre la base de condicionamientos internacionales y del contexto general de los postulados del Desarrollismo en la Argentina, se consideran en este artículo aspectos de la política agraria en el ámbito de la provincia de Buenos Aires durante el gobierno de Oscar Alende; quien, conjuntamente con un sector de colaboradores políticamente afines, intenta poner en práctica algunas de las líneas propuestas originariamente por el gobierno frondicista en el poder - fundamentalmente la reforma agraria- a través de transformaciones graduales y/o parciales del sistema vigente. ; Based on international conditions and the overall context of the tenets of Development in Argentina, are considered in this article aspects of land policy in the area of the province of Buenos Aires during the government of Oscar Alende, who, together with a sector partner politically related, try to implement some of the lines originally proposed by the government in power-frondicista predominantly agrarian reform-through gradual transformations and / or half of the current system.

Defense date: 11/12/2009 ; Examining Board: Simon Deakin (University of Cambridge), Julio Gomes (Universidade Católica Portuguesa, Porto), Marie-Ange Moreau (EUI, Supervisor), Heike Schweitzer (EUI) ; First made available online 13 September 2018 ; The object of this thesis concerns the institutional complementarities between the national systems of corporate governance and employee representation (including collective bargaining) in an evolutionary comparative and European perspective. This thesis defends that there appears to be currently a phenomenon of hybridisation of the patterns of corporate governance in Europe that is introducing market elements in relational/governmental systems and relational elements in market systems. The systems of employee representation appear to be also converging towards a phenomenon of controlled decentralisation that consists in the diversification of the powers of the actors at the level of the company and in the development of new types of agreements. The underlying intention appears to be the recognition of employees as stakeholders of the company. This thesis concludes that the new types of collective agreements may not be effective as a means of counterbalancing the pressure of shareholders and employees are left in a delicate position.

Whereas research on corporate lobbying in the USA has produced a set of robust findings, less is known about the determinants of business political action in other policy arenas and beyond the nation-state. In particular, we do not know how well the standard profit-seeking model of firm political activity travels. The article examines this issue with an analysis of business lobbying in the EU that reflects tactical adaptation to lobbying at the supranational level. Using data on 2000 large companies, we show that a modified profit-seeking model of corporate political behaviour is generalizable to corporate lobbying in Brussels. By contrast, theories emphasizing nationally distinct types of interest intermediation find little support in the data.