Suchergebnisse

Rad se bavi analizom reakcija Ujedinjenih naroda na zločin terorizma u obliku inkriminacije terorizma u nizu konvencija prihvaćenih u krilu te organizacije, no još više u obliku moralnih, ali i pravnih sankcija sadržanih u političkim osudama neobvezujućih rezolucija Opće skupštine, posebice tijekom hladnog rata, kao i u obvezujućim sankcijskim rezolucijama Vijeća sigurnosti počevši od 90-ih godina prošlog stoljeća. Pritom rad upućuje na specifičan razvojni proces koji počinje sankcijama prema državama odgovornima za tzv. "državni terorizam", a u posljednjih 15-ak godina sankcije su se gotovo potpuno usmjerile prema terorističkim organizacijama kao nedržavnim akterima te su razvojem međunarodnoga kaznenog pravosuđa otvorile prostor i individualnoj međunarodnoj kaznenoj odgovornosti za taj zločin. ; This paper analyzes the United Nations' reactions to the international crime of terrorism. It focuses on counter-terrorism international conventions adopted within the UN, as well as on moral and political sanctions contained in non-binding resolutions of the General Assembly during the period of the so-called ˝Cold war˝. However, the main focus of this research is on the analysis of legally binding resolutions adopted by the Security Council starting from the 1990s. The analysis of the development of the Security Council's resolutions adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter indicates that these resolutions, initially addressed to states responsible for the so- called ˝state terrorism˝, gradually became directed exclusively towards terrorist organizations as non-state actors. In this context, the ˝ISIL (Da'esh) and Al-Qaida Sanctions List˝ of the Security Council is being continuously expanded with names of individuals as well as of other non-state ˝entities and other groups˝ affected by these sanctions. Unfortunately, compared to the beginnig of 2015, when only 70 ˝entities and other groups˝ were listed, in March 2017 their number increased to over 360. These ˝entities and other groups˝, which originate from Tunisia, Mali, Albania, Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Bangladesh, the Comoros, Pakistan, Indonesia, Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Arabian Peninsula, Libya, Sudan, Egypt, the Caucasus region, Uzbekistan, and even Bosnia and Herzegovina, differ in various ways. Some of the above mentioned ˝entities˝ aim at overthrowing the government of their country, just like ˝classical˝ insurgents as temporary subjects of international law. Other non-state actors' activities are directed towards establishing a new state (for example, Ansar Eddine, Mouvement national de libération de l'Azawad – MNLA in Mali, Sudan People's Liberation Movement – SPLM in South Sudan). International crimes committed by these organizations are not only the object of the resolutions of the Security Council, but they are also in the focus of interest of the International Criminal Court (the ICC). Although the international crime of terrorism is not covered by the jurisdiction of the ICC under the Rome Statute, certain international crimes committed by terrorists or under the auspices of terrorist organizations share some common features with crimes against humanity, which fall under the jurisdiction of the ICC. Thus, the ICC indirectly contributes to the sanctioning for the crime of terrorism. Further evolution of the international criminal justice, both through the jurisprudence of the ICC and other ad hoc international and ˝hybrid˝ courts, will most certainly contribute to the development of international criminal liability of individuals for the crime of terrorism.

ICT industry has decisive impact on the articulation of American national interests in cyberspace. The private sector presents itself as a guardian of privacy rights against criminal intrusions and possible government's misuse. But in reality certain initiatives for closer cooperation between private sector and government at the expense of privacy rights have come from ICT industry. This article presents the evolution of public-private partnership in cybersecurity issues. The partnership resulted in the establishment of a military-cyber-industrial complex which significantly influenced the drafting of CISPA and ACTA documents. Presidential Policy Directive 20 expresses to a much greater extent the interests of ICT industry than the values and purposes of International Strategy for Cyberspace. Adapted from the source document.

Međunarodni kazneni sud novo je međunarodno tijelo kojem je glavni cilj istraga i suđenje slučajeva genocida, ratnih zločina, te zločina protiv čovječnosti u zemljama članicama. Iako su Sjedinjene Američke Države u 2000. potpisale Rimski statut, međunarodnu povelju iz 1998. koja predstavlja osnovicu Međunarodnog kaznenog suda, Busheva vlada napravila je velik zaokret godinu dana kasnije, potpuno se ograđujući od svake ideje o suđenju Amerikancima izvan zemlje. Tekst analizira glavne argumente američke vanjske politike povezane s Međunarodnim kaznenim sudom, od navodne pristranosti Suda, te odnosa između Suda i Ujedinjenih naroda, pa sve do pitanja američkog suvereniteta. Također, ponuđena je i međunarodnopravna politička kritika nedavnih poteza američke vlade, koji štete i američkim nacionalnim interesima, i međunarodnoj sigurnosti. ; The International Criminal Court is a new international body constituted with the aim of prosecuting and trying cases of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Although in 2000 the United States signed the 1998 Rome Statute, which is the foundation of the International Criminal Court, the Bush Administration took a radically different position the following year, protecting itself from any idea of trying American citizens abroad. This text analyses the main U.S. foreign policy arguments pertaining to the ICC, from the alleged impartiality of the Court and the relationship between the Court and the United Nations, to the question of American sovereignty. In addition, the text offers an international legal and political critique of the recent U.S. policy actions, which harmed both American national interests, as well as international security.

Amosova knjiga u svojoj trodijelnoj strukturi ima i govore protiv stranih naroda i Izraela (1,3-2,16). Ti su govori obučeni u literarno ruho zasebnih kitica sa vrstom strukturom koju čini pet elemenata: uvodni poslanički obrazac, opće naviještanje neopozive odluke, posebno obrazloženje navođenjem zločina, prijetnja kaznom, zaključni poslanički obrazac. U takvoj strukturi osobita pozornost u ovome članku pridana je drugome elementu gdje se nalazi literarni oblik stupnjevite brojčane izreke koja se susreće i u mudrosnoj književnosti. Istraživanje je išlo u smjeru određivanja samoga pojma i mjesta gdje se taj pojam rabi u mudrosnoj književnosti i koja određena obilježja ima u tom kontekstu. Analizirane su dvije brojčane izreke i došlo se do zaključka da te izreke kroz ljudsko iskustvo ukazuju na iskrivljenost određenog međuljudskog ponašanja koje svoj vrhunac dobiva u zadnjem elementu brojčane izreke. Tek u naznaci spominje se rijetko Božje sankcioniranje takvih djela. Kod Amosa brojčane izreke imaju istu strukturu s time što ih je on pojednostavio i skratio da bi što više došla do izražaja emfaza u četvrtom elementu koji prorok označava kao pešaʿ (zločin), jednako za sve narode kao i za Izraela. Samu pak kiticu govora protiv Izraela stavlja opet kao emfazu na zadnje, osmo mjesto i time pokazuje da su zločini koje čini Izrael teži od onih koje čine drugi narodi jedni prema drugima, jer Izrael to čini svojim vlastitim sunarodnjacima. Izrael zapravo nije bolji od drugih naroda. Osim toga Bog uzima u zaštitu čovjeka i narode i kažnjava povrede protiv dostojanstva čovjeka i prava naroda. Autor ovoga članka je nastojao analizom uočiti važnost emfaze u brojčanim izrekama i prikazati njezinu funkciju u govoru protiv Izraela. ; In its tripartite structure, Amos's book contains also speeches against foreign nations and Israel (see 1:3 -2:16). These speeches are clothed in literary garments of mutually independent cadenzas characterized by a firm structure that consists of five elements: introductory epistolary form, the general proclamation of irrevocable decision, special explanation via indication of the crime, threat of punishment, concluding epistolary form. Within such a structure, this article will pay special attention to the second element, where one finds the literary form of the gradual numeral proverb that is also to be found in sapiential literature. The research for this article focused on the specification of the concept and place where that concept is used in sapiential literature and on specific characteristics that it has in that context. Two numeral proverbs have been analyzed and the conclusion has been reached that these proverbs appeal to human experience in order to point towards crookedness of specific interpersonal behavior that reaches its peak in the last element of a numeral proverb. God's sanctioning of such acts is mentioned only rarely and in traces. Amos's numeral proverbs maintain the same structure; the only difference being that he made them simpler and shorter in order to point out, even more, their emphasis in the fourth element, called pešaʿ (crime) by the prophet and applying equally to all nations, including Israel. The prophet puts the cadenza of the speech against Israel in the last, eighth place, thereby emphasizing it and showing that crimes of Israel are more serious than crimes of other nations against each other because Israel does such things against their own countrymen. Israel is, therefore, not any better than other nations. Apart from that, God protects human beings and nations and punishes transgressions against the human dignity and rights of nations. The author of this article tries to point out through analysis the importance of emphasis in numeral proverbs and to show its function in the speech against Israel.

Using primary sources and eyewitness accounts as well as the relevant literature, the author writes about the crimes committed by Serbian military and police structures in Briševo, a village in the Prijedor Municipality with a Croatian majority population. Shelled during the first days of an 'ethnic cleansing' operation in late May 1992, Briševo was attacked two months later; a number of the locals were killed, while the village was looted and pillaged. After the attack, the remaining locals were expelled or taken to camps and other places of illegal internment. This village became a paradigm of crimes committed in the Prijedor Municipality and the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina. A similar fate befell Bosniaks and Croats in other settlements of the Prijedor Municipality. The systematic destruction of this village during the spring and summer of 1992, and the consequences thereof, are the topic of this paper. ; Autor u radu, pozivajući se na izvornu građu i svjedočenje očevidaca te relevantnu literaturu, govori o zločinima srpskih vojnih i policijskih struktura u Briševu, selu u prijedorskoj općini većinski naseljeno Hrvatima. Granatirano u prvim danima "etničkoga čišćenja" Prijedora krajem svibnja992., Briševo je dva mjeseca kasnije napadnuto, dio mještana ubijen, a selo opljačkano i razoreno. Nakon napada njegovi su stanovnici protjerani ili odvedeni u jedan od logora i druga mjesta nezakonitih zatočenja. Ovo je selo postalo paradigmom zločina počinjenih nad Hrvatima u općini Prijedor i cijeloj Bosni i Hercegovini. Sličnu sudbinu kao briševački Hrvati doživjeli su Bošnjaci i Hrvati u drugim mjesnim zajednicama prijedorske općine. Tema je ovoga rada kako je jedno selo kontinuirano nestajalo tijekom proljeća i ljeta 1992. i koje su posljedice toga.

The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiatives ("One Belt, One Road") are of significance in enhancing China's open economy. This article explores the dual security challenges faced by the "One Belt, One Road" initiative. These challenges include both traditional security challenges, such as great power competition, territorial and island disputes, and political turmoil in the region, as well as non-traditional threats such as terrorism, piracy, and transnational organized crime. This article analyzes the present situation of security cooperation in the region covered by "One Belt, One Road" and also suggests that China needs to pay special attention to three issues, namely the supply of public security goods, the interests of the United States and Russia, and the pivot of Pakistan, besides developing its own strength. ; The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiatives ("One Belt, One Road") are of significance in enhancing China's open economy. This article explores the dual security challenges faced by the "One Belt, One Road" initiative. These challenges include both traditional security challenges, such as great power competition, territorial and island disputes, and political turmoil in the region, as well as non-traditional threats such as terrorism, piracy, and transnational organized crime. This article analyzes the present situation of security cooperation in the region covered by "One Belt, One Road" and also suggests that China needs to pay special attention to three issues, namely the supply of public security goods, the interests of the United States and Russia, and the pivot of Pakistan, besides developing its own strength.

Cilj je ovog rada sagledati i analizirati aktivnosti usmjerene protiv seksualnog nasilja povezanog s oružanim sukobima, a koje se provode unutar sustava UN-a i koji su ili mogu biti primjeri primjene koncepta odgovornosti za pružanje zaštite (engl. responsibility to protect – RtoP) na putu k učinkovitoj borbi protiv korištenja seksualnog nasilja u oružanim sukobima. RtoP je relativno novi instrument političkih odnosa koji pretpostavlja odgovornost države da stanovništvo na svom području primjereno zaštiti od genocida, zločina protiv čovječnosti, ratnih zločina i etničkog čišćenja, s jedne strane. S druge strane pretpostavlja i odgovornost međunarodne zajednice u poticanju i pomaganju država kako bi one lakše ostvarile svoju primarnu odgovornost, ali i poduzimanje pravodobnih i odlučnih mjera kada primarna odgovornost očito izostaje. Te se odgovornosti sagledavaju u kontekstu, tzv. tri stupa RtoP koncepta, kroz koje se može promatrati i zaštita pojedinaca (uglavnom žena, ali ne isključivo) od seksualnog nasilja povezanog s oružanim sukobima. ; This paper aims to consider and analyze activities against conflict-related sexual violence, which are carried out within the UN system and represent or may serve as examples of the implementation of the concept of responsibility to protect (RtoP) on the path to effectively combating sexual violence in armed conflict. RtoP is a relatively new instrument of political relations that presupposes the responsibility of the state to adequately protect the population in its territory from genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and ethnic cleansing, on the one hand, and the responsibility of the international community to encourage and assist states in their primary responsibility and taking timely and decisive measures when primary responsibility is clearly absent, on the other. These responsibilities are seen in the context of the socalled three pillars of the RtoP concept, through which the protection of individuals (mostly women, but not exclusively) from ...

In the past two decades, cyber-space became the new, 'fifth battlefield' in the field of international relations. Decision-makers and scholars agree that the major threat to national security of every state today is cyber-war, cyber-terror and cyber-crime. This is due to the lack of inter-state institutional and legal framework for cyber-space. Thus, the inter-state relations in cyber-space is one of classical Hobbesian anarchy. This article examines: 1. the essence and nature of cyber-space and its relation to international society, in the context of world technological domination that makes anarchy possible; 2. the main aspects of anarchy in cyber-space during the past two decades; 3. the possibility of institutionalization of international legal system (through multilateral treaty) in cyber-space, from the perspective of three distinct IR theoretical traditions: Hobbesian, rationalist and Kantian/moral. Adapted from the source document.

Zaštita žrtava intenzivirala se posljednjih 40-ak godina uz znanstvenu podršku i razvoj viktimologije. Paralelno s međunarodnim ustrajanjem na zaštiti ljudskih prava te s jačanjem stručne spoznaje o važnosti povijesno marginalizirane uloge žrtve u kaznenim postupcima europskog kontinentalnog kruga međunarodnopravna svijest o obvezi države da zaštiti žrtve najtežih kaznenih djela i pruži im potporu defi nirana je brojnim međunarodnim dokumentima. U tom smislu za europski pravni prostor značajnu ulogu ima i Direktiva 2012/29/EU o uspostavi minimalnih standarda za prava, potporu i zaštitu žrtava kaznenih djela, koja je izmjenama i dopunama Zakona o kaznenom postupku implementirana u hrvatsko zakonodavstvo. Međutim osim danas već nesporno dostatne normativne podloge o zaštiti žrtava u kaznenom postupku postavlja se pitanje dobivaju li doista žrtve u praksi zaštitu i podršku koja im je osigurana kroz zakonske odredbe. Vođene tom mišlju, autorice su provele istraživanje među odjelima za podršku žrtvama i organizacijama civilnog društva kao glavnim službama za pružanje pomoći i podrške žrtvama tijekom kaznenog postupka u svrhu preispitivanja načina, učestalosti i potencijalnih praktičnih izazova s kojima se žrtve susreću prilikom korištenja svojih prava u praksi. ; Victim protection has intensifi ed in the last 40 years with the scientifi c support and development of victimology. In parallel with international insistence on the protection of human rights and the strengthening of professional knowledge on the importance of the historically marginalised role of the victim in criminal proceedings in the European continental circle, international legal awareness of the state's obligation to protect and support victims of serious crimes is defi ned by numerous international documents. In this sense, Directive 2012/29/EU on the establishment of minimum standards on the rights, support and protection of victims of crime, which was implemented in Croatian legislation by amendments to the Criminal Code, also plays a signifi cant role in the European legal area. However, apart from the already unquestionably suffi cient normative basis of the protection of victims in criminal proceedings, the question arises as to whether victims in practice really receive the protection and support provided to them through legislation. Guided by this opinion, the authors conducted a short survey among victim support departments and civil society organisations as the main services for assistance and support during criminal proceedings in order to review the ways, frequency and potential practical challenges that victims face in exercising their rights in practice.