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Mode of access: Internet. ; Description based on: 1967; title from cover.

Review:Alemán, Jorge. Capitalismo. Crimen perfecto o Emancipación. Barcelona: Nuevos Emprendimiento Editoriales, 2019. 187 páginas. ; Reseña:Alemán, Jorge. Capitalismo. Crimen perfecto o Emancipación. Barcelona: Nuevos Emprendimiento Editoriales, 2019. 187 páginas. ; Revue:Alemán, Jorge. Capitalismo. Crimen perfecto o Emancipación. Barcelona: Nuevos Emprendimiento Editoriales, 2019. 187 páginas.

The abundance of fisheries resources in Indonesian waters has made Indonesia a target of crime in the field of fisheries, this has an impact on the welfare and prosperity of the Indonesian people, especially local fishermen, the government continues to push this fisheries crime to be recognized as a type of organized transnational crime. This study aims to find out and analyze how Fisheries Crime Arrangements and the Determination of Fisheries Crime Jurisdictions are based on the provisions of organized transnational crime conventions. The research method used in this research is Normative Law Research with a legal approach, conceptual approach. And use the theory of determining the location of the crime (Locus delicti) in determining the jurisdiction of fisheries crimes. Research results show that (1) Regulations related to Fisheries Crimes both materially and formally in Indonesian law have been regulated according to the perspective of organized transnational crime, however, current fisheries laws do not cover all existing fisheries crimes. (2) in the case of determining the jurisdiction of fisheries crimes occurring in the territory of a country involving several state parties, the states parties must establish a joint investigation body. The conclusion of this research is that the laws and regulations owned by Indonesia related to Fisheries Crimes do not cover all aspects of crimes occurring in the field of fisheries and related to the determination of the jurisdiction of fisheries crimes the Indonesian government has implemented its jurisdiction based on the provisions of transnational organized crime conventions by cooperating with state parties the other.

Le crime d'agression fait partie des quatre crimes internationaux relavant de la compétence de la CPI. L'article 8 bis du Statut de Rome fournit une définition de ce crime tandis que les articles 15 bis et 15 ter indiquent les conditions de sa répression. A la différence des trois autres crimes internationaux relevant de la compétence de la CPI, le crime d'agression a la particularité d'impliquer l'Etat dans la réalisation de l'acte d'agression, c'est-à-dire le recours à la force armée. Il s'agit donc d'un crime qui se commet en violation de l'interdiction formelle du recours à la force armée tel qu'il ressort de l'article 2§4 de la Charte des Nations Unies. Ainsi, le crime d'agression se situe aux confins de deux branches du droit international public que sont le droit international pénal et le droit international de la sécurité collective. Ce crime est par conséquent, un crime qui se commet par l'intermédiaire de l'Etat mais est imputable aux individus, en l'occurrence les dirigeants étatiques. La nature singulière du crime d'agression rend particulièrement difficile sa répression. L'une des difficultés majeures est liée au rôle prépondérant qui est reconnu au CSNU dans le déclenchent et la suspension des poursuites à l'encontre des auteurs présumés du crime d'agression. Par ailleurs, il y plusieurs lacunes dans les dispositions du Statut de Rome relatives à la répression du crime d'agression qui constituent de véritables obstacles à sa répression. On retiendra qu'en l'état actuel de la définition du crime d'agression, la CPI est quasiment de l'impossibilité d'enclencher des poursuites contre les auteurs présumés de ce crime. ; El crimen de agresión es uno de los cuatro crímenes internacionales bajo la jurisdicción de la CPI. El artículo 8 bis del Estatuto de Roma proporciona una definición del crimen, así como los artículos 15 bis y 15 ter que indican las condiciones de expresión. A diferencia de los otros tres crímenes internacionales de competencia de la CPI, el crimen de agresión tiene la particularidad de involucrar al Estado en la realización del acto de agresión, es decir, el recurso a la fuerza armada. Por lo tanto, es un crimen que se cometió en violación de la forma que prohíbe el uso de la fuerza armada según lo establecido en el Artículo 2 § 4 de la Carta de las Naciones Unidas. Además, el crimen de agresión se encuentra dentro de los límites de las dos ramas del derecho internacional público, a saber, el derecho penal internacional y el crimen internacional de seguridad colectiva. Este delito es, por tanto, un delito que se cometió a través de estadísticas pero que es imputable a las personas, en caso de pautas éticas. La naturaleza única del crimen de agresión hace que su represión sea particularmente difícil. Una de las mayores dificultades está vinculada al papel rector finalmente reconocido por el Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas (CSNU) (y a la suspensión de los enjuiciamientos en la reunión de los perpetradores dispuestos del crimen de agresión. Y varias lagunas en las disposiciones del Estatuto de Roma relativas a la represión del crimen de agresión que constituyen los verdaderos obstáculos a la represión. Teniendo en cuenta que en el estado actual de la definición del crimen de agresión, la CPI se encuentra casi en la imposibilidad de iniciar procedimientos contra los presuntos autores de este crimen.

Crime has become a major problem in contemporary American society. Its high frequency and viciousness have alarmed many people. A sniper from a Texas tower cuts clown innocent by-passers. Nurses in a Chicago apartment are systematically and brutally rubbed out. A teen-ager enters a beauty parlor and shoots all the occupants. The magnitude of the situation has aroused political debate. It became a campaign issue in the last presidential election, as well as in the congressional elections last fall when the discussion over the proposed civilian review board in the New York City police department became the most hotly contested proposition on the ballot. President Johnson, in a special message to Congress in March, 1965, described the threat to the public welfare in these words:

In a somewhat belated incursion into the international debate about the threat of organised crime, Federal and State governments in Australia have chosen to represent the 'menace' as an attack on the institution of the state as much as a physical and financial danger to society. This is consistent with the approaches of governments in the United States and Italy in constructing the reality of the Mafia.

Congressional Record S. 15956 - Crime Control, Compensation for Victims of Crime

This paper assembles some theoretical resources for a project that investigates the ways in which thinking about politics has since the 1970s been bound up with thinking and action around crime. Such investigation is hampered by a dominant (neo-liberal) narrative of governance that tends to reduce crime policy to a 'contest' between tactics and technique. In contrast, we establish a political framework for theorizing crime and its control. This framework calls for close interpretive analysis of the ways in which disputes about the crime question are always in part contests between different political ideologies and the meaning and significance of their defining concepts. By revisiting penal developments of recent several decades with these questions in mind, one can get closer to the heart of what is at stake when crime is being discussed and acquire a better sense of why crime and its control are legitimately the subject of politics.

Our democracy is based on the existence of political parties that need to finance their activities. And this matter is not exempt from difficulties. Designing policies to regulate the way in which they obtain funds is an issue that always matters political theorists and has its correlation in the lack of uniform legislation on how it should be financed. But this issue presents an additional problem: the existence of corrupt practices in the way funds are obtained, and the appearance on the scene of organized crime, as a new patron in the functioning of politics. Fighting against this reality is a challenge, because corruption, as well as organized crime undermine public institutions and submerge a large part of the population into poverty and marginalization. Therefore, it is essential to design effective policies to combat both phenomena, which in many cases overlap each other. These issues will be analyzed in this work. ; Nuestra democracia se sustenta en la existencia de partidos políticos. Estos, para su funcionamiento necesitan financiar su actividad, lo que no está exento de problemas. Diseñar políticas que regulen la manera en que obtienen fondos es una cuestión que no deja de ocupar a los teóricos políticos y que tiene su correlato en la falta de una legislación uniforme acerca de cómo debe costearse su funcionamiento. Pero esta cuestión presenta un problema adicional: la existencia de prácticas corruptas en la manera de financiarse, y con la aparición en escena del crimen organizado, como nuevo mecenas en el funcionamiento de la política. Luchar contra esta realidad es un desafío, ya que tanto la corrupción como la criminalidad organizada, socavan las instituciones públicas y sumergen a gran parte de la población en la pobreza y la marginalidad. Por ello, diseñar políticas eficaces para combatir ambos fenómenos, que en muchos casos se solapan, es imprescindible. Este trabajo estará dedicado a analizar, precisamente, las cuestiones anteriormente mencionadas.

Since December 2008, police forces in the UK have published crime statistics using an online crime mapping tool (www.police.uk). The drivers behind this were to help improve the credibility and confidence that the public had in police-reported crime levels, address perceptions of crime, promote community engagement and empowerment, and support greater public service transparency and accountability. This article captures the policy rationale behind this initiative, and draws together the research evidence on its impact. We argue that many of the original objectives relating to improving engagement and empowerment have yet to be realized, poor cartographic discipline has led to misinterpretation and confusion, and that the initiative instead has primarily become a tool for promoting political transparency. We suggest that future focus should be on improving the quality and cartographic visualization of the published information alongside the integration of social media functionality to enrich local dialog on crime issues.

This paper examines red light camera traffic violations and violent crime, specifically assault and battery, in the city of Chicago, IL. Using cluster analysis, a data mining technique that identifies groups within a dataset, and crime data from the Chicago Data Portal, we searched for crime correlations among different police districts in Chicago. The results found here could give Chicago crime-fighters and government officials insight into the occurrences of overall crime as they work to prevent it.

This article provides a reflexive account on criminological engagement with crimes of states, with special attention to the case of Nazi Germany and the Holocaust, and Berlin and Germany today. The emergence of a criminology of crimes of states is reviewed, along with arguments for and against criminological engagement with such crime. In particular, a response to Carrier and Park's (2013) critique of 'entrepreneurial criminology' is provided in this context. Distinctions are drawn between monumental and mundane crimes of states, and mislabeled and miscalculated crimes of states, with special attention to mundane and miscalculated crimes. A brief concluding section identifies some issues that might be included in an agenda for a criminology of crimes of states, going forward.

Despite growing fears of a new 'crime wave', the public have access to official crime statistics only up to March 2006. Although much of the news up to this point was positive, perceptions of the statistics and of government's position on crime in the last six months have been characterised by scepticism and alarm. The Minister of Safety and Security assured us that next year the statistics will be released soon after the end of the financial year. This, together with a much clearer strategy and commitment from government as a whole for dealing with crime, may help to assuage public anxiety.

Indonesia is currently racing with time related to the increasingly rampant criminal corruption committed by state officials who have a very significant impact also on the increase of TPPU. One of the perpetrators' efforts to avoid him from the law by hiding or obscuring his crime through money laundering takes advantage of the mechanism of financial traffic. Money laundering practices are very often committed against money earned from crime. The practice is simply a way to disguise or conceal the proceeds of a criminal offense. Money laundering is then used as a shield for the proceeds of the crime. Therefore, the existence of provisions or regulations on TPPU is very beneficial to minimize the velocity of funds from the crime. The latent danger of corruption has touched almost all levels of society, not only in relation to state organizers, power and policy, but also to the presence of private parties. Various methods have been taken to eradicate it, both preventively and repressively as well as by making changes to the method of eradication. One of the objectives of repressive action is to restore the State's losses. Corruption has resulted in heavy losses to the state's finances and undermines the stability of the national economy. The state losses in the form of assets resulting from corruption in returning it are not easy, the complexity of the settlement of criminal cases is one of the most dominant causes, not to mention the settlement of cases of corruption, especially those that have obtained permanent legal force, in relation to the spoils and payments replacement money, suspects, defendants, or convicted persons who disappeared at the time the proceedings were underway. The handling of TPPU cases has significance for the return of state assets related to the eradication of corruption. Property becomes a very fundamental object in relation to corruption and TPPU. Money laundering is always associated with property derived from a crime. The outcome of corruption is certainly related to assets or property acquired in an unauthorized and dirty manner. The prosecution of the perpetrators of corruption is not only related to the problem of his actions but also the repression of the result of his act of seizure of assets or assets of the perpetrator. Presidential Instruction Number 5 of 2004 on the Acceleration of Corruption Eradication issued by the President on December 9, 2004 to prove the seriousness of the government in criminalizing the money laundering of corruption results as well as a legal instrument that ordered law enforcement officers to immediately restore the state loss (asset recovery).1 The handling of TPPU, is a tough task for PPATK, especially to detect the occurrence of TPPU and further criminal acts. So the prevention and eradication of money laundering requires a systematic and comprehensive mechanism, which includes the detection process and legal process.2 The practice of money laundering through bank mechanisms is possible because banks are the most vulnerable financial institutions, and are subjected to the practice of Money Laundering whereby banks have a clearing system, international correspondence and a secret banking system.3 The role of the financial and government industry (PPATK) in preventing and eradicating TPPU becomes a barometer. It is based on banking and other financial services providers as front lines, in anti money laundering regimes. It is expected that financial institutions together with employees are at the forefront, in an effort to combat illegal financial activities.4

The crime is rooted in every society, a shadow that casts a dark spot on every historical record, a companion to every authority, an integral part of organized groups . Crime is like a source that will never dry out of water, that means no matter how much these problematic is being observed, still the flood of new modus operandi, new techniques will never end. It is like an inspiration for numerous films with bloody themes, as a muse of millions of circulations for dark books. Crime manifests so many things, everything, not just an obvious motive to end the scenario that causes it. Or maybe a wide range of different profiles benefit from the rapid growth of crime? Perhaps not only individuals but also large co-operatives are either branded, or pioneers in global politics, or are they part of its creators? So many questions are caused by this issue, and so few answers are worthy of standing with the challenge of preventing corruption and eliminating the harmful consequences caused by it. Тhe intention of this paper is to cover the newer, more recent forms of crime or otherwise the old criminal activities dressed in new clothes, with a new label acquired, and a new name. Namely, within the framework of unconventional crime, there are, among other things, forms of crime classified as crime of white, blue, pink collar, red crime and of course (un) exposed green crime. What do these colors mean, why exactly the color is that it relates to some kind of crime, what is symbolism, what is the meaning, what are the methods of prevention, whether these methods are enough to match the enormous harm caused by these classes of crime . These and many other issues will be addressed in this paper in order to capture the structure of crime, its evolution, covering Key words: incriminations, unconventional crime .