Suchergebnisse

Tijekom Domovinskoga rata Petrinja i petrinjsko područje u velikosrpskoj su agresiji razarani, stanovništvo prognano, mnogi su civili i branitelji ubijeni, a navedeno je područje tijekom jeseni 1991. na posljetku i okupirano. Okupacija je trajala do kolovoza 1995., do "Oluje". Uz prikaz konteksta situacije uoči počinjenih zločina, u radu će naglasak biti na slučaju ubojstva četveročlane obitelji Kozbašić u okupiranoj Petrinji. Rad je napisan uglavnom na temelju dokumentacije hrvatskih institucija te institucija pobunjenih Srba, a kao bitna dopuna korišteni su literatura i tisak. Petrinjski ugostitelj i medicinska sestra Milan i Gordana Kozbašić, s dvoje osnovnoškolaca, Tamarom i Alenom, ostali su živjeti u Petrinji nakon srpske okupacije grada započete 21. rujna 1991., a ubijeni su početkom studenoga iste godine. Poznati su identiteti dvojice okrivljenika za taj zločin, barem prema podignutoj optužnici na Županijskom sudu u Zagrebu krajem 2018. godine. Temeljito istraživanje takvih kriminalnih djela doprinosi otkrivanju počinitelja zločina i sprječava manipulacije žrtvama i brojkama ubijenih civila tijekom Domovinskoga rata. ; During the Homeland War Petrinja and the Petrinja area were destroyed due to the Greater Serbia aggression, the population was expelled, many civilians and Croatian soldiers were killed, and the area was eventually occupied in autumn of 1991. The occupation lasted until August 1995, until the "Storm Operation". After presenting political and military context of the situation before the crime was committed, the paper will focus on the murder case of the four- member Kozbašić family committed in occupied Petrinja. The paper is mainly based on documentation of Croatian and rebel Serb institutions, literature and newspapers were used as an additional source. Local restaurant owner and nurse, Milan and Gordana Kozbašić,, with two elementary school children, Tamara and Alen, remained living in Petrinja even after the Serbs occupied the city on September 21st, 1991. They were killed early in November of the same year. The identities of the two defendants for this crime are known, at least according to the indictment filed at the Zagreb County Court at the end of 2018. A thorough investigation of such criminal acts contributes to the detection of perpetrators of crimes and prevents manipulation of victims and numbers of civilians killed during the Homeland War.

U posljednje vrijeme u hrvatskom javnom prostoru ponovno je aktualizirana problematika kažnjavanja seksualnih delikata na štetu djece. U medijskim istupima nevladine udruge i pojedinci iznijeli su jasne zahtjeve za povišenjem propisanih kazni u zakonu i oštrijim kažnjavanjem počinitelja od strane sudova. Kako bi se ocijenilo jesu li takvi zahtjevi utemeljeni, u radu se detaljno analiziraju najteža kaznena djela iz Glave VII. KZ/11 i Glave XIV. KZ/97. Usporedbom odgovarajućih zakonskih odredaba procijenjena je politika zakonodavca u sankcioniranju najtežih kaznenih djela protiv spolnog integriteta djeteta u posljednjih deset godina. Jedan od istraživačkih ciljeva bio je i istražiti u kojoj se to mjeri razlikuje u zakonskim odredbama zacrtana i u sudskim presudama primijenjena kaznena represija. U tu svrhu prikupljeni su i analizirani podaci o kažnjavanju počinitelja najtežih seksualnih delikata na štetu djece u RH u razdoblju od 2008. do zaključno 2017. Osim analize na makrorazini provedena je i analiza izbora vrste i mjere kaznenih sankcija prema navedenim parametrima u praksi županijskih i općinskih sudova u Splitu i Rijeci. Na temelju normativne ocjene postojećih zakonskih rješenja i njihove konkretne primjene u sudskoj praksi predlažu se smjernice za poboljšanje kažnjavanja počinitelja najtežih kaznenih djela spolnog zlostavljanja i iskorištavanja djeteta. ; The issue of punishing sexual crimes against children has recently once again become very topical in Croatian public space. Clear requests by NGOs and individuals have been expressed in the media for more stringent sanctions to be prescribed in the legislation and for the more severe punishment of sexual crimes against children. In order to assess whether such requests are founded, this paper analyses in detail the criminal offences referred to in Title VII CC/11 and Title XIV CC/97. A comparison of the relevant legal provisions provides an assessment of the legislator's policy regarding the sanctioning of the most serious crimes against the sexual ...

The author gives a brief account of the (active or passive) complicity of the overwhelming majority of Serbian intellectuals in the Serbs war on Croatia & Bosnia-Herzegovina & the war crimes & crimes against humanity, including genocide, they have committed in its course. The author then argues that in view of this complicity, intellectuals outside Serbia should not be doing "business as usual" with their Serbian colleagues. He advances an argument for a comprehensive, but selective, boycott of Serbian intellectuals as the morally appropriate response of intellectuals the world over. Adapted from the source document.

U tekstu se razmatra revizionistička struja u suvremenoj hrvatskoj historiografiji, a posredno i u politici, koja se bavi Nezavisnom Državom Hrvatskom (1941-1945). Revizionistički narativ čine tri glavne postavke: (a) NDH je bila normalna onodobna protupobunjenička država koja nije koristila državni teror kako bi uništila vjerske i etničke zajednice koje su u ustaškoj ideologiji i politici bile određene kao prirodni ili organski neprijatelji te tvorevine, nego je primjenjivala ograničena legitimna sredstva borbe da bi se zaštitila od političkih pobunjenika; (b) u NDH nisu izvršeni masovni zločini, a kamoli genocid, ni nad Srbima, ni nad Židovima, ni nad Romima; štoviše, glavne žrtve bili su Hrvati te zločine NDH treba desrbizirati i dejudeizirati; (c) logor Jasenovac bio je samo radni i sabirni logor, a ne koncentracijski logor smrti, u koji je NDH privodila političke protivnike kako bi se zaštitila od njihova razornog djelovanja, a ne kako bi ih ubijala; pravi smrtonosni logor u Jasenovcu osnovala je tek jugoslavenska komunistička vlast poslije svršetka Drugoga svjetskog rata. Pokušavajući dekonstruirati "jasenovački mit", revizionisti zapravo nastoje dekonstruirati "mit o genocidu" u NDH, a time potpuno ili djelomice rehabilitirati NDH. ; This article analyses the revisionist currents in Croatian contemporary historiography – and implicitly also in politics – which in its focus has interpretation of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH, 1941-1945). Three main elements of the revisionist narative are: a) NDH was just a normal state concerned with rebellion in its own territory, rather than the state which used state terror to exterminate religious and ethnic communities marked as its "natural and organic enemies". In other words, it only applied limited and legitimate instruments to protect itself from its political opponents. b) There were no massive crimes, and especially no genocide, neither against the Serbs, nor Jewish or Roma population. On the contrary, the main victims in 1941-1945 had been Croats, and thus the crimes of NDH should be de-Serbianized and de-Jewisized. c) Jasenovac was only a labour camp and prison, not a concentration death camp. The NDH used it for gathering and arresting its political opponents in order to prevent them from pursuing their destructive actions against the state. The real death camp in Jasenovac was formed only in 1945 by post-NDH communist authorities. By deconstructing what they call the "Jasenovac myth", the revisionists are in fact trying to deconstruct "the myth of genocide by NDH", and thus to rehabilitate the NDH either completely or partially.

Danas u uvjetima globalizacije terorizma, trgovine ljudima i rastuće migracije stanovništva pred međunarodnim snagama UN i međunarodnim policijskim organizacijama stoji niz novih složenih zadataka u okviru borbi protiv zločina protiv čovječnosti. U svom radu navodimo razloge rastuće složenosti tih zadataka i karakteriziramo temeljne smjerove djelovanja međunarodnih policijskih organizacija i međunarodnih snaga UN u uvjetima globalizacije terorizma, trgovine ljudima i ekstremne migracije stanovništva. Posebice razmatramo problem borbe međunarodnih policijskih organizacija protiv trgovine ženama i djecom. ; Today, under the conditions of globalized terrorism, human traffi cking and growing migration of population, international forces of the UN and international police organizations are faced with a series of complex tasks in fi ghtinhg crimes against humanity. In this paper, the authors state reasons for growing complexity of these tasks and characterization of underlying directions of action of international police organizations and international forces of the UN against the eff ects of globalization of terrorism, human traffi cking and forced migration of population. We particularly consider the problem of collision of international police organizations against trafficking in women and children.

Protukomunističke gerile su naoružane skupine koje su se u poratnome razdoblju suprotstavljale novouspostavljenomu komunističkom režimu. Širokobriješka protukomunistička gerila bila je jedna od najbrojnijih u zapadnoj Hercegovini poslije Drugoga svjetskog rata, a vojno i politički organizirali su se u lipnju 1946. te utemeljili Prvi hercegovački ustaško-križarski zdrug pod zapovjedništvom ustaškoga satnika Bože Mandića. Politički cilj protukomunističke gerile bio je rušenje komunizma zbog zločina koje su partizani počinili nad Hrvatima i drugim narodima pred kraj Drugoga svjetskog rata i nakon njegova završetka. Komunistička partija Jugoslavije (KPJ) označila je navedenu gerilu kao prijetnju za proces uspostave vlasti. Pomoću represivnoga aparata KPJ organizirala je niz kaznenih ekspedicija s ciljem likvidiranja istih na prostoru zapadne Hercegovine. Protukomunistička gerila je u poraću, u borbi za život, u uvjetima stalnih sumnjičenja, izdaja i pogibija od strane tajne policije KPJ, počinila zločine najčešće prema narodnim odbornicima, njihovim obiteljima i članovima Saveza komunističke omladine Jugoslavije (SKOJ). Agenti UDBA-e u početku nisu imali uspjeha u likvidaciji protukomunističke gerile te je KPJ utemeljenjem dobrovoljačke milicije i angažiranja uhoda po selima organizirala niz kaznenih ekspedicija u kojima su agenti UDBA-e od 1946. do 1948. pobili većinu širokobriješke protukomunističke gerile. Preostale uhvaćene širokobriješke gerile osudili su na smrt strijeljanjem ili na višegodišnju robiju. ; Anti-communist guerrillas are armed groups who opposed the newly established Communist regime in the post-war period. Široki Brijeg anti-communist guerrilla was one of the most numerous in West Herzegovina after the Second World War. They were organized militarily and politically in June 1946 and established the First Herzegovinian Ustasha Crusader Association under the command of Ustasha captain Božo Mandić. Political aim of the anti-communist guerrilla was destroying communism because of the crimes done by Partisans over Croats and other nations before the end of the Second World War and after its end. Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) labeled the mentioned guerrilla as a threat to the process of establishing authority. Using the repressive apparatus KPJ organized numerous punitive expeditions in order to eliminate mentioned guerrillas at the territory of West Herzegovina. Fighting for life in the post-war period, constantly suspected, betrayed and executed by the secret police of KPJ, anti-communist guerrilla committed crimes mostly against national councilors, their families and members of the Young Communist League of Yugoslavia (SKOJ). UDBA agents were not successful in eliminating the anti-communist guerrilla at the beginning. After establishment of Dubrovnik Militia and engaging spies in villages KPJ organized numerous expeditions from 1946 to 1948 in which UDBA agents killed majority of Široki Brijeg anti-communist guerrilla. Other captured members of the guerrilla were sentenced to death by firing squad or to multiannual imprisonment.

Međunarodni kazneni sud novo je međunarodno tijelo kojem je glavni cilj istraga i suđenje slučajeva genocida, ratnih zločina, te zločina protiv čovječnosti u zemljama članicama. Iako su Sjedinjene Američke Države u 2000. potpisale Rimski statut, međunarodnu povelju iz 1998. koja predstavlja osnovicu Međunarodnog kaznenog suda, Busheva vlada napravila je velik zaokret godinu dana kasnije, potpuno se ograđujući od svake ideje o suđenju Amerikancima izvan zemlje. Tekst analizira glavne argumente američke vanjske politike povezane s Međunarodnim kaznenim sudom, od navodne pristranosti Suda, te odnosa između Suda i Ujedinjenih naroda, pa sve do pitanja američkog suvereniteta. Također, ponuđena je i međunarodnopravna politička kritika nedavnih poteza američke vlade, koji štete i američkim nacionalnim interesima, i međunarodnoj sigurnosti. ; The International Criminal Court is a new international body constituted with the aim of prosecuting and trying cases of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Although in 2000 the United States signed the 1998 Rome Statute, which is the foundation of the International Criminal Court, the Bush Administration took a radically different position the following year, protecting itself from any idea of trying American citizens abroad. This text analyses the main U.S. foreign policy arguments pertaining to the ICC, from the alleged impartiality of the Court and the relationship between the Court and the United Nations, to the question of American sovereignty. In addition, the text offers an international legal and political critique of the recent U.S. policy actions, which harmed both American national interests, as well as international security.

Cilj je ovog rada sagledati i analizirati aktivnosti usmjerene protiv seksualnog nasilja povezanog s oružanim sukobima, a koje se provode unutar sustava UN-a i koji su ili mogu biti primjeri primjene koncepta odgovornosti za pružanje zaštite (engl. responsibility to protect – RtoP) na putu k učinkovitoj borbi protiv korištenja seksualnog nasilja u oružanim sukobima. RtoP je relativno novi instrument političkih odnosa koji pretpostavlja odgovornost države da stanovništvo na svom području primjereno zaštiti od genocida, zločina protiv čovječnosti, ratnih zločina i etničkog čišćenja, s jedne strane. S druge strane pretpostavlja i odgovornost međunarodne zajednice u poticanju i pomaganju država kako bi one lakše ostvarile svoju primarnu odgovornost, ali i poduzimanje pravodobnih i odlučnih mjera kada primarna odgovornost očito izostaje. Te se odgovornosti sagledavaju u kontekstu, tzv. tri stupa RtoP koncepta, kroz koje se može promatrati i zaštita pojedinaca (uglavnom žena, ali ne isključivo) od seksualnog nasilja povezanog s oružanim sukobima. ; This paper aims to consider and analyze activities against conflict-related sexual violence, which are carried out within the UN system and represent or may serve as examples of the implementation of the concept of responsibility to protect (RtoP) on the path to effectively combating sexual violence in armed conflict. RtoP is a relatively new instrument of political relations that presupposes the responsibility of the state to adequately protect the population in its territory from genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and ethnic cleansing, on the one hand, and the responsibility of the international community to encourage and assist states in their primary responsibility and taking timely and decisive measures when primary responsibility is clearly absent, on the other. These responsibilities are seen in the context of the socalled three pillars of the RtoP concept, through which the protection of individuals (mostly women, but not exclusively) from ...

Rad se bavi analizom reakcija Ujedinjenih naroda na zločin terorizma u obliku inkriminacije terorizma u nizu konvencija prihvaćenih u krilu te organizacije, no još više u obliku moralnih, ali i pravnih sankcija sadržanih u političkim osudama neobvezujućih rezolucija Opće skupštine, posebice tijekom hladnog rata, kao i u obvezujućim sankcijskim rezolucijama Vijeća sigurnosti počevši od 90-ih godina prošlog stoljeća. Pritom rad upućuje na specifičan razvojni proces koji počinje sankcijama prema državama odgovornima za tzv. "državni terorizam", a u posljednjih 15-ak godina sankcije su se gotovo potpuno usmjerile prema terorističkim organizacijama kao nedržavnim akterima te su razvojem međunarodnoga kaznenog pravosuđa otvorile prostor i individualnoj međunarodnoj kaznenoj odgovornosti za taj zločin. ; This paper analyzes the United Nations' reactions to the international crime of terrorism. It focuses on counter-terrorism international conventions adopted within the UN, as well as on moral and political sanctions contained in non-binding resolutions of the General Assembly during the period of the so-called ˝Cold war˝. However, the main focus of this research is on the analysis of legally binding resolutions adopted by the Security Council starting from the 1990s. The analysis of the development of the Security Council's resolutions adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter indicates that these resolutions, initially addressed to states responsible for the so- called ˝state terrorism˝, gradually became directed exclusively towards terrorist organizations as non-state actors. In this context, the ˝ISIL (Da'esh) and Al-Qaida Sanctions List˝ of the Security Council is being continuously expanded with names of individuals as well as of other non-state ˝entities and other groups˝ affected by these sanctions. Unfortunately, compared to the beginnig of 2015, when only 70 ˝entities and other groups˝ were listed, in March 2017 their number increased to over 360. These ˝entities and other groups˝, which originate from Tunisia, Mali, Albania, Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Bangladesh, the Comoros, Pakistan, Indonesia, Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Arabian Peninsula, Libya, Sudan, Egypt, the Caucasus region, Uzbekistan, and even Bosnia and Herzegovina, differ in various ways. Some of the above mentioned ˝entities˝ aim at overthrowing the government of their country, just like ˝classical˝ insurgents as temporary subjects of international law. Other non-state actors' activities are directed towards establishing a new state (for example, Ansar Eddine, Mouvement national de libération de l'Azawad – MNLA in Mali, Sudan People's Liberation Movement – SPLM in South Sudan). International crimes committed by these organizations are not only the object of the resolutions of the Security Council, but they are also in the focus of interest of the International Criminal Court (the ICC). Although the international crime of terrorism is not covered by the jurisdiction of the ICC under the Rome Statute, certain international crimes committed by terrorists or under the auspices of terrorist organizations share some common features with crimes against humanity, which fall under the jurisdiction of the ICC. Thus, the ICC indirectly contributes to the sanctioning for the crime of terrorism. Further evolution of the international criminal justice, both through the jurisprudence of the ICC and other ad hoc international and ˝hybrid˝ courts, will most certainly contribute to the development of international criminal liability of individuals for the crime of terrorism.

Amosova knjiga u svojoj trodijelnoj strukturi ima i govore protiv stranih naroda i Izraela (1,3-2,16). Ti su govori obučeni u literarno ruho zasebnih kitica sa vrstom strukturom koju čini pet elemenata: uvodni poslanički obrazac, opće naviještanje neopozive odluke, posebno obrazloženje navođenjem zločina, prijetnja kaznom, zaključni poslanički obrazac. U takvoj strukturi osobita pozornost u ovome članku pridana je drugome elementu gdje se nalazi literarni oblik stupnjevite brojčane izreke koja se susreće i u mudrosnoj književnosti. Istraživanje je išlo u smjeru određivanja samoga pojma i mjesta gdje se taj pojam rabi u mudrosnoj književnosti i koja određena obilježja ima u tom kontekstu. Analizirane su dvije brojčane izreke i došlo se do zaključka da te izreke kroz ljudsko iskustvo ukazuju na iskrivljenost određenog međuljudskog ponašanja koje svoj vrhunac dobiva u zadnjem elementu brojčane izreke. Tek u naznaci spominje se rijetko Božje sankcioniranje takvih djela. Kod Amosa brojčane izreke imaju istu strukturu s time što ih je on pojednostavio i skratio da bi što više došla do izražaja emfaza u četvrtom elementu koji prorok označava kao pešaʿ (zločin), jednako za sve narode kao i za Izraela. Samu pak kiticu govora protiv Izraela stavlja opet kao emfazu na zadnje, osmo mjesto i time pokazuje da su zločini koje čini Izrael teži od onih koje čine drugi narodi jedni prema drugima, jer Izrael to čini svojim vlastitim sunarodnjacima. Izrael zapravo nije bolji od drugih naroda. Osim toga Bog uzima u zaštitu čovjeka i narode i kažnjava povrede protiv dostojanstva čovjeka i prava naroda. Autor ovoga članka je nastojao analizom uočiti važnost emfaze u brojčanim izrekama i prikazati njezinu funkciju u govoru protiv Izraela. ; In its tripartite structure, Amos's book contains also speeches against foreign nations and Israel (see 1:3 -2:16). These speeches are clothed in literary garments of mutually independent cadenzas characterized by a firm structure that consists of five elements: introductory epistolary form, the general proclamation of irrevocable decision, special explanation via indication of the crime, threat of punishment, concluding epistolary form. Within such a structure, this article will pay special attention to the second element, where one finds the literary form of the gradual numeral proverb that is also to be found in sapiential literature. The research for this article focused on the specification of the concept and place where that concept is used in sapiential literature and on specific characteristics that it has in that context. Two numeral proverbs have been analyzed and the conclusion has been reached that these proverbs appeal to human experience in order to point towards crookedness of specific interpersonal behavior that reaches its peak in the last element of a numeral proverb. God's sanctioning of such acts is mentioned only rarely and in traces. Amos's numeral proverbs maintain the same structure; the only difference being that he made them simpler and shorter in order to point out, even more, their emphasis in the fourth element, called pešaʿ (crime) by the prophet and applying equally to all nations, including Israel. The prophet puts the cadenza of the speech against Israel in the last, eighth place, thereby emphasizing it and showing that crimes of Israel are more serious than crimes of other nations against each other because Israel does such things against their own countrymen. Israel is, therefore, not any better than other nations. Apart from that, God protects human beings and nations and punishes transgressions against the human dignity and rights of nations. The author of this article tries to point out through analysis the importance of emphasis in numeral proverbs and to show its function in the speech against Israel.

ICT industry has decisive impact on the articulation of American national interests in cyberspace. The private sector presents itself as a guardian of privacy rights against criminal intrusions and possible government's misuse. But in reality certain initiatives for closer cooperation between private sector and government at the expense of privacy rights have come from ICT industry. This article presents the evolution of public-private partnership in cybersecurity issues. The partnership resulted in the establishment of a military-cyber-industrial complex which significantly influenced the drafting of CISPA and ACTA documents. Presidential Policy Directive 20 expresses to a much greater extent the interests of ICT industry than the values and purposes of International Strategy for Cyberspace. Adapted from the source document.

Srpska demokratska stranka (akr. SDS) bila je radikalna, etnonacionalistička stranka srpskoga puka koja je osnovana 17. veljače 1990. na platou ispred Željezničkoga kolodvora u Kninu, a 6. ožujka 1990. upisana je u Registar društvenih organizacija SR Hrvatske. Osnivačkoj skupštini nazočilo je sedam tisuća građana srpske nacionalnosti koji su aklamacijom podržali pročitani programski dokument. SDS osnovao je akademik Jovan Rašković, šibenski psihijatar, pod "dirigentskom palicom" srbijanske Službe državne bezbednosti (akr. SDB), na čijem se čelu u to vrijeme nalazio haški optuženik Jovica Stanišić, vjerni Miloševićev sljedbenik. SDS je imao vodeću političku ulogu u ratnim događanjima u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini. Njezini su članovi organizirali naoružavanje Srba, podržavali ubijanje, protjerivanje i druge ratne zločine protiv pripadnika nesrpskoga puka na području Hrvatske i Bosne i Hercegovine. Općinski je odbor SDS-a za Općinu Podravska Slatina na čelu s Milunom Karadžićem na području Općine Podravska Slatina organizirao naoružavanje srpskoga puka, iskazao građanski neposluh i blokirao rad Općinske skupštine Podravska Slatina. Nakon SDS-ove blokade rada Izvršnoga vijeća Općinske skupštine Podravska Slatina reagirao je ministar pravosuđa i uprave Branko Babac. On je 24. srpnja 1991. donio Naredbu o poduzimanju posebnih mjera u općini Podravska Slatina kojom je raspuštena Skupština Općine Podravska Slatina, a istovremeno je imenovao povjerenika Vlade Republike Hrvatske. ; The Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) was a radical ethnic-nationalist Serbian party, founded on the platform in front of the railway station in Knin on February 17, 1990 and registered in the Register of Social Organizations of the Socialist Republic of Croatia on March 6, 1990. The Founding Assembly was attended by seven thousand citizens of Serbian nationality, who gave their support to the program document by acclamation. Academician Jovan Raskovic, a psychiatrist from Sibenik, founded SDS under control of the Serbian State Security Sevice ("SDB"), at that time led by the Hague indictee Jovica Stanisic, a faithful Milosevic follower. SDS had a leading political role in war events in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Its members organized the arming of Serbs, supported killing, expelling and other war crimes against non-Serbs in the territory of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. SDS Municipal Committee for the Municipality of Podravska Slatina headed by Milun Karadic organized the arming of Serbs in the area of the Municipality of Podravska Slatina, expressed civil disobedience and blocked the functioning of the Municipal Assembly of Podravska Slatina. After SDS had blocked the function of the Executive Council of the Municipal Assembly of Podravska Slatina, a reaction came from the Justice and Administration Minister Branko Babac. On July 24, 1991 he issued the Order to take special measures in the Municipality of Podravska Slatina, whereupon the Assembly of the Municipality of Podravska Slatina was dissolved and a Commissioner of the Croatian Government was appointed at the same time.