Suchergebnisse

Autorica u radu daje pregled i analizu kaznenog zakonodavstva Republike Hrvatske u vezi s kriminalnim djelatnostima krijumčarenja ljudi i trgovanja ljudima. Upućuje na sličnosti i razlike između kaznenih djela protuzakonitog prebacivanja osoba preko državne granice odnosno protuzakonitog ulaženja, kretanja i boravka u RH, drugoj državi članici EU-a ili potpisnici Šengenskog sporazuma i trgovanja ljudima, uspoređujući i analizirajući pravne norme starog i novog Kaznenog zakona Republike Hrvatske, međunarodne dokumente te sudsku praksu. Ističe se nužnost što ranijeg prepoznavanja počinjenog kaznenog djela, naročito s aspekta žrtve. Skreće se pozornost na neujednačenost sudske prakse u pogledu pitanja koristoljublja kao bitnog elementa kaznenog djela, ali isto tako i na nepostojanje jasno definiranog pokušaja pri počinjenju kaznenog djela protuzakonitog ulaženja, kretanja i boravka u RH, drugoj državi članici EU-a ili potpisnici Šengenskog sporazuma. U radu se istražuje i analizira postojeće stanje u vezi s nezakonitim prelascima državne granice Republike Hrvatske na temelju dostupnih statističkih podataka. Učinjena je i analiza stanja de lege lata u sudskoj praksi u odnosu na prijavljene, optužene i osuđene osobe za krijumčarenje ljudi te, isto tako, posebno za trgovanje ljudima. Zaključno se daju prijedlozi i mjere de lege ferenda koje je nužno provesti u cilju suzbijanja krijumčarenja ljudi i trgovanja ljudima te što uspješnije borbe s ovom vrstom organiziranog kriminala. ; The author of the paper provides an overview and analysis of Croatian criminal legislation with regard to criminal activities of human smuggling and trafficking. She points out to the similarities and differences between the criminal acts of illegal transfer of persons across the state border or illegal entering, movement and residence in the Republic of Croatia, other EU Member States or signatories of the Schengen Agreement and human trafficking, comparing and analyzing the legal norms of the old and the new Criminal Code of the Republic of Croatia, international instruments and jurisprudence. Emphasized is the importance of early recognition of the criminal act, especially for the victims. Attention is drawn to the disparity of case law on matters of personal gain as an essential element of this criminal activity, but also to the absence of clearly defining the act of attempting illegal entering, movement and residence in the Republic of Croatia, other EU Member States or signatories of the Schengen Agreement. This paper investigates and analyzes the current situation regarding illegal crossing of state borders of the Republic of Croatia on the basis of available statistical data. Conducted was the analysis of the situation de lege lata in case law in relation to persons registered, accused and convicted of human smuggling and, also, especially for human trafficking. In conclusion, given are the proposals and measures de lege ferenda that need to be implemented in order to combat human smuggling and trafficking, and to successfully fight this type of organized crime.

Was Wesley Clark, NATO's commander-in-chief, right when he said that, instead of launching operation 'Allied Force' against it, the allies should have electronically isolated SR Yugoslavia? Yugoslav hackers & crackers used to good advantage the freedom of cyberspace. During NATO's intervention, they declared a real 'virtual war' to all the countries supportive of this campaign, particularly to the US. By swooping down by all available means on numerous official web pages of various American institutions & totally abusing the communicational freedoms on the Net, Yugoslav hackers in fact demonstrated a small part of the possibilities of the new e-force. However, the deleterious consequences of Yugoslav online users' activities were so harmful that they prodded the international community into issuing a blunt warning to the Serbian Telecom -- we shall switch you off from the Internet! The objective of this research is primarily to evidence a totally novel phenomenon on the Internet, the first organized virtual war taking place in cyberspace, at the time when a real military campaign was waged against SRY. One of the outcomes of these activities was 'striking out' the documents from the Net that had been preserved only in Mucalo & Svilicic's archive. There are no additional scientific resources, since the key sources for this article were the Internet & newspaper articles. Although envisaged as a medium available to all, the Internet must soon be safeguarded & protected by legal means. Otherwise, it might simply cave in under the onslaught of all abuses & innumerable viruses circulating the global cyberspace. Due to the increase in the number of users & services, it may be expected that soon a completely new branch of criminal law is to emerge -- computer crime. 2 Figures, 21 References. Adapted from the source document.

Krajem listopada 1993. pripadnici Armije Bosne i Hercegovine i Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova Bosne i Hercegovine realizirali su akciju "Trebević-2", koja je bila predstavljena kao konačni obračun s kriminalnim skupinama u muslimanskoj vojsci na području Sarajeva. Za razliku od proklamiranoga cilja, tu je akciju muslimanski politički i vojni vrh iskoristio za rješavanje zaoštrenih odnosa u vrhu Armije Bosne i Hercegovine. Ti narušeni odnosi eruptirali su u razdoblju nakon uspostave dužnosti zapovjednika Armije Bosne i Hercegovine kojom je degradiran načelnik Glavnoga štaba general Sefer Halilović. Usto je akcija "Trebević" poslužila i za skretanje odgovornosti muslimanskoga političkog i vojnog rukovodstva od ratnih zločina počinjenih u operaciji "Neretva 93", gdje su sudjelovale upravo jedinice Armije Bosne i Hercegovine iz Sarajeva protiv kojih je isplanirana i provedena navedena akcija. ; In October 1993, the Muslim political and military leadership, with the full support of the President of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Alija Izetbegović, planned and implemented a military-police operation that was, officially, supposed to introduce order among the 'renegade' commanders of the 9th Motorised and 10th Mountain Brigades of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina (AB&H). However, a reconstruction of the events that led up to the initiation of the mentioned operation casts doubt on the official version of the events. Namely, the Muslim political and military leadership had been aware of certain inappropriate activities of some units under its command as early as the first half of 1993, but failed to take any concrete actions to sanction them. On the contrary, despite being clearly aware of these problematic activities, the leadership of the AB&H continued to use such units in combat. In September 1993, parts of these units were actively involved in the operation 'Neretva 93', during which war crimes were committed against Croatian civilians in the village of Grabovica on 8 and 9 September. After a meeting held on 4 October 1993, the Muslim leadership headed by Izetbegović reached a decision to deal with the problematic military commanders of the AB&H and a part of the units under their control. However, this process of facing the criminal activities performed by members of the AB&H concealed the real conflict, which was the conflict about who had supreme influence over the army and in politics, and was actually between Izetbegović and the leader of the AB&H Chief of the General Staff, Sefer Halilović. The successful results of operation 'Trebević 2' left Izetbegović without any serious challengers to his authority.

Premda su u 20. stoljeću i druge države prolazile kroz dramatične društvene i političke promjene, i to od totalitarizma do konsolidirane demokracije, Južnoafrička Republika slučaj je za sebe. Poziciju sui generis najjužnija afrička država dobila je zbog rigorozne rasne segregacije i diskriminacije koju je režim sustavno provodio prema domicilnom stanovništvu.Vrhunac te politike bilo je uvođenje aparthejda 1950. godine, koji je uz kontinuiranu represiju i istodobnu međunarodnu izolaciju potrajao do 1990. i početka demokratske i postsegregacijske tranzicije. Nakon tri ciklusa višerasnih kompetitivnih izbora Južnoafrička Republika danas je država čiju uspješno započetu tranziciju obilježavaju relativno visok stupanj unutarnje stabilnosti i aktivna uloga u međunarodnoj zajednici, ali i potpuno novi izazovi, od side i porasta kriminala do regionalnih suparništava i opasnosti od pojave "obrnutog" rasizma. ; In the 20th century a number of countries went through dramatic social and political changes, passing from totalitarianism to consolidated democracy, but South Africa is in a league of its own. The southernmost African state has acquired a sui generis position due to the fact that its regime sistematically exercised rigorous racial segregation and discrimination against the natives. The peak of that policy was the introduction of apartheid in 1950 which was characterised by sustained repression and simultaneous international isolation. Apartheid came to an end in 1990 with the beginning of democratic and post-segregational transition. After three cycles of multirace competitive elections, South Africa is today a state whose successfully launched transition is marked by a relatively high degree of internal stability and an active role in the international community, but also by completely new challenges, such as AIDS and an increase in crime, regional rivalries and the threat of emergence of an "inverse" racism.

Svrha je rada upozoriti na osobitu važnost suradnje država u borbi protiv krijumčarenja migranata morem, napose u prostoru izvan područja suverenosti obalnih država. U radu se stoga objašnjava međunarodnopravni okvir za aktivnosti država u borbi protiv krijumčarenja migranata morem. Pritom je naglasak stavljen na jurisdikciju država za provođenje prisilnih mjera protiv brodova kojima se krijumčare migranti. Izlaganje polazi od općih pravila koja uređuju jurisdikciju država na otvorenom moru, a danas su kodificirana u Konvenciji Ujedinjenih naroda o pravu mora iz 1982. Potom je fokus usmjeren na posebna pravila u vezi s krijumčarenjem migranata na moru sadržanima u Protokolu protiv krijumčarenja migranata kopnom, morem i zrakom, prihvaćenu uz Konvenciju UN-a protiv transnacionalnog organiziranog kriminaliteta iz 2000., gdje je u čl. 7. Protokola podcrtana upravo dužnost suradnje država stranaka "na sprječavanju i suzbijanju krijumčarenja migranata morem, u skladu s međunarodnim pravom mora". Protokol protiv krijumčarenja migranata u svome članku 17., štoviše, potiče države ugovornice na "sklapanje dvostranih ili regionalnih sporazuma ili operativnih dogovora ili suglasnosti" radi njegove bolje implementacije. U tom su smislu prikazani i evaluirani oblici bilateralne i multilateralne regionalne suradnje država s naglaskom na Mediteran, uzimajući napose u obzir suradnju država članica Europske unije preko Agencije za europsku graničnu i obalnu stražu (Frontex). K tomu, dan je osvrt na Rezoluciju Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a br. 2240 (2015) koja državama članicama UN-a daje izvanredne jurisdikcijske ovlasti na otvorenom moru pred obalama Libije, a služi kao pravni temelj za djelovanje mornaričke operacije EU-a EUNAVFOR Med "Sophia" u okviru Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike. ; The aim of the paper is to highlight the particular importance of interstate cooperation in combating migrant smuggling by sea, notably in waters beyond the sovereignty of coastal states. In explaining the international legal framework for the activities of states in combating migrant smuggling by sea, emphasis is put on the jurisdiction of states to take enforcement measures against vessels that are engaged in migrant smuggling. First, the general rules concerning the jurisdiction of states on the high seas are discussed, which are codified today in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea of 1982. Thereafter, the focus is on the special rules regarding migrant smuggling by sea, as comprised in the Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air of 2000, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. Article 7 of the Protocol indeed emphasizes the duty of states parties to "cooperate to the fullest extent possible to prevent and suppress the smuggling of migrants by sea, in accordance with the international law of the sea." Article 17 of the Migrant Smuggling Protocol furthermore encourages states parties to "consider the conclusion of bilateral or regional agreements or operational arrangements or understandings" with a view to enhancing the Protocol's implementation. In that respect the paper examines and evaluates forms of bilateral and regional cooperation between states with an emphasis on the Mediterranean, and especially considers the cooperation between the member states of the European Union via the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex). In addition, the UN Security Council Resolution 2240 (2015) is analyzed, since it grants the UN member states exceptional jurisdictional powers on the high seas off the Libyan coast and serves as the legal basis for the activities of EUNAVOR Med Sophia, an EU naval operation in the framework of the Common Security and Defence Policy.

Pranje novca, kao jedan od najsofisticiranijih i najtežih oblika organizovanog kriminaliteta, je i međunarodni fenomen jer se odvija i prisutan je, kako u nacionalnim tako i međunarodnim razmjerama. Međunarodni karakter odvijanja pranja novca je jedan od efikasnijih metoda da se prikrije nezakonito porijeklo novca ili bilo kojeg oblika imovine koja je proistekla izvršenjem, uglavnom, teških krivičnih djela.Problematika pranja novca je prisutna u nacionalnim i međunarodnim razmjerama i značajno je izražena u onim društvima gdje perači novca nastoje da legaliziraju kriminalom zarađenu dobit i da tu dobit infiltriraju u privredu i finansijske tokove, s ciljem da kontrolišu određene ekonomske i političke procese. Pranje novca predstavlja međunarodni zločin, zbog čega je međunarodna zajednica odlučila uspostaviti međunarodne standarde, sa zahtjevom da te standarde prihvati što veći broj zemalja svijeta. S obzirom na velike probleme i razne poteškoće na koje nailazi u borbi protiv svih oblika organizovanog kriminaliteta, kroz akcije usmjerene na same izvršioce ovih krivičnih djela, međunarodna zajednica je odlučila da svoju pažnju usmjeri na drugi moment ove borbe: novac, tj. prihod koji nastaje izvršenjem krivičnih djela organizovanog kriminaliteta. Shodno tome, međunarodna zajednica je odlučila da pokuša da udari tamo gdje će kriminalcima nanijeti najveće posljedice, tako što je preduzela velike akcije protiv pranja novca.U borbi protiv pranja novca stvoreni su čitavi institucionalni aparati; zbog njega se pišu nove i nove konvencije, direktive, preporuke; zbog njega se mora često mijenjati krivično zakonodavstvo; zbog pranja novca prestala je postojati tajnost računa I podataka banaka. Ponekad se, u toj borbi žrtvuju i osnovna ljudska prava, jer se praktično vodi rat protiv pranja novca. Obim intervencija, strategija i međunarodnih sporazuma, razrađenih da bi se prekinuli lanci pranja novca, širokog su raspona i veoma usavršeni. Pranje novca je veoma veliki biznis, koji nije lako kontrolisati putem međunarodnih sporazuma. Naravno, sve je to potrebno i neophodno, a drugo je pitanje da li sve te mjere daju uvijek očekivane rezultate tj. da li to ima za rezultat adekvatan broj pravosnažno osuđujućih presuda i adekvatan iznos oduzete imovinske koristi.U tom smislu, u radu sam istražio i dao pregled samo najvažnijih i najrelevantnijih međunarodnih organizacija i institucija u borbi protiv pranja novca kao što su: Organizacija ujedinjenih nacija, Vijeće Evrope, Financial Action Task Force – FATF, Grupa Egmont, Evropska unija, Bazelski komitet za bankarske propise i kontrolu, Međunarodni monetarni fond i Svjetska banka, s napomenom da ću šire obraditi samo neke od njih koje smatram bitnim. --- Money laundering, as one of the most sophisticated and severe forms of organized crime, has a strong international component because it occurs not only within national borders, but goes far beyond. The transnational aspect of money laundering makes it easier to prevent the true source of funds and other property derived from serious criminal activity.Therefore, the problem of money laundering is both, a national as well as an international problem. It is very common in the countries where money launderers attempt to legalize the illegal proceeds and then transfer it into the stream of commerce and finance in order to control certain economic and political processes. Money laundering is an international crime leading the international community to establish common standards that countries around the world should adopt. Having in mind the great difficulties in fighting against organized crime using the traditional methods focused upon the perpetrators, the international community decided to shift its focus towards the other important component of money laundering – the proceeds derived from criminal activity. In that sense, the international community decided to strike where the consequences for money launderers are the most prominent – the money.The prevention of money laundering lead to creation of the whole new set of institutional apparatus; many conventions have been organized, and many articles, directives, recommendations, guidelines were created. The prevention of money laundering has lead to changes in criminal code legislation and dissolution of bank information secrecy. Sometimes, however, this war on money laundering sacrifices some basic human rights. The range of strategies, interventions and international agreements developed to prevent money laundering is broad and very sophisticated. Money laundering is a large business which is not easy to regulate by way of international agreements. Of course, while these agreements and strategies are necessary, the question about their effectiveness, however, still lingers in the background, especially considering the number of final criminal convictions and the amount of illegal proceeds forfeited.In that sense, I provided an overview of the most relevant and the most important international institutions whose job is the prevention of money laundering, namely the UN, Council of Europe, Financial Action Task Force –FATF, Egmont Group, European Union, The Basel Committee on Banking Supervision, The International Monetary Fund and World Bank. I would like to mention that I will cover in more detail only those organizations I find the most relevant.

Tema ovog rada, korupcija, izazov za institucije Kosova, je vrlo široka i aktuelna tema koja obuhvata teorijski i praktični tretman. Korupcija, koja je opisana kao korištenje javne vlasti za pojedine namjene, je vrlo kompleksan pojam. To je odlika raznih društava i država, koja posljednjih nekoliko godina, smatra se kao vrlo prisutna pojava u zemljama u tranziciji, one nerazvijene kao i one u razvoju, navodeći kao prepreka za implementaciju demokratije. Korupcija ima tendenciju da raste brže od dinamike implementiranja za njenu neutralizaciju. Sistematski, korupcija je izazvala i nastavlja da izazive mnoge zabrinjavajuće probleme u svim zemljama svijeta, a posebno na Kosovu. Na osnovu izvještaja Transparency International-a, korupcija je jedna od najvećih izazova savremenog svijeta.Važnost proučavanja ovog problema kroz ovu temu ima za cilj prepoznati veličinu, strukturu i dinamiku ovog fenomena; da analizira sveobuhvatan utjecaj općih faktora. Na osnovu identifikacije problema korupcije, lokalnih i međunarodnih izvještaja koji zaključuju visok nivo ove vrste kriminala, pored drugih područja i u sigurnosnim pitanjima, korupcija se vidi kao ozbiljna rana za naše društvo. Obrazloženje ovog rada je logična posljedica fenomena korupcije u Republici Kosovo.Uzroci, posljedice i borba protiv korupcije su uvijek predmet brojnih istraživanja i razgovora među istraživačima, političarima i drugim akterima koji se bave ovim problemima, ne ostavljajući sa strane i segmentia civilnog društva. Ovi problemi predstavljaju predmet proučavanja ovog rada iz moje perspektive sa namerom da bi se pridružio opšte zabrinutosti zbog ove pojave.Tokom ovog studija će se koristiti različite metodologije, kao metodologija analize slučajeva korupcije, metoda komparativne analize, komparativne metode i statističke metode pojave i borbe protiv korupcije na Kosovu za godine 2012-2014.Za borbu i sprečavanje korupcije, društvo i institucije Kosova, pored preventivnih mjera, bi trebala provesti dostignute mjere iz nauke kriminalistike na osnovu savremenih trendova u sigurnostnom menadžmentu. Krajnji cilj ovog rada je utjelovljenje ili praktična primjena njegovih rezultata i statistike u naporima društva da spriječi, ograničuje i eliminira pojavu korupcije na Kosovu. --- The theme of this paper, corruption, the challenge for Kosovo institutions is a very broad and actual topic, which includes both theoretical and the practical handling. Corruption, which is described as the use of public power for individual purposes is a very complex concept. It is a feature of different societies and countries. In recent years it is considered as a very present phenomenon in transition countries, the least developed ones as well as developing countries, stating corruption as an obstacle to the implementation of democracy. Corruption tends to grow faster than the dynamics implemented to neutralize it. Systematically, it has caused and continues to cause many stressing problems in all countries of the world and especially in Kosovo. Based on a report of the Transparency International, corruption is one of the biggest challenges of the contemporary world.The importance of the study of this problem through this topic aims to recognize the size, structure and dynamics of this phenomenon; to analyze comprehensively the impact of general factors. Based on the identification of the problem of corruption, and local and international reports which establish a high level of this type of crime besides other areas in security issues, corruption is seen as a serious wound for our society. Rationality of this paper is the logical consequence of the corruption phenomenon in the Republic of Kosovo.Causes, consequences and fighting against corruption are always subject to numerous studies and discussions among researchers, politicians and other stakeholders dealing with these problems, not leaving out the segments of civil society. These concerns constitute the object of study of this paper from my perspective in order to join the general concern over this phenomenon.During this study, different methodologies will be used, as follows: methodology of the analysis of corruption cases, the method of comparative analysis, comparative methods and statistical methods of presenting and combating corruption in Kosovo for 2012-2014.For combating and preventing corruption, Kosovo society and institutions, in addition to preventive measures, should implement the measures of science of criminology achieved by contemporary trends in safety management. The ultimate goal of this work is the materialization or practical application of its results and statistics in the society efforts to prevent, limit and eliminate the phenomenon of corruption in Kosovo.

Na Veliki petak 1494, 28. ožujka, u Sikstinskoj kapeli, pred papom Aleksandrom VI. (Borgiom) i članovima papinskog dvora rapski arhiđakon Martin Nimira održao je – dakako, na latinskom – propovijed o Muci; njezinu je pisanu verziju u travnju iste godine u Rimu tiskao Eucharius Silber. Propovijedati pred papom za vrijeme mise značajan je društveni uspjeh; objaviti održanu propovijed dodatno ističe njezinu važnost; pa ipak, Nimirin su život i djelo do danas u povijesti hrvatske i novolatinske književnosti neistraženi. Donijet ću ovdje osnovne podatke o Nimiri, društvenom kontekstu njegove propovijedi, o strukturi tog djela i njegovim kurijalno-humanističkim obilježjima te recepciji (knjižicu je posjedovao Marko Marulić, a 1522. nekoliko je Nimirinih stranica u svoje djelo uvrstio Giovanni Mercurio da Vipera). ; On Good Friday 1494, Martin Nimira, archdeacon of Rab and scion of a wellregarded Rab family, delivered a sermon on the Passion to Pope Alexander VI and members of the papal curia. After April 3 that same year the sermon was printed in Rome by Eucharius Silber. Nimira built his career in the Papal States of Italy as a client of the cardinal of Siena Francesco Todeschini Piccolomini (1439–1503); some years earlier, in March 1487, Nimira had already preached before the Roman cardinals, on the feast of Saint Thomas Aquinas in the Dominican church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva. Nimira's known writings and activities (a poetic prayer for the health of the cardinal Todeschini Piccolomini Hecatosticum carmen ad Christum optimum maximum pro cardinalis Senensis salute, perhaps in 1488; his copyediting of the Politics of Aristotle translated by Leonardo Bruni and commented on by Thomas Aquinas and Ludovico Valenza, 1492) suggest Nimira was a curial humanist, dependent on the patronage of the Roman court and its cardinals. Nimira's sermon on the Passion, in the printed edition dedicated to the cardinal Bernardin López de Carvajal (d. 1523), bishop of Cartagena, Spain, displays Nimira's learning, his command of theological, philosophical and lyrical registers of expression, as well as oratorical elegance and a readiness to adopt Cicero's rhetorical models (sentences from speeches Against Verres 2, 5, For Publius Quinctius and For Aulus Cluentius, as well as the famous fragment of Gaius Gracchus reported by Cicero in On the Orator). The sermon has an introduction, two main parts, and a short closing prayer for God's mercy, especially to the Pope. The first part is philosophical (in Nimira's words, stemming from ingenium), the second part lyrical (arising from pietas). The philosophical part considers the necessity of Christ's Passion and death, touching also on the suffering of the good and the success of the evil in this world, while the lyrical part shows how Christ suffered and died. There is a prosopopoeia of the Virgin Mary, and the piercing of Christ's body is seen as the culmination of his suffering. The Jews (including Judas Iscariot) are presented as the main enemies, their faith as utterly wrong and depraved (confirmation is presented in a collage of biblical quotes), and the piercing of Christ's body is seen as their most terrible crime. The extremely strong antisemitic tone of Nimira's sermon might have been set partly by the tradition of the liturgical Improperia as part of the observance of the Passion, partly by the rhetorical need to contrast blame (of the Jews) and praise (of Christ), but possibly also by the antisemitic leanings in the circle of Nimira's acquaintances: these must have included Antonio Lollio, the secretary of the cardinal Todeschini Piccolomini, who had already in 1486 composed another highly antisemitic sermon before the Pope, and the Dominican Paolo Moneglia from Genova, who as the magister Sacri palatii chose Nimira as the preacher for the Good Friday of 1494; in April of the same year Moneglia was appointed inquisitor of the March of Genoa, which was under strain because of the influx of large numbers of Sephardic Jews and Marranos expelled from Spain and Sicily (later, in Rome in 1498, Moneglia led a spectacular auto da fé of several hundred Marranos in front of St. Peter's Basilica). The success of Nimira's sermon can be inferred from the privileges granted to his family by the cardinal Todeschini Piccolomini later in 1494, from the relatively large number of printed copies of Nimira's small book that survive today (32 in public libraries), from the record of Nimira's preaching in the diaries of Johannes Burchard, papal Master of Ceremonies, and from those who read Nimira's sermon during the Renaissance: we know that a copy of the sermon was owned by Marko Marulić, and that Giovanni Mercurio da Vipera (bishop of Bagnoregio 1523–1527) quoted extensively from the philosophical part of the sermon in his Contra a recto divini cultus itinere aberrantes (Rome 1522). We present an edition of Nimira's sermon following a digital facsimile of a copy in Bavarian State Library. In the edition, the abbreviations are expanded, orthographic variants of ae, u and i are removed, the punctuation is modernized, the spelling and capitalization standardized. Nimira's explicit and implicit textual sources are identified wherever possible.