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Islamic boarding schools must be a safe and friendly place for students and female students. Pesantren educational institutions must be perpendicular to the objectives of the establishment of the pesantren, among others, teaching the values of Islamic teachings in order to improve and make society much better. However, on the other hand, there are several Islamic boarding schools that are suspected of having committed a sexual crime against their students. What is more worrying is that the sexual crime was committed by the teacher or instructor of the pesantren. There needs to be preventive efforts to respond to the number of sexual crimes in Islamic boarding schools so that these incidents do not happen again. In addition to carrying out legal protection for victims which is one form of protection, prevention efforts are also part of the concept of protecting students and female students in Islamic boarding schools. The purpose of this study was to find out how the urgency of regulating efforts to prevent sexual violence in Islamic Boarding Schools and the second to realize the sexual crime prevention model at Islamic Boarding Schools in protecting santri and female students. This research was conducted using descriptive analysis method, namely providing researched data about the condition of the object under study, namely victims and the concept of preventing sexual crimes in Islamic Boarding Schools associated with laws and regulations, and normative juridical methods. The data obtained from library research is supported by field research and then analyzed qualitatively. Based on the results of the study, it was concluded that efforts to prevent sexual violence from Islamic boarding schools could be carried out by strengthening state, government and government supervision of Islamic boarding schools, conducting legal counseling on the dangers of sexual crimes so that students and female students could act when receiving sexual crimes, making a sexual crime complaint post at the Institute. Islamic boarding ...

The political sphere in the province of Buenos Aires witnessed a shift in the 1910s whereby the focus in projects of legal reform moved from targeting the slowness with which cases were handled and violations of the rights of the accused to one on obstacles impeding criminals' punishment. This was particularly the case when the Unión Cívica Radical [Radical Civic Union] took over the province, with several politicians maintaining that certain reforms introduced to the Penal Procedural Code in 1915 fostered criminal behavior. This article focuses on the legal administration in order to begin to identify the extent to which these questions of criminal legislation reflected reality. Our interest is in analyzing how judges interpreted and applied the aforementioned legal text upon its entry into a context of growing concern over crimes against property and demands for stricter punishments. ; En la provincia de Buenos Aires durante el transcurso de la segunda década del siglo XX, se desplazó en el ámbito político el eje de preocupación que impulsaba los proyectos de reforma judicial. De centrarse en la lentitud de los procesos y la vulneración de los derechos del imputado pasó a focalizarse en los obstáculos que impedían la penalización de los delincuentes.Especialmente cuando asumió la Unión Cívica Radical la provincia, algunos políticos sostuvieron que determinadas reformas introducidas al código procesal penal en 1915 propiciaban la impunidad delictiva. Este trabajo se centra en la administración judicial a fin de comenzar a identificar en qué medida estos cuestionamientos a la legislación penal se correspondían con la realidad. Nos interesa analizar cómo los jueces interpretaron y aplicaron dicho texto legal al entrar en vigencia en un escenario de creciente inquietud por los atentados a la propiedad y de demandas de mayor severidad penal ; Dans la province de Buenos Aires des années 1920, l'axe des préoccupations qui impulsait les projets de réforme de la justice s'est invité dans le débat politique. Après s'être d'abord centré sur la lenteur des procès et les atteintes aux droits de la défense, le débat s'est ensuite concentré sur les obstacles empêchant la punition des délinquants. Principalement lorsque l'Union civique radicale prit la tête de la province, certains politiques commencèrent à soutenir que certaines des réformes du Code de procédure pénale introduites en 1915 favorisaient l'impunité pénale. Ce travail s'intéressera spécifiquement à l'administration judiciaire pour identifier dans quelle mesure ces remises en question de la législation pénale correspondaient ou non à la réalité. Il s'agira ici d'analyser de quelle manière les juges interprétèrent et appliquèrent ledit code dans un contexte d'inquiétude croissante concernant les atteintes à la propriété et de revendications d'une plus grande sévérité pénale. ; Na província de Buenos Aires, no transcorrer da segunda década do século XX, o eixo de preocupações que impulsionou os projetos de reforma judicial passou para o âmbito da esfera política. Do foco na lentidão dos processos e na violação dos direitos do acusado, ele se voltou para concentrar-se nos obstáculos que impediam a condenação dos criminosos. Especialmente quando a União Cívica Radical assumiu a administração da Província, alguns políticos sustentaram que determinadas reformas introduzidas no Código do Processo Penal, em 1915, estimulavam a impunidade criminal. Este trabalho tem como foco a administração da Justiça, visando começar a identificar em que medida estes questionamentos da legislação penal correspondiam à realidade. Interessa-nos analisar como os juízes interpretaram e aplicaram o referido texto legal quando este último passou a vigorar, em um cenário de crescente inquietação diante dos ataques à propriedade e de demandas por penalizações criminais mais severas. ; 二å世纪çš"第二个åå¹´ä¸­ï¼Œé˜¿æ ¹å»·å¸ƒå®œè¯ºæ–¯è‰¾åˆ©æ–¯çœï¼Œç"±äºŽç¤¾ä¼šå'Œæ"¿æ²»åŽ‹åŠ›ï¼Œå®žè¡Œäº†ä¸€äº›å¸æ³•æ"¹é©ã€'ä½†æ˜¯ï¼Œå› å¸æ³•ç¨‹åºçš"ç¼"æ…¢å'Œæ‹–延以åŠä¸€äº›å¸æ³•ä¸Šçš"éšœç¢ï¼Œä¾µçŠ¯è´¢äº§ç½ªçš"被å'Šä»¬ç»å¸¸å¾—以逃è"±æƒ©ç½šã€'特别是å½"激进çš"å…¬æ°'è"盟接管了çœæ"¿åºœä¹‹åŽï¼Œå¯¹è¯¥ç½ªè¡Œçš"惩罚显得尤为艰难ã€' 一些æ"¿æ²»å®¶è®¤ä¸ºï¼Œ1915å¹´çš"æŸäº›å¸æ³•æ"¹é©æ–¹ä¾¿äº†ä¾µçŠ¯è´¢äº§çš"罪犯，使之é€é¥æ³•å¤–ã€'本论文ç "ç©¶äº†è¯¥æ—¶æœŸé˜¿æ ¹å»·çš"å¸æ³•ç®¡ç†æœºåˆ¶ï¼Œæ—¨åœ¨å'现人们对åˆ'法上有关侵犯财产罪çš"执法çš"指责å'ŒåŸ‹æ€¨æ˜¯å¦ç›¸ç¬¦äºŽåŽ†å²çœŸç›¸ã€'æˆ'们还分æžäº†é˜¿æ ¹å»·çš"法官们是å¦'何解释å'Œè¿ç"¨æ³•å¾‹æ–‡æœ¬ä¸­æœ‰å…³ä¾µçŠ¯è´¢äº§ç½ªçš"æ¡æ¬¾ï¼Œä»¥åº"å¯¹é˜¿æ ¹å»·ç¤¾ä¼šè¦æ±'严惩侵犯财产罪çš"舆情压力ã€'

In the early days of social media, social networking platforms were viewed as an abolition of all barriers, a democratization of information and content creation against the establishment's gate-keeping. However, a decade after their wide adoption by the public, the scenario seems completelydifferent: now that social networks have been used to meddle with international politics, to spread hate and conspiracy theories and to harass others, many wonder whether the hopes behind the democratization of online content creation were too optimistic. Using two different episodes of Buffy The Vampire Slayer (1997-2003)—Season Seven's "Chosen" and Season Three's "Gingerbread"—as a starting point, this article will showcase the imagined and one of the real outcomes of the democratization of social media content creation with regards to the discussion of high-profile criminal cases online, with a particular focus on crimes against children and related conspiracies.

With few exceptions, and these not well defined and gross, has been passed in writing and in public opinion and among historians, that Bishop Nicholas Videla del Pino committed a crime against the state or high treason, being realistic feelings and actively collaborate with the political cause. This article documents that was, above all, a good pastor without discriminating against those who were in each of the two sides. ; Con escasas excepciones, y estas no bien definidas y manifiestas, se ha ido transmitiendo por escrito y en la opinión pública, y entre historiadores, que Mons. Nicolás Videla del Pino cometió delito de lesa patria o de alta traición, por ser de sentimientos realistas y colaborar activamente con esta causa política. Este artículo documenta que fue, ante todo, un celoso pastor sin discriminar a quienes estaban en cada uno de los dos bandos.

The recent break in the transatlantic relationship appears to have altered American debate, & removed Iran as the dominating theme. The secret torture of terror suspects delivered to other countries is today considered a failure by those responsible, even with the aim of hindering future attacks & despite the previous legal efforts to establish a gray area outside the Geneva conventions. Iraq remains the most significant issue in American discussion, particularly after the elections, & much of the debate is centered on the establishment of democracy, its form, & the role of US troops in hindering or aiding further progress. In Spring, the first proceedings against "Chemical Ali" begin for crimes against humanity. Hania Mufti, for years unheard despite her documentation of gruesome human rights violations during the Saddam Hussein era & returning to Iraq in 2000, played a critical role in gathering documentation for such proceedings. L. Kehl

Prisons are dangerous places, and assaults, threats, theft and verbal abuse are pervasive - attributable both to the characteristics of the captive population and to an institutional sub culture which promotes violence as a means of resolving conflicts. Yet the crimes perpetrated by prisoners on other prisoners have attracted little interest, and criminological research has contributed little to an understanding of situations in which violence arises in penal institutions. This book seeks to remedy this, and to address and answer a number of key questions: how do features of the prison social

The Global Human Rights Regime: Risks and Contestations -- Transparency, Accountability, and Legitimacy within the UN Universal Periodic Review -- After Obama: The African Group at the UN Human Rights Council -- Consensus and Human Rights Politics: The Case of ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights -- Skewed Vision: Human Rights in War through the Eyes in Peace -- Who Are the Victims of Crimes Against Cultural Heritage? -- Challenging the Legal Boundaries of Genocide: The War on Drugs in the Philippines -- Human Rights at Risk in the Era of Trump and American Decline -- The Tyranny of Exceptionalism: How the United States Rejects Universal Human Rights -- Natural Law and the Future of Human Rights -- Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow: Thoughts on Global Human Rights in the 21st Century -- Risks and Emancipatory Rights.

The Balkan Wars, the Rwanda genocide, and the crimes against humanity in Cambodia and Sierra Leone spurred the creation of international criminal tribunals to bring the perpetrators of unimaginable atrocities to justice. When Richard Goldstone, David Crane, Robert Petit, and Luis Moreno-Ocampo received the call - each set out on a unique quest to build an international criminal tribunal and launch its first prosecutions. Never before have the founding International Prosecutors told the behind-the-scenes stories of their historic journey. With no blueprint and little precedent, each was a path-breaker. This book contains the first-hand accounts of the challenges they faced, the obstacles they overcame, and the successes they achieved in obtaining justice for millions of victims.

Introduction: In search of equality: women, law and society in Africa - Dee Smythe and Stefanie Röhrs. - Chapter 1: Challenges in litigation on gender issues in Namibia - Dianne Hubbard. - Chapter 2: Constitutionalism and the law of inheritance: Recent experiences from Uganda - Florence Akiiki Asiimwe. - Chapter 3: Gender equality in customary marriages in South Africa - Mikateko Joyce Maluleke. - Chapter 4: Enforcing women's rights in Malawi - Maureen Kondowe. - Chapter 5: The justice system and women's rights in Côte-d'Ivoire - Marie Agathe Bahi. - Chapter 6: Ending impunity for hate crimes against black lesbians: An opportunity to create feminist jurisprudence - Wendy Isaack. - Chapter 7: Strategic litigation of women's constitutional rights in Rwanda's changing judicial landscape - Eugene Manzi. - Chapter 8: Associational life and women's constitutional rights in Africa - Ada Okoye Ordor

In the final ten years of the twentieth century, the world was twice confronted with unbelievable news from Africa. First, there was the end of Apartheid in South Africa. Who would have thought such a change was possible without bloodshed? But the miracle happened, due to responsible political and church leaders and as a result of the unique processes organized through the Truth and Reconcilation Commission under the leadership of Archbishop Desmund Tutu.The second unbelievable experience from Africa was of a rather different and awfully shocking nature: the mass killings in Rwanda. This event soon developed into a real genocide and created a wave of horror around the world. There, political and church leaders had been unable to prevent this crime against humanity

This article addresses the role of the dead and disappeared and the potential for forensic investigation of atrocities in the context of an evolving transitional justice debate and framework for Eritrea. As one possible component of transitional justice, forensic investigation represents an especially potent modality to document the physical evidence of atrocities, help establish truth and accountability, and catalyse deeper conversations about justice, reconciliation, repair, access to resources, and socio-political transformation. This discussion is especially relevant as human rights proponents continue to debate the implications of findings by the Human Rights Council that Eritrean authorities have committed or enabled crimes against humanity and whether these should culminate in a referral to the International Criminal Court.

The arsenic poisonings of Tiszazug were committed in Hungary at the beginning of the 20th century. They cannot be considered unique despite the fact that they have many specialities. The forensic speciality of this homicide series is that crimes against human life in this area occurred in a significant number for almost two decades in small communities. The vast majority of the victims were close relatives of the perpetrators. Another peculiarity is that the victims were typically men, and the vast majority of perpetrators were women. The III. Council of the Hungarian Royal Court led by Ferenc Finkey had to make a final decision in 12 arsenic criminal suits and sentenced five women to death from Tiszazug.

Australian peacekeeping has been redemptive, often occurring in the aftermath of complicity in crimes against peoples of our region. As with our Gallipoli trope, the most courageous and noble Australian military contributions often have arisen in the context of regional disasters we failed to help prevent. While Australia's contributions to UN peacekeeping were 10 times higher until our troops were moved to fighting in Iraq, escalated fighting in Afghanistan and regional peacekeeping in Solomon Islands, an enduring Australian contribution was made to the quality of UN peacekeeping. Peacekeeping has been effective in reducing war globally, and regionally in stabilising the former 'arc of instability' around Australia. The shift of security sector investment from this work to fighting invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq has therefore been poor public policy.

Over 150,000 people were intentionally killed in Mexico since 2006, after the Mexican government decided to openly combat organized crime. Against the backdrop of the security crisis, members of Mexican society have developed national and transnational strategies to contribute to the respond to the rampant violence in their homeland. By introducing a transdisciplinary approach and peacebuilding theories, this paper argues that Mexican migrants living in Brussels and Paris have been able to orchestrate transnational art-based strategies to contribute to the violence alleviation in their country of origin. In particular, this empirical paper argues that Mexican migrants living in these two European cities have deployed artistic bottom-up strategies to reduce direct violence, transform relationships and build capacity from overseas.