Suchergebnisse

"Im Rahmen des vom Bundesministerium für Bildung und Wissenschaft geförderten Internationalen Austauschs für Berufsbildungsfachkräfte hatten 1984 fünfzehn deutsche Berufsausbilder erstmals Gelegenheit, zu Studienzwecken in die Türkei zu reisen. Ziel war es, neben dem dortigen Berufsbildungswesen auch das Land und die Lebensverhältnisse kennenzulernen, um die Mentalität der türkischen Auszubildenden in Deutschland besser verstehen zu können. Die vorliegende Studie über die berufliche Bildung in der Türkei enthält wesentliche Eindrücke dieser Studienreise aus der Sicht der deutschen Ausbilder. Außerdem haben die Erfahrungen der türkischen Berufsbildungsfachkräfte, die seit 1980 die Bundesrepublik Deutschland besuchten, Eingang gefunden." Nach einem gegenüberstellenden Vergleich der bundesdeutschen Gesetzgebung zur beruflichen Bildung und dem im Juni 1986 erlassenen Gesetz für Lehrlingsausbildung und berufliche Bildung in der Türkei werden schließlich einige Schlussfolgerungen für die strukturelle Entwicklung des türkischen Ausbildungswesens vorgenommen. (DIPF/ ssch)

Asset management companies have been used to address the overhang of bad debt in the financial system. There are two main types of asset management company: those set up to expedite corporate restructuring and those established for rapid disposal of assets. A review of seven asset management companies reveals a mixed record. In two of three cases, asset management companies for corporate restructuring did not achieve their narrow goal of expediting bank or corporate restructuring, suggesting that they are not good vehicles for expediting corporate restructuring. Only a Swedish asset management company successfully managed its portfolio, acting sometimes as lead agent in restructuring - and helped by the fact that the assets acquired had mostly to do with real estate, not manufacturing, which is harder to restructure, and represented a small fraction of the banking systems assets, which made it easier for the company to remain independent of political pressures and to sell assets back to the private sector. Asset management companies used to dispose of assets rapidly fared somewhat better. Two of four agencies (in Spain and the United States) achieved their objectives, suggesting that asset management companies can be used effectively for narrowly defined purposes of resolving insolvent and inviable financial institutions and selling off their assets. Achieving these objectives required an easily liquefiable asset - real estate - mostly professional management, political independence, adequate bankruptcy and foreclosure laws, appropriate funding, skilled resources, good information and management systems, and transparent operations and processes. The other two agencies (in Mexico and the Philippines) were doomed from the start, as governments transferred to them politically motivated loans or fraudulent assets, which were difficult for a government agency susceptible to political pressure and lacking independence to resolve or sell off.

This extraordinary and moving piece of original theatre tells the true stories of modern day slaves and their traffickers. Two hundred years since the abolition of the trans-Atlantic space trade, virtually every country in the world is affected by trafficking. 'Sold' is based on original interviews conducted this year and has been created by the company of actors and designers under the direction of Complicite Associate, Catherine Alexander, who created 'The Boy from Centreville' performed at Edinburgh Fringe in 2008. CAST - BA (HONS) ACTING COLLABORATIVE AND DEVISED THEATRE Fisayo Akinade - Gbenga Nadia Balfe - Gina/Mara Jordan Dawes - Danny/Luan Palkici Laura Dewey - Denise Marshall/Natalia Nicholas Hart - Jack Sara Hirsch - Claudia Schmidt Peter Hobday - Krisjãnis Magnus McCullagh - Iain/Alex Elizabeth Menabney - Anna Puzova/Police Officer John Montegrande - James/Andreas Peter Randall - Anthony Steen Cherrelle Skeete - Oliviette/Adjo Sarah Vevers - Christina Caine Paula Videniece - Aija Rhiannon Wallace - Carys Miles Yekinni - Tayo/Leo PRODUCTION TEAM - BA (HONS) THEATRE PRACTICE STUDENTS Sarah Beaton - Set and Costume Design Samantha Buckmaster - Costume Supervisor Gareth Wide - Lighting Design/Programmer Douglas Green - Video/Projection Design Peter Malkin - Sound Design James Nicholson - Sound Design Tal Landsman - Production Manager Elliot Bennet - Technical Manager Nikita Wolski - Stage Manager Sally Inch - Deputy Stage Manager Ellie Phillips - Assistant Stage Manager Sam Jeffs - Chief Electrician Kieran O'Brien - Media Production/Programmer CREATIVE TEAM Catherine Alexander - Director Andrew London - Assistant Director Max Mackintosh - Assistant Director Tara McAllister-Viel - Vocal Support Marina Tyndall - Accent Coach CHARACTER BIOGRAPHIES AND SOURCES Luan & Natalia Luan Plakici is an Albanian immigrant who was convicted of human trafficking in 2002. He was the first person to be tried under the new UK human trafficking laws and sentenced to 24 years in prison. Scenes are based on media reports about Luan and interviews with Denise Marshall. Danny & James In the north of England forced labour is a consistent underlying problem. These characters are based on original interviews with two Mancunians who have a connection with this issue. They have asked to remain anonymous. Tayo & Gbenga This storyline is based on accounts of boys and young men trafficked to the Ivory Coast to be used as forced labour. Taken from their homes in places such as Nigeria and Mali, these boys work on cocoa and sugar plantations. Much of the chocolate on sale in this country has links to slave about in Africa. The starting point for this storyline is the YouTube video: 'Chocolate, not so sweet after all'. (www.fairtrade.org.uk) Anthony Steen Anthony was a Conservative MP for Totnes. He is the chairman of The Human Trafficking Foundation and has been instrumental in raising UK governmental awareness of human trafficking. Character is based on original interviews with Anthony Steen. (www.allpartygrouphumantrafficking.org) Denise Marshall Denise is the director os Eaves and The Poppy Project: these organisations campaign for the freedom and rights of trafficked women. Character is based on original interviews with Denise Marshall. (www.eaves4women.co.uk) Jack & Carys One of the more sophisticated forms of coercion is the 'Loverboy'. A 'Loverboy' lures young girls into boyfriend/girlfriend relationships before cutting them off from family and friends and trafficking them from one town to another. (www.mydangerousloverboy.com) Aija & Krisjãnis These young Latvians came to the UK on legal passports with the promise of legitimate work and found themselves the victims of human trafficking. Storyline based on original interviews with sources who wish to remain anonymous. Oliviette Many people trafficked to the UK are enslaved as domestic servants in private homes. Some start as servants in their home countries, but when they are illegally transported to other countries to continue working they find themselves trapped. Storyline based on several sources which have been fictionalised. - 'Enslaved: The New British Slavery' by Ramila Gupta Anna Puzova Anna Puzova was the first woman in the UK to be convicted of child trafficking. As a mother with eight children named on her passport, she was easily able to traffic children from Italy to UK. Scenes are fictionalised based upon interviews with Superintendent Bernie Gravett, Metropolitan Police. Christine Caine Christine is a Christian leader from Sydney, Australia. She is actively involved in supporting victims of human trafficking through the A21 campaign. This character is created using verbatim text from Christine's YouTube videos. (www.thea21campaign.org) Andreas Andreas is a Greek immigrant who has integrated himself into the criminal underworld of Soho. The character is based on encounters with a source whose anonymity we wish to protect. Mara Mara is a Latvian masseuse whose career has been ruined following an accident. She awoke with amnesia and injuries which, she believes, resulted from being sold for sex whilst unconscious. Story based on original interviews with Mara Vaitkuse. Other Sources * UN Office on drugs and crime: www.undoc.org * US Trafficking in Persons' Report: www.state.gov * The Bible, Leviticus 25:44 * The Koran, The Believers 23:1 * London School of Hygiene and Medicine * Stop Trafficking Now: www.sctnow.org * 'Designing Trafficking Research From a Labour Market Perspective', by Beate Andrees and Mariska N. J. Van Der Linden * 'Stop the Traffic: People Shouldn't Be Bought and Sold', by Steve Chalke

Tämä tutkimus käsittelee suojeluvastuun periaatetta, jota analysoidaan erityisesti Etelä-Sudanin konfliktin kontekstissa. YK:ssa ja YK:n turvallisuusneuvostossa kehitetty suojeluvastuu on poliittinen käsite, jolla on oikeudellisia seuraamuksia. Suojeluvastuussa on kyse ihmisoikeuksien toteutumisesta, joita tarkastellaan neljää vakavaa ihmisoikeusrikkomusta vasten: kansanmurha, sotarikokset, rikokset ihmisyyttä vastaan sekä etniset puhdistukset. Nämä rikkomukset on edelleen määritelty Kansainvälisen rikostuomioistuimen Rooman perussäännössä. YK:n keskeisiä tavoitteita on normatiivisen kehityksen edistäminen sekä kansainvälisen rauhan ja turvallisuuden ylläpitäminen sen peruskirjan mukaisesti. Suojeluvastuun periaate hyväksyttiin YK:n yleiskokouksen huippukokouksessa vuonna 2005. Tämä oli merkittävä poliittinen, moraalinen ja eettinen kannanotto suhteessa kaikkein vakavimpiin ihmisoikeusrikkomuksiin. YK:n pääsihteeri laati vuonna 2009 kolmen pilarin strategian suojeluvastuun toteuttamiseksi. Ensimmäinen pilari viittaa valtioiden vastuuseen suojella väestöään; toinen pilari puolestaan viittaa kansainvälisen yhteisön vastuuseen auttaa valtioita tässä tehtävässä ja kolmas pilari viittaa edelleen kansainvälisen yhteisön vastuuseen toimia oikea-aikaisesti ja päättäväisesti kyetäkseen suojelemaan väestöä mainituilta rikkomuksilta mikäli valtio itse ei ole siihen kykenevä. Nämä kolme pilaria käsitetään tässä tutkimuksessa suojeluvastuun diskursiivisiksi käytännöiksi. YK ei ole kuitenkaan kyennyt suojelemaan siviiliväestöä aseellisissa konflikteissa erityisen tehokkaasti, vaikka suojeluvastuun käytäntöjen kautta siihen olisi mahdollisuus. Tätä ristiriitaa tarkastellaan tutkimuksessa Etelä-Sudanin konfliktin kautta. Sen lisäksi, että huomio kiinnittyy usein epäonnistumisiin suojeluvastuun periaatteen mukaisessa toiminnassa, tulisi YK:n ja turvallisuusneuvoston toimintaa tarkastella tässä yhteydessä myös niiden luoman normatiivisen muutoksen ja kehityksen kautta. Tutkimuksessa selvitetään kuinka YK:n ja turvallisuusneuvoston diskursiiviset ja sosiaaliset käytännöt mahdollistavat suojeluvastuun ja kuinka nämä käytännöt muuttavat tai ylläpitävät kansainvälisen yhteisön primääri-instituutioita kuten ihmisoikeuksia, suvereniteettia ja suurvaltainstituutioita ja tätä kautta mahdollistavat kansainvälisen yhteisön muutosta. Ihmisoikeudet, suvereniteetti ja suurvaltainstituutio ymmärretään myös suojeluvastuun perusperiaatteiksi. Tutkimuskysymyksen ensimmäinen osa käsittelee YK:n ja turvallisuusneuvoston roolia kaikkein vakavimpien ihmisoikeusrikkomusten ehkäisemisessä ja niihin vastaamisessa. Toinen osa liittyy YK:n ja turvallisuusneuvoston sekä Kansainvälisen rikostuomioistuimen kaltaisten sekundääri-instituutioiden rooliin kansainvälisten suhteiden englantilaisen koulukunnan instituutioiden muutosta koskevassa teoreettisessa keskustelussa. Tutkimuksessa argumentoidaan että suojeluvastuun mahdollistamisella YK ja turvallisuusneuvosto myötävaikuttavat tavoitteidensa mukaisesti kansainväliseen rauhaan ja turvallisuuteen. Tutkimuksen teoreettinen viitekehys rakentuu kansainvälisten suhteiden englantilaisen koulukunnan ja instituutioiden muutosta käsittelevän teoretisoinnin sekä konstruktivismin ja eettisten näkökohtien tarkastelun varaan. Eettiset näkökohdat huomioidaan erityisesti englantilaiseen koulukuntaan liitettyjen käsitteiden pluralismi ja solidarismi kautta. Tutkimuksen menetelmälliset suuntaviivat muodostuvat tavoista tarkastella turvallisuusneuvoston käytäntöjä suojeluvastuuta rakentavina käytäntöinä osana suojeluvastuun muodostamaa normatiivista viitekehystä. Lisäksi analyysissä hyödynnetään eettisen päättelyn kriteereitä, koska suojeluvastuukäytäntöjen tulisi olla eettisesti päteviä. Tutkimuksen primääriaineisto ajalta 2011–2015 muodostuu YK:n, turvallisuusneuvoston, yleiskokouksen, Ihmisoikeusneuvoston, Afrikan Unionin sekä YK:n rauhanturvaoperaation UNMISSin Etelä-Sudania koskevista päätöslauselmista, keskusteluista, dokumenteista, raporteista ja lausunnoista. Analyysin perusteella turvallisuusneuvoston suojeluvastuukäytännöistä, jotka liittyivät valtion rakentumiseen, siviilien suojeluun, pakotteiden asettamiseen ja rauhansopimuksen saavuttamiseen, voidaan päätelminä esittää, että rauhanturvaoperaatio UNMISSin mandaatit muuttuivat Etelä-Sudanin konfliktin muuttuessa ja vastaavasti käytännöt muuttuivat. YK ja turvallisuusneuvosto mahdollistavat suojeluvastuun rakentumisen ja nämä käytännöt ilmentävät sekä pluralistisia että solidaristisia periaatteita. Voidaan esittää, että muutokset käytännöissä olivat merkityksellisiä sekä suojeluvastuun rakentumiselle että kansainvälisen yhteisön primääri-instituutioille. Ihmisoikeudet saattavat olla ensisijaisia suhteessa suvereniteettiin joidenkin käytäntöjen kohdalla ja tämä suurvaltainstituution myötävaikutuksella. Primääri- ja sekundääri-instituutiot ovat konstitutiivisessa suhteessa. Analyysissa havaittiin myös joitakin uusia käytäntöjä. Esimerkiksi UNMISS avasi tukikohtansa pakeneville siviileille, mikä oli eettisesti oikea ratkaisu. Myös uusia ongelmatilanteita syntyi, koska turvallisuusneuvosto ei halunnut toiminnallaan tukea vakavia ihmisoikeusrikkomuksia tehneitä tahoja kuten Etelä-Sudanin hallitusta. Turvallisuusneuvosto ei kyennyt siirtämään Etelä-Sudanin tilannetta Kansainväliselle rikostuomioistuimelle, vaikka tehdyistä rikkomuksista keskusteltiin turvallisuusneuvoston kokouksissa. Suvereniteetti on ensisijainen suhteessa ihmisoikeuksiin, mutta kuitenkin niin että rankaisemattomuuden periaate ei ole enää koskematon. Rauhanturvaoperaatio UNMISSin mandaatit olivat myös varsin laajoja heijastellen Etelä-Sudanin konfliktin moninaisuutta, mutta ilman riittäviä resursseja. Tätä kautta voidaan osaltaan selittää sitä, miksi niin usein ajatellaan YK:n ja turvallisuusneuvoston epäonnistuneen tehtävissään. Yhteenvetona voidaan esittää, että pluralismi ja solidarismi ilmenevät kansainvälisessä yhteisössä samanaikaisesti konstituoiden turvallisuusneuvoston toimintaa ja roolia kansainvälisen yhteisön institutionaalisessa kehityksessä, jatkuvuudessa ja muutoksessa. ; This doctoral dissertation studies the concept of responsibility to protect (R2P), especially in the context of the South Sudan conflict. R2P is a political concept, developed at the UN and United Nations Security Council (UNSC), which deals with preventing and responding to genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing. These are atrocity crimes as defined in the Rome Statute of International Criminal Court (ICC). R2P is about human rights and human rights violations, and although it is a political concept, it has legal consequences. Normative development is one of the UN's main aims. The UN develops norms and standards according to its Charter and to implement its Charter, thus contributing to its fundamental aim of maintaining international peace and security. R2P was accepted at the UN World Summit in 2005, an important event in the international consensus on moral and ethical sentiment on mass atrocities. In 2009, the UN Secretary General developed a three-pillar approach for implementing R2P, in which Pillar I refers to the "protection responsibilities of the State", Pillar II refers to "international assistance and capacitybuilding" and Pillar III to "timely and decisive response of international community". These pillars are discursive practices of R2P. However, the UN and UNSC have not been able to do well in situations of grave human rights violations in armed conflicts, although the international community has a developed system of practices for mass atrocity prevention, namely R2P. How could this paradox be perceived in the South Sudan conflict situation? When discussing the UN and UNSC, it is good to see their long-term developments and achievements instead of only focusing on their failures and catastrophes. My research question regards how UN and UNSC practices, both discursive and social practices, constitute R2P and how they may change or maintain primary institutions – human rights, sovereignty, great power management – of international society and thus affect the nature of international society. The first part of the question refers to the UNSC's role in preventing and responding to mass atrocities, and the second part refers to the role of secondary institutions, the UN, UNSC and ICC, in the English School (ES) theory of international society and institutional change. The question especially concerns how these practices of mass atrocity prevention create and are created by the primary institutions of international society, the mentioned sovereignty, human rights and great power management, which are at the same time basic principles of the R2P. The theoretical framework is constructed with the help of the ES of international relations and constructivist and ethical considerations. Ethical considerations are significant and are discussed in terms of pluralism and solidarism, ES concepts which define different moral frames and possibilities for moral action. The methodological approach proceeds from "deeds to words", meaning how practices construct R2P. It is important to consider UNSC practices for preventing mass atrocities in South Sudan relative to the normative framework R2P has created and thus being able to analyse how the UNSC may change or maintain R2P and whether these practices could be ethically considered as R2P competent. Ethical considerations and reasoning provide criteria for analysing political debates at the UNSC. The primary research material consists of relevant UN, UNSC, General Assembly, Human Rights Council, African Union, United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) resolutions, documents, reports, and statements concerning South Sudan during the period of the study 2011- to 2015. Based on the analysis of UNSC practices in South Sudan to prevent and respond to mass atrocities in practices of state-building, protection of civilians, sanctions regime, and peace agreement, it is suggested as a contribution of this study that the mandates of the UNMISS were changing as a response to changes in the South Sudan conflict and respective UNSC practices. All pillars of R2P were used. Thus, the UNSC and the ICC constituted R2P, and as practices, reflected both pluralist and solidarist moral frames. Further, it could be suggested that these changes in practices not only affected R2P, but also had effects on primary institutions of international society, the relation between human rights, sovereignty and great power management. At times, human rights superseded sovereignty, with the help of great power management, thus affecting the nature of international society. There were new practices to protect civilians; the UNMISS opened its base to fleeing civilians, and there were new problems as the UNSC did not want to protect perpetrators (the South Sudan government), and it changed the UNMISS mandate not to do so. These were ethically competent actions. However, the UNSC faced limits, as it could not refer the South Sudan case to the ICC, although mass atrocities were committed in South Sudan by all, and it was discussed openly at the UNSC. Sovereignty superseded human rights, but impunity is no longer intact in international society. The UNMISS mandates were "impossible mandates", and capacities and obligations were not in balance. This in part may explain why and how UN peace operations cannot meet the expectations of international community. To conclude, it is suggested that pluralism and solidarism exist at the same time in international society, thus making the UNSC's working and the role of secondary institutions in institutional continuity and change more understandable.

Concerning the Israeli war in Gaza, former President Donald J. Trump is making headlines again, telling Fox News that "you have to finish it up and do it quickly and get back to the world of peace. We need peace in the world…we need peace in the Middle East."Trump also continues to expose his long-standing grievances with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, saying, "He has been hurt very badly because of what's happened here. He was not prepared. He was not prepared, and Israel was not prepared."This is not the first time Trump has expressed open criticism of Netanyahu. In the aftermath of his loss to Joe Biden in 2020, Trump recounted Netanhayu's congratulatory call to Biden, grumbling that he "hadn't spoken to" the Israeli prime minister since leaving office, so "f**k him."This week, in an interview with the Israeli newspaper Israel Hayom, however, Trump seemed to go further on why he thought the war should end."We gotta get to peace, we can't have this going on. And I will say, Israel has to be very careful, because you're losing a lot of the world, you're losing a lot of support," he said.When asked about fears that anti-Semitism is on the rise across the globe, he referred back to the optics of civilian death and destruction."Well, that's because you fought back," he said. "And I think Israel made a very big mistake. I wanted to call [Israel] and say don't do it. These photos and shots. I mean, moving shots of bombs being dropped into buildings in Gaza. And I said, Oh, that's a terrible portrait. It's a very bad picture for the world. The world is seeing this … every night, I would watch buildings pour down on people."Even when asked about Hamas presence in the civilian buildings, Trump said, "Go and do what you have to do. But you don't do that."Does he mean Israel should stop bombing civilians, or allowing pictures that show the world they are doing it? The ambiguity is leading observers to read into it what they will. Maybe that's the point.Indeed, Trump has revealed little about his views on the Gaza war, from the possibility of a ceasefire to what might happen when the fighting eventually stops. It is difficult to suss out more, as he has offered little elaboration on the campaign trail.He does call progressive Democrats demanding a ceasefire "lunatics" who "hate Israel." He said recently that Jews who vote Democratic hate Israel and "hate their religion."On the Biden administration itself: "frankly, they got soft," he told Fox News in early March, adding that the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks would have never happened if he were still president — and nor would the Russian invasion of Ukraine. He doesn't explain why but insists that his maximum pressure campaign kept Iran "broke" so that it wouldn't have had the resources to give Hamas.So given these scattershot comments over the last several weeks, can we actually discern what a U.S. policy toward Israel and the Palestinians might look like if Trump won the November election and was installed as the 47th president in January 2025? Maybe it's best to go beyond his exhortations and take a look at the record instead.Clues, past and presentFirst, regarding Trump's recent comments, we would caution that any impatience with Netanyahu is bipartisan, widely shared, and growing, with Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer's recent remarks serving as a good gauge of the center-left establishment's feeling about the Israeli leader.So far Trump's comments, however, bear more resemblance to the rightwing establishment's feelings about Netanyahu: frustration that his government fell down in failing to anticipate the Oct. 7 attacks. But Trump and the pro-Israel right save most of their fire for Biden, who they accuse of not giving Netanyahu enough now that the fight against Hamas is on.Further, the idea that Trump might be cautioning restraint in the Israel-Gaza war when he makes comments about "peace" would seem to be belied by the people with which he has surrounded himself over the years. His son-in-law, Jared Kushner, for example, who served as a close foreign policy adviser on the Middle East during Trump's presidency, has long, personal ties with the Netanyahu family. Just recently, he gave an interview to Harvard University in which he suggested Palestinian refugees might be sheltered in the Israel desert outside of Gaza and may never come back. He also said that the Palestinians should not get their own state because that would be "rewarding" them for the terrorism of Hamas.And Trump's current coterie of foreign policy advisers, including former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, retired General Keith Kellogg, campaign adviser Jason Miller, former U.N. ambassador Richard Grenell, and Fred Fleitz are not known to be doves on any foreign policy issues, least of all Israel-Palestine. Those currently being floated as potential 2024 running mates — among them Tulsi Gabbard, Tim Scott, Sarah Huckabee, Elise Stefanik, and Ron DeSantis — are all equally pro-Israel.And then there is the 45th president's record while in office. His actions with regard to Israel-Palestine could in no sense be construed as balanced, much less restrained. Trump's appointment of Israel Lobby figure David Friedman as U.S. ambassador to Israel, the decision to move (in violation of international law) the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem, and his formal acknowledgment of Israel's territorial claims on the Golan Heights signaled a close alignment with the policy objectives of the Israeli hardline right and, in many ways, his top donors. Friedman, by the way, just posted on X. In response to Vice President Kamala Harris's comments that Gazans would have nowhere to go in the event of a Rafah invasion, he declared that "Egypt and other Arab countries" are an option.Friedman also opposes a two-state solution and is instead pushing a Future of Judea & Samaria plan, which claims that it is Israel's right to annex the territory of the West Bank. Trump told the aforementioned Israel Hayom newspaper that he planned to meet with Friedman to hear out his plan.Trump's biggest donors past and present support a hardline pro-Israel, anti-Iran posture, including Tim Dunn, Bernie Marcus, and of course the Adelson family, which gave over $424 million to Trump and Republican Party causes from 2016-2020 with a primary intent of shaping the U.S-Israel relationship in favor of the hardline political right. The Adelsons — Sheldon, who died in 2021, and his wife Miriam — were especially fired up against the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), also known as the Iran nuclear deal, which was signed by President Obama in 2015. Netanyahu by the way hated that deal so much he engaged in a one-man PR campaign against it, including telling a joint session of Congress in 2015 that it was an "historic mistake" and would "guarantee" that Iran gets nuclear weapons. When Trump took office he tore the JCPOA up and launched a years-long maximum pressure campaign against the Islamic republic. The Iranian nuclear program has only expanded since.Meanwhile, Miriam Adelson recently met with Trump at his Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida this month, and in Las Vegas last month. Still more, Trump's base of support in the election may very well hang on the enthusiastic buy-in of Christian evangelicals, over half of whom cite support of Israel as a critical issue. What kind of a seat at the policy table will donors and these other interested parties get in a second Trump administration is a fair question. Conservatives not minding 'the third rail'None of this proves that Trump is necessarily in full capture of the right's hardliners today. Major conservative voices that Trump ostensibly listens to have come out publicly for a more restrained policy in Gaza. Tucker Carlson has said the U.S. lost its "moral authority" because it has refused to call for a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas.Meanwhile tech billionaire David Sacks has said it is not in Israel's best interest to support it unconditionally. "Historically it has been the American role to encourage the Israelis, basically, not to go to the limit, but to kind of pull them back before they do something that is frankly not in their own interest, nevermind ours," he told Breaking Points host Saagar Enjeti. "And Biden kind of missed the opportunity to do that, to set some boundaries on what America is willing to support…It's pretty obvious that indiscriminately bombing a population is gonna backfire."And conservative bomb-thrower Candace Owens, who was fired from the Daily Wire last week, has been batting away charges of anti-Semitism, in part, she says, because she's questioned Israel's policy in Gaza and because she doesn't believe "that American taxpayers should have to pay for Israel's wars or the wars of any other country." Without mentioning Israel by name, Owens posted on X, "No government anywhere has a right to commit a genocide, ever. There is no justification for a genocide. I can't believe this even needs to be said or is even considered the least bit controversial to state."So, while the Israel issue remains a "third rail" in mainstream conservative circles, it may not be an entirely foregone conclusion, yet, in Trump world.In the end, Trump may just wait to see how the war in Gaza will affect his opponent, who, by most measures, is suffering every day it goes on, particularly with his own base. Trying to divine if the situation would be "better" or "worse" under Biden or Trump is a popular Washington parlor game right now, though reality is very much a hellscape for the people of Israel and in Gaza, no matter what our politicians are saying.

The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ; This is an oral history interview with Samuel C. Powell. Mr. Powell discusses the failure of Ogden State Bank, his experiences as attorney for the Utah Construction Company, and the building of the Ogden Arsenal, the Defense Depot, etc. ; 16p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Samuel C. Powell Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Samuel C. Powell Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Copyright © 2016 by Weber State University, Stewart Library iii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. The working files, original recording, and archival copies are housed in the University Archives. Project Description The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The forty-five interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management This work is the property of the Weber State University, Stewart Library Oral History Program. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Powell, Samuel C., an oral history by Mack S. Taft, circa 1960s, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. 1 Abstract: This is an oral history interview with Samuel C. Powell. Mr. Powell discusses the failure of Ogden State Bank, his experiences as attorney for the Utah Construction Company, and the building of the Ogden Arsenal, the Defense Depot, etc. The interviewer is Mack Taft. MT: Would you please give us your profession and where you practiced? SP: I was an attorney at law. I practiced in Ogden, Utah. I've been in this building ever since I started to practice law outside of the time that I was in the military service during World War I. But I still maintained an office and I've been here 56 years. MT: What were some of the problems of the attorney during the Depression years? SP: The attorney suffered like everyone else did. The problem of getting sufficient clientele and business, money was tight and people couldn't afford to pay what they might have otherwise if you didn't have the Depression. Many of the young attorneys who started at that time were having a very difficult time. It happened that I had built up a clientele that was representative of people that had connections and wealth that I went through the Depression very easily with the exception of my investments when they went down. As an example, you buy Utah Power and Light stock, preferred stock, for $110 and $100, 6 and 7 percent stock. I rode it down to $10 a share and back up. Stocks were the same way. Of course, back in New York, like one of my friends said, those people who suffered when the stock market dropped not only lost their wealth, but they threw themselves out of windows. They committed suicide because of it. No one knows today what it meant to go through that Depression. 2 MT: What do you remember about the Ogden State Bank? SP: The Ogden State Bank failed in 1931, I believe, and of course it was an old bank, a well-established bank here for years. And the bank closed. My own connection with it was that on Friday before it closed, I heard a rumor that it might be closing, and I went over there to the bank to see whether I'd take my money out of the bank. I had $4,000, I think it was, in a savings account there. My principle bank was the First Security, but I had shifted over there on this. So I decided that I wouldn't take it out. On Monday morning, I was going by the bank and there was a great big sign, "Closed by the bank commission." It had a very serious effect on Ogden and Weber County. In fact, I think in the whole state. You had the same situation down in Salt Lake. You had the Deseret Bank, which was about ready to go under, and Marriner Eccles and Browning and the interests - E. G. Bennett was director then - finally took it over, and that's how they got that present building down there. I happen to be familiar with that very well. I had a connection with it. Another incident; I don't remember the name of the vice president of the bank in New York, but I was attorney for the Utah Construction Company, I guess it was, and I was in New York, and I had a letter of introduction for the vice president of this bank. So I went up to see him, and I wanted to get some tickets to a theater. I finally got them through him and some other things, and I became quite well acquainted with him and got talking about this Depression. One morning about two in the morning, I received a call from Heber J. Grant. He said, "We're having trouble. We need several million dollars." Now, I 3 don't know whether that was Zion's or First National, or whatever, but anyway it was the church bank. He said, "We need this money. Get it out to us as quickly as you can." And it was several million dollars. I forget just what it was. And they put it in the window and said, "Come on, and get it if you want it." Well, that, I guess, saved the bank from closing. And afterward he came out west here, and he was talking with Heber J. Grant - or it was Adams, I don't remember which. He said, "For what you have done, we will show you the assets of the church." And he showed them to no one else. But it was just indicative of what happened over the whole state, in fact over the whole country. Businesses were failing, bankruptcy courts were filled with petitions for relief, and the government had enacted the law in relation to the RFC and another financing law. Something along the line of what they're doing now to help Lockheed. And they were trying also to get things going. Of course it was a worldwide Depression. Poor Old Hoover got the blame for it. I went down to the depot, and I remember I never saw a sadder man in my life. He was going through, and everyone was blaming Hoover. You had Roosevelt, who was elected and Roosevelt - he wanted Roosevelt to step in and do something before he got out of office. He agreed upon the thing, and Roosevelt would not do it until after he got in office and then he closed all the banks. All the banks were closed for a week or two. I don't know whether it was that long, maybe only a week. They finally opened up. 4 They tried to weed out the ones that they thought wouldn't stand up, and I don't recall how, if they made loans or not. One of the problems that we had here, was that people were thrown out of employment. Now I was the attorney, as I said, for three of the directors on this Ogden State Bank affair, and this is a report that was given to John A. Mailai, who was the bank commissioner. It was a confidential report, but I did get it. And afterward I made a settlement in behalf of all the directors in connection with the bank. But the closing of the Ogden State Bank was the thing that hit Ogden harder than anything else. MT: Do you recall how much you received out of the liquidation of the bank? SP: I believe it was about 76 percent. It should have been more if they had hung on to the assets and gradually liquidated, but they pressed a lot of them, and I think it was about 76 percent. See, that was owned, or the majority stock owned by the Bigelows, A. P. Bigelow, and H. C. Bigelow. They were bankers who came here from Nebraska in the early days and started the Ogden State Bank. During that time I was in the Ogden Chamber of Commerce, and I was on the Military Affairs Committee of the Ogden Chamber of Commerce, and we were trying to rehabilitate the Ogden Arsenal. Now the Ogden Arsenal had been originally built after World War I, and we had a bad windstorm come down Weber Canyon and cut across the sand ridge there, and blow down most of the magazines they had constructed. They were made out of brick. I don't know why they used that. And so the Work Progress Administration had the people who were unemployed doing a lot of foolish things. One thing up around Lester Park, 5 they were taking the dirt out from under the grass and lowering it in places, just creating jobs that didn't mean anything at all. So a group of us got together, and we decided that we were going to try to use it for some kind of benefit to the community and state. So we got permission from the Works Progress Administration to start the reconstruction of the magazines and rehabilitate the Ogden Arsenal. And so we spent money in that matter until we could get an appropriation through Congress to complete it. So we went out there and built the igloo type magazine, which was the Navy type of strong base, wide base of concrete and then up with a thin ceiling. So that if there was an explosion, it went up in the air, it didn't scatter sideways as much. And that was how all this military started after 1920 when they originally built that after World War I. And that led from the Ogden Arsenal to Hill Field and then the Defense Depot and the Davis Supply Depot down at Clearfield. But there were about five of us that did most of the work in connection with getting that started. The Chamber of Commerce bought land and gave it to the government, drilled wells out there, military springs brought down from the mouth where the Job Corps is piped in down to the Ogden Arsenal. They were trying and yet interesting days. If you were young enough, then why, you could take it. You got some enjoyment out of doing something worthwhile. I was president of the Chamber of Commerce then and afterward when Hill Field was being activated, and our first officer was Colonel Burman in charge, and then later on the Defense Depot came up, and we were working hard to get it. I got a telegram from the Secretary of War Stimpson, and he said, "If the OCC 6 will raise $100,000 to help buy the land there, you can get the site there in Ogden. But you have to have information back to my office by 10 am." Well, I called a meeting and we got all the directors of the Chamber of Commerce, the city commissioner, and county commissioner, and other prominent people around here, in Ogden to pledge $100,000. That's how we got the Ogden Defense Depot. MT: Are there any of the city or county commissioners that are still living now, Mr. Powell? SP: Frank Browning was in on it with me. Harold Hemingway was in on it. There's no one living with the exception of Ezra Felstead, who was secretary of our Chamber of Commerce now, that was very active in it at all. MT: Would you compare for me a young attorney starting now with one starting during the Depression years? SP: The young attorneys now starting have so many more avenues to make money. There's a greater demand for attorneys than there was when I first started. And of course the economy of the area is much better. There is more opportunity. I might say that I was kind of halfway in between. There were the old-time attorneys that were out here in the territorial days that were admitted practice. And they were individualists, and they had an idea that the only way they could make money was in the trial of lawsuits. Well, the whole picture has changed to a great extent. The workman's compensation law came along and a lot of them complained about it, and the Federal Employees Act, which made compulsory settlements and took away the lawsuits that were made in that connection. 7 And also in the early days here in Utah, a great deal of the legal work was done in the bishop's court. As a matter of fact, I've heard it said that the church did not encourage their young people to become lawyers in the early 1890s, and where people came to me with little things who I knew were members of the church, I would refer them back and say, "Why don't you go back to your bishop's court and get this thing settled?" Now I don't know. I'm not a member, and I don't know whether they still have the bishop's courts or not. MT: Do you remember any interesting experiences that you recall during those times that would indicate the economy or spirit of the times? SP: Of course during your practice, you have a number of interesting experiences and losses and things that way. I've been an attorney for the Weber County School Board for 46 years. I was county attorney, I think in 1924, and prior to that time, the county attorney had taken care of that business. And so when I got out of office they asked me if I would stay, and I have ever since then. And I've been attorney for Ogden City Schools for fifteen years, up until last year when I decided that I had too much to do. I'm trying to reduce some of my practice. My work principally now is probate and corporation work, and I've tried to eliminate a lot. I won't take a divorce action, and I haven't for a number of years, and I won't take a number of things. I was attorney for the Utah Construction Company when they sold ranches out of Nevada, which involved a large transaction and transfer of property. I don't recall the exact numbers, but they extended into Nevada, Utah, and Idaho, 8 probably 500,000 acres of land, and another 500,000 tied up in forestry and public lands. MT: Were there many cases in the courts to recover debts and properties and so forth? SP: Yes, there were a lot of foreclosures, and then there was, of course, congressional action taken forbidding them, and there were a lot of bonds. You took out a federal home owner's loan. I represented a party in Salt Lake who had a large amount of money involved in mortgages on homes, and we took bonds in place of it. Of course they finally paid out. But in order to save the homes of people, that legislation was enacted. And it worked out very well during those times. MT: What do you remember about the government programs during that time that came out to assist the individual? Were there projects here that you recall? SP: Well, there were projects around here. I don't remember exactly. Most of it was in relation to public buildings and grounds and so forth to improve it. And the principle thing, and where most of it went, was out here at the Ogden Arsenal. There were some dams - Pineview Dam came along, the Echo Dam. The Echo Dam came first. And of course after that you had the Utah Construction Company and six other companies building the Hoover Dam down here, and the Utah Construction Company was the leader in that. W. H. Wattis was the first president. Now that was built during the Depression. MT: Do you have any recollection of any projects done by the CC Camps? 9 SP: Yes, there were a number of CC Camps around here. I remember one of them that we got working with the road going up to Snow Basin and the CCC were all through the forests. Mostly the Forest Service took them, and this was the headquarters for the Forest Service for Utah, Wyoming, and part of Montana and Nevada. But, undoubtedly, that did a lot for the young people. The Job Corps is kind of a successor to it, but in a different way. MT: Are there things that you recall from those years that you think might be good for people to experience? SP: Well, this may be kind of harsh, but sometimes I think we need a good Depression in order to jerk the people up and find out where we're going. I'm not in sympathy with all this give-away. We're running into the ground, nobody wants to work. We're having our problems on the account of that and everybody wants a high salary. And I don't want to say this in a prejudicial way, but I think that the unions are destroying our country right at the present time. You're getting salaries up so high, and the production isn't going along. At the same time we've got the Japanese taking over the camera business, they've taken over the television, they've taken over the building of ships, the manufacturing of steel, and their salaries are nowhere near what ours are. And we can't compete in the world market, so those who are doing those things are cutting their people. I don't think we have any patriotism in this country any more. I think if we had an invasion, we wouldn't stand up and fight like we would have done during the First World War. At that time, I experienced that because I was in it, but we had extreme patriotism. We haven't anything like that now. 10 We went through that experience, of course, and we didn't have the controls that we have now on the economy, and we just waited it out. Before we never heard about depressions. We heard about panics. We had the panic of 1907, and we had a panic back in the 90s. I heard my mother and father talk about it, and it just kind of worked itself out. But the Depression of 1930 was really worldwide. Hoover wasn't to blame for it, and yet he got all the blame. And I criticize Roosevelt severely in my own thinking. We became great because we were willing to work and we had certain principles that we lived by. We went and cut off all the stuff to Europe, and he went over to Europe and borrowed all the stuff that we did not adopt and brought it back into the so-called New Deal to take care of you from the cradle to the grave. Well, what's resulted? A weak people, in my opinion. Sometimes some of these young attorneys come to me and say, "How can I be successful?" And I say, "How much are you saving?" And they say, "Oh, I'm not saving anything." And I say, "If you can't save money, I don't care whether it's five dollars a month or ten dollars a month, and create a habit of saving, the spirit of success is not in you." Which is true. And if you're a lawyer and you have any kind of clientele, if you have saved money, you bet your clients will come to you and say, "Do you want to make some money? Here's something that you should get in on." That's been the experience with me. And if you have the money to make the investment, you'll make money. You see, the income tax law became effective March 15, 1913. Now you take these old timers that had accumulated, like David Eccles and all 11 these wealthy people that came in here. They could save everything that they made. But in 1913 you start in with the income tax law, and it was very low at that time, very low. And then we got into all these wars, and we got into terrible indebtedness, and consequently they kept increasing it and increasing it until the average person cannot save everything because so much is taken away from them. The only way they can get ahead is to save what they can and make investments on long-term gains in the industries of this country, and grow with the industry. Now they're trying to put a law through instead of fixing a value on stocks or assets, that each person at the time of their death, to establish the amount of inheritance tax you pay to the state of Utah, or the federal or state tax. They want to go back and say, "How much did it cost you when you originally bought it?" Well, that means the destruction of wealth. The cost would be terrific for people who have worked hard all their life, and are trying to pass it on to their children on the day of their death. And then they go back and pick it up after that and it destroys the whole thing.

Correspondent banking services are essential to enabling companies and individuals to transact internationally and make cross-border payments. Recently there have been indications that certain large international banks have started terminating or severely limiting their correspondent banking relationships with smaller local and regional banks from jurisdictions around the world. To find out whether this is indeed happening, the World Bank, with support from the Financial Stability Board (FSB) and the Committee on Payments and Market Infrastructures (CPMI), surveyed banking authorities and banks worldwide to examine the extent of withdrawal from correspondent banking, its drivers, and its implications for financial exclusion/inclusion. In total, 110 banking authorities, 20 large banks, and 170 smaller local and regional banks participated in this exercise. This document includes finding of the survey, conclusions, and recommendations.

This book deals with the role of international standards for corporate governance in the context of corporate social responsibility. Based on the fundamentals of moral theory, the book examines governance and CSR in general, addressing questions such as: Is 'good governance' not affected by moral concerns? How do the principles and practices of CSR standards adhere to or conflict with insights from business ethics and moral theory? To what extent do the standards and governance models provide normative guidance? Do the standards and governance guidelines provide an adequate means of benchmarking and auditing? Are these standards a help or a hindrance to stakeholder engagement and transparency? The book provides insightful and thought-provoking answers to these and many other important questions concerning CSR standards, and offers a valuable resource for practitioners, academics and students at business schools and other institutions. Samuel O. Idowu is a Senior Lecturer in Accounting and Corporate Social Responsibility at London Guildhall Schools of Business Law, London Metropolitan University, UK and a Professor of CSR and Sustainability at Nanjing University of Finance and Economics, China. He is a named freeman of the City of London and researches in the fields of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), Corporate Governance and Accounting. He has led several edited books in CSR and is the Editor-in-Chief of two Springer's reference books - Encyclopedia of Corporate Social Responsibility and Dictionary of Corporate Social Responsibility (forthcoming). He is a Series Editor for Springer's CSR, Sustainability, Ethics and Governance books. One of his edited books was ranked 18th in 2010 Top 40 Sustainability Books by, Cambridge University, Sustainability Leadership Programme.He is on the Editorial Boards of the International Business Administration Journal, Amfiteatru Economic Journal and Management of Environmental Quality: An International Journal.Claus Strue Frederiksen, Ph.D., is a postdoctoral fellow at the University of Copenhagen (philosophy unit). Frederiksen has published several articles about moral philosophy and business ethics in international journals and books and is field editor on the Encyclopedia of Corporate Social Responsibilitypublished by Springer. His current line of research is corporate social responsibility reporting.Asl? Yüksel Mermod is a Professor of Finance in the Department of English Business Administration at Marmara University. She is also a visiting finance professor at Webster University in Geneva, Switzerland since 2004. In addition to her duties at Marmara University she teaches at Bahce?ehir University, Istanbul as visiting finance professor too. Her MBA and PhD degrees are Finance from Marmara University from the University's Banking and Insurance Institute. A.Yüksel Mermod's Bachelor's degree is in Economics; which she obtained from Marmara University's Economics Department, she was also a student of Economics (Volkswirtschaftslehre) at Konstanz University in Germany between 1991 and 1993. Before starting her academic career, Dr. Yüksel Mermod also worked as a public relations manager in Istanbul Convention and Exhibition Center (Lutfi Kirdar) and as an editor, copy writer and accounts director in Mediart and Sanatevi Advertising Agencies. She is fluent in Turkish, English, German languages and intermediate in her French language. Dr. Asli Yüksel Mermod's research areas cover Bank Management, Bank Marketing, Socially Responsible Investing, Ethical, Ecological Finance, Brands and Brands Equity, Financial Markets and Institutions, Financial Services Marketing, Tourism Investments and Corporate Finance. She teaches International Banking, Project Finance, Bank Management, Principles of Finance, Financial Markets and Institutions, International Finance and Financial Services Marketing courses to undergraduates and Bank Funds Management, Project Finance and Management and Banking courses to MBA and Executive MBA students. She instructs Risk Management in Banking and Asset and Liability Management and Strategic Bank Management to PhD candidates and continues her research studies with her PhD students on various projects.Morten Ebbe Juul Nielsen is associate professor in applied philosophy at Copenhagen University, associated with the philosophy department and the institute for food and resource economics. He has published extensively in political philosophy, normative ethics, business ethics, and legal philosophy. He is currently working on two interdisciplinary research projects, Governing Obesity (on personal responsibility and obesity policies) and Global Genes, Local concerns (on the ethics of bio-banking). Key research topics are legitimacy and pluralism, consent, and liberty.

Are apostates executed? - S. 2. Contemporary legal rulings in Shi'i law in accordance with the rulings (fatwa) of Ayatullah al-Uzma al-Sayyid Ali Al-Husayni al-Seestani. - S. 3-8. Motah-Hary, Morteza: Martyr's blood. - S. 9-10. The boilerplate Islamic will. - S. 11-16. Death's comely reward. The suicide bomber's erotic afterlife. - S. 17. Purification and prayer. - S. 18-22. Hitler's promises to the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem. - S. 23-28. Glubb Pasha on the Middle East crisis. - S. 29-41. Parfrey, Adam: Jews in Muslim lands. - S. 42-55. Al-I Ahmad, Jalal: Occidentosis: a plague from the West. - S. 56-60. Qutb, Sayyid: "Do not call Jihad a defense" (from "Milestones", the book that killed its author). - S. 61-67. Maudoodi, Maulana: "Revolutions are never brought about by cowards and the imbecilic". - S. 68-73. The Muslim Brotherhood. - S. 74-79. Banna, Hassan al- (Shaikh, N. M.): Memoirs of Hassan Al-Banna Shaheed, founder of the Muslim Brotherhood. - S. 80-83. Sadat, Anwar: East and West - shall they meet? - S. 84-87. Faraj, Muhammad Abd al-Salam: The book that killed Anwar Sadat and provoked Usamah Bin-Laden's Holy War. - S. 88-89. (...). Yaghi, Edna: "You have made me your human bomb". - S. 94-99. Khaled, Leila: "A fashionable hijack" (from "My people shall live", memoir of the attractive Palestinian revolutionary). - S. 100-115. Arafat, Yasser: "Yasser" means "easy". Yasser Arafat's address to the UN, November 1974. - S. 116-129. Hermoni, Yosef: Gush Emunim's view of Zionism. - S. 130-132. Anthrax should be put in US water supply, says Hamas columnist. - S. 133. Monthly report on the Israeli colonization activities in the West Bank, August 2001. - S. 134-140. Yassin, Ahmed: "The Hebrew state will end in 2027". (Interview). - S. 141-149. (...) "The approaching battle for Jerusalem and the war of Gog and Magog". - S. 167-170. Holy War Ground Zero. - S. 171-188. Dolphin, Lambert: From "There's a war on, folks - the coming tribulation". - S. 189-191. Khomeini, Ruhullah al-Musavi al-: Breaking of ties with the Great Satan, America. - S. 192-193. Khomeini, Ruhullah al-Musavi al-: The den of spies from the Imam's point of view. - S. 194-197. Khomeini, Ruhullah al-Musavi al-: Imam Khomeini's message on the occasion of the Day of Quds, 1981. - S. 198-202. The Shah and Savak are overthrown, but terror is here to stay. - S. 203-207. Shariati, Ali: Blood of the Shahid is the candlelight which gives vision. - S. 206-207. Hussein, Saddam: Saddam Hussein's email to an American citizen in the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. - S. 208-217. Qaddafi, Muammar: The Green Book. - S. 218-223. Abdul Malik: "Jihad, mankind's only hope". - S. 224-227. Algeria, a violent state of mind. - S. 228-230. Nation of Islam, Q and A. - S. 231-237. Farrakhan, Louis: "The great announcement". - S. 238-246. Muslim vs. Muslim. The fatwa against the Nation of Islam. - S. 247-249. Thomson, Ahmad: Dajjal the AntiChrist. - S. 250-252. Murabit, Abdalqadir as-Sufi al-: "Islam and the death of democracy". - S. 253-265. "How can I train myself for Jihad?" - S. 266-273. "Killing infidels in Chechnya". A foreign Mujahid's diary. - S. 274-277. "Genocide: Serbia, 1993". - S. 278-280. Jamal, Heidar: Fundamentalism in Russia. An Interview. - S. 281-284. Restrictions imposed by the Taliban. - S. 285-289. "God's order to kill Americans". Usamah Bin-Laden's 1998 fatwa. - S. 290-292. The final night. - S. 293-297. "Assassinations using poisons and cold steel": al-Qaeda's terror manual brought to Court. - S. 298-303. Bin-Laden, Osama: Bin-Laden thanks Allah for 9/11/01. - S. 304-305. Mohammad, Omar: The prohibited voice of America. Interview. - S. 306-307. Subjct: Bin Laden is a "mother fucker". - S. 308-309. Islam, K. M.: "The infidel Hell" (from "The spectacle of death"). - S. 310-312