Suchergebnisse

Opisuje se oblikovanje sustava informacijskog zakonodavstva u kojem je novi Zakon o tajnosti podataka četvrti dio, pored Zakona o pravu na pristup informacijama, Zakona o zaštiti osobnih podataka i Zakon o medijima. Naglašavaju se temeljne novine, kao i pitanje prevođenja stupnjeva tajnosti prema prethodnim propisima u one prema novom Zakonu. Razmatraju se određene dileme u provedbi novog Zakona, od kojih su neke povezane s kaznenim pravom, a neke s pravom na pristup informacijama javnog sektora. Zanimljivi su postupovni problemi u vezi s testom razmjernosti. Autor upozorava na neusklađenost propisa, nedostatne nadzorne kapacitete, mogućnosti zloporabe propisa o tajnosti podataka, te na potrebu terminološkog i drugog preciziranja pravnih propisa. ; Design of the system of information legislation is described. The new Law on Data Confidentiality is the fourth part of this system, along with the Law on the Access to Public Sector Information, Law on Personal Data Protection, and Media Act. Basic novelties in the Law are stressed, such as the issue of transitional regulation about levels of confidentiality. There are a few dilemmas with regard to implementation of the new Law. Some of them are connected with criminal law, and some with the issue of access to public sector information. An interesting procedural problem is connected with the test of proportionality. The author warns about the gaps in legal regulation, lack of control capacity, possibilities of misusing legal regulation on data confidentiality, and the necessity of terminological and other clarifications in legal regulation.

The paper provides a detailed overview of the existing relationship between the just war theory & international law. It stresses the fact that the two concepts were historically incompatible. The just War theory falls within ethics & appeals to superior principles that were not in accordance with the positivist law theory & the concept of sovereignty upon which public international law was founded. That incompatibility may at first seem as a paradox since the two concepts should be derived from a common base: the idea of justice. Further development of international law has clearly proved that law cannot be separated from the idea of justice & that is, to some extent, closely linked to some elements of natural law. The author concludes that in the domain of the use of force contemporary international law provides a legal frame, which is in accordance with the precepts of the just war theory. References. Adapted from the source document.

Due to the historical experience with the Weimar Republic, some abiding constitutional principles have been built into the new Constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany (its Fundamental Law). Instead of the positivist & formalistic interpretation of democracy of the Weimar Constitution, the authors of the Fundamental Law have opted for the concept of the so-called "militant democracy" i.e. democracy firmly linked to certain values. The concept of "militant democracy" is found in a number of articles in the German Fundamental Law, as a preemptive protection of democracy & a bulwark against extremist positions even before extremist groups break any law. The concept of "militant democracy" is based on the democratic theoretical & sociological-philosophical assumptions by Karl Loewenstein & Karl Mannheim. They have been converted into constitutional practice & incorporated into the Gennan Fundamental Law. However, the instruments of "militant democracy" do not include only the protective measures stipulated by the Constitution but an array of other measures of different intensity. Various instruments of "militant democracy" meant to protect democracy in the FR of Germany are described & include the discursive, penal-legal, administrative & constitutional-legal protection of democracy. The instruments of the protection of democracy in the Federal Republic of Germany are not unique, but some instruments e.g. the possibility of banning political parties are very rare in western democracies. & finally, this situation is briefly compared to the situation in some western & postcommunist democracies. References. Adapted from the source document.

L'historiador Lawrence M. Friedman (Chicago, 1930) és un dels principals experts en l'evolució del dret als Estats Units. Ha rebut diverses distincions. Entre les seves nombroses publicacions, destaquen A History of American Law (1973), The Horizontal Society (1999) o American Law in the 20th Century (2003). Els seus escrits han esdevingut textos de referència en el camp de la història legal. Ha estat professor a les facultats de Dret de la Universitat de Wisconsin (EUA) i de la Universitat de Saint Louis (EUA). Actualment, és professor de la Universitat de Stanford (EUA), on treballa a la Facultat de Dret, al Departament d'Història i al Departament de Ciència Política. Va visitar Barcelona per participar al Primer Fòrum de l'Associació Internacional de Sociologia i, el 8 de setembre, va pronunciar una conferència a la Facultat de Dret de la UAB. ; El historiador Lawrence M. Friedman (Chicago, 1930) es uno de los principales expertos en la evolución del derecho en los Estados Unidos. Ha recibido diversas distinciones. Entre sus numerosas publicaciones, destacan History of American Law (1973), The Horizontal Society (1999) o American Law in the 20th Century (2003). Sus escritos se han convertido en textos de referencia en el campo de la historia legal. Ha sido profesor en las facultades de Derecho de la Universidad de Wisconsin (EE.UU.) y de la Universidad de Saint Louis (EE.UU.). Actualmente, es profesor de la Universidad de Stanford (EE.UU.), donde trabaja en la Facultad de Derecho, en el Departamento de Historia y en el Departamento de Ciencia Política. Visitó Barcelona para participar en el Primer Foro de la Asociación Internacional de Sociología y, el 8 de septiembre, pronunció una conferencia en la Facultad de Derecho de la UAB. ; Historian Lawrence M. Friedman (Chicago, 1930) is one of the main experts in the evolution of law in the United States. He has received numerous prizes and is author of several works, including History of American Law (1973), The Horizontal Society (1999) and American Law in the 20th Century (2003). His works have become a reference in the field of legal history. He was professor at the University of Wisconsin Law School and at Saint Louis University School of Law before joining the Stanford Law School faculty in 1968, where he is currently professor of law at the Stanford University Department of History and the Department of Political Science. During his visit to Barcelona he participated in the First ISA Forum of Sociology and gave a conference at the UAB Faculty of Law on 8 September.

Iako su SAD jedna od država koja ne predviđa oblike neposredne demokracije na razini federacije, ustavi članica američke federacije prihvaćaju instituciju ustavne i zakonodavne inicijative – jedan od ključnih elemenata za njihovo razlikovanje od Ustava SAD-a. Građani 24 savezne države SAD-a neposredno su od 1904. do kraja 2005. odlučivali o 2.155 ustavnih i zakonskih prijedloga, u 21. stoljeću Amerikanci očekuju širenje novog ustavnog populizma – uporabe institucija neposredne demokracije. Autorice tumače ustavna rješenja i stvarne učinke primjene navedenih institucijana oblikovanje državne politike u tim državama. ; Although the USA is one of the states that does not have provisions for the forms of direct democracy at federal level, the constitutions of American federal states have accepted the institute of constitutional and legal initiative, which is one of the key elements that differs them from the Constitution of the United States of America. The citizens of 24 American federal states directly decided about 2,155 constitutional and law drafts between 1904 and 2005. The American people expect the institutions of direct democracy to be used more extensively in the 21st century. The authors explain constitutional solutions and the effects of implementation of these institutes on the shaping of state policies in the respective federal states. The institute is used for bypassing the state legislatures in order to limit their freedom of action by constitutionalising the political choices. Tax- -reduction initiatives limit the revenues legislatures can levy and spend, and thus control the damage. This institute is becoming a means of launching changes in different public areas, such as taxes and expenditures, campaign financing, public education. However, the state legislatures can limit effects of the successful initiatives by withholding financial aid necessary for their implementation. State policy does not finish at the moment the initiatives are adopted by citizens. Sanctions depend on citizens' ability to establish the facts about the compliance with the decisions made by direct citizens' participation, and on clarity of the texts adopted by initiatives.

Language plays the central role in the process of creation of a national identity. In the establishment of the supranational European identity, however, multilingualism is a democratic necessity guaranteeing equality to all European Union citizens. The decisions made by the European institutions influence everyday life of the citizens of the Union and for their legitimacy it is of the utmost importance that the citizens take an active part in the decision making process free of language barriers. In accordance with the EU language policy which guarantees an equal status to all the official languages of its member states -- once Croatia becomes a member of the Union the Croatian language will enjoy the position of an official language of the EU. In order to ensure Croatian citizens equality before the law and free access to the EU legislation, Croatia has the responsibility of translating the so called acquis communautaire, i.e. the total body of EU law, into Croatian and transpose it into its national legislation. The translation of the acquis must guarantee that the EU law is unequivocally interpreted and implemented and this can only be possible if the EU legal terminology is consistently and unambiguously used. Upon the Croatian accession to the EU, the Croatian translation of the acquis will be published in the special edition of the Official Journal of the EU and will become legally binding and used as the fundamental text for the interpretation and application of EU law in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

Language plays the central role in the process of creation of a national identity. In the establishment of the supranational European identity, however, multilingualism is a democratic necessity guaranteeing equality to all European Union citizens. The decisions made by the European institutions influence everyday life of the citizens of the Union and for their legitimacy it is of the utmost importance that the citizens take an active part in the decision making process free of language barriers. In accordance with the EU language policy which guarantees an equal status to all the official languages of its member states -- once Croatia becomes a member of the Union the Croatian language will enjoy the position of an official language of the EU. In order to ensure Croatian citizens equality before the law and free access to the EU legislation, Croatia has the responsibility of translating the so called acquis communautaire, i.e. the total body of EU law, into Croatian and transpose it into its national legislation. The translation of the acquis must guarantee that the EU law is unequivocally interpreted and implemented and this can only be possible if the EU legal terminology is consistently and unambiguously used. Upon the Croatian accession to the EU, the Croatian translation of the acquis will be published in the special edition of the Official Journal of the EU and will become legally binding and used as the fundamental text for the interpretation and application of EU law in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

Language plays the central role in the process of creation of a national identity. In the establishment of the supranational European identity, however, multilingualism is a democratic necessity guaranteeing equality to all European Union citizens. The decisions made by the European institutions influence everyday life of the citizens of the Union and for their legitimacy it is of the utmost importance that the citizens take an active part in the decision making process free of language barriers. In accordance with the EU language policy which guarantees an equal status to all the official languages of its member states -- once Croatia becomes a member of the Union the Croatian language will enjoy the position of an official language of the EU. In order to ensure Croatian citizens equality before the law and free access to the EU legislation, Croatia has the responsibility of translating the so called acquis communautaire, i.e. the total body of EU law, into Croatian and transpose it into its national legislation. The translation of the acquis must guarantee that the EU law is unequivocally interpreted and implemented and this can only be possible if the EU legal terminology is consistently and unambiguously used. Upon the Croatian accession to the EU, the Croatian translation of the acquis will be published in the special edition of the Official Journal of the EU and will become legally binding and used as the fundamental text for the interpretation and application of EU law in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.

Responding to criticisms & discussions about the non-existence of European Union's human rights policy, the article claims that this policy exists although it has been developing inconsistently both at the level of the Union's internal affairs & at the level of its relations with third countries. The second key hypothesis of the article refers to the institutional implementation mechanisms of the Union's human rights policy which, according to the author, require new positioning & better coordination. The article firstly analyses the development of the human rights policy in the Union's internal affairs from the Stauder Case in 1969 to recent discussions on the legal force of the Union's Charter of Fundamental Rights & the accession of the Union to the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights & Fundamental Freedoms. The second part of the article gives an overview of human rights policy development in the Union's external relations from the Fourth Lome Convention to the European Neighbourhood Policy. The paper ends with an analysis of the features common to the Union's human rights policy implementation mechanisms focusing on the role of the Commission, the Parliament & the Council of the Union. The article points to the lack of institutional harmonization using the European Instrument for Democracy & Human Rights as an example & sees in the establishment of the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights the need to introduce changes in the implementation of the human rights policy. In a conclusion, the author identifies the complexity & fragmentation of the Union as a system on the one hand and, on the other hand, the omnipresence of human rights protection & promotion in the Union's public policies as the key factors encumbering the control over the human rights policy implementation & the cause of its perceived deficit. Adapted from the source document.

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanosti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te da ti pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the cornerstones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent states. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances – the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non- governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed states«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanos- ti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te dati pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the corner- stones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent States. At the beginning of the 21st Century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances - the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign Investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non/governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed States«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.