Suchergebnisse

Djelatnost neprofitnih organizacija usmjerena je javnom interesu. Organizirana je u većini slučajeva kroz pravni oblik udruga i u funkciji je pružanja usluga neprofitnog karaktera. Financijsko poslovanje i računovodstvo neprofitnih organizacija uređeno je Zakonom o financijskom poslovanju i računovodstvu neprofitnih organizacija te pripadajućim pravilnicima. Zbog porasta broja neprofitnih organizacija, a time i povećane potrošnje javnog novca dolazi do većih kontrola i nadzora poslovanja. U tom kontekstu, zakonom je određena i obveza dostave financijskih izvještaja neprofitnih organizacija nadležnom tijelu te njihova objava kroz Registar neprofitnih organizacija vođenim od strane Ministarstva financija. Predmet rada je prikaz računovodstvenog okvira s naglaskom na specifičnosti djelatnosti sportskih udruga. U radu je istražena djelatnost i financiranje sportskih udruga te je na primjeru udruge, Školskog sportskog saveza Grada Zagreba prezentirana primjena tog zakonskog okvira s naglaskom na izvore financiranja, računovodstvo i sadržaj financijskog izvještavanja. ; The activities of non-profit organizations are focused on the public interest. In the most cases, non-profit organizations are organized through the legal form of the association and in the function of providing non-profit services. The financial operations and accounting of non-profit organizations are regulated by the Law on Financial Operations and Accounting of Non-Profit Organizations, which belong to the associated regulations. Due to the increase in the number of non-profit organizations and thus increase in the spending of public money, it leads to greater controls and supervision of business. In this context, the law also states the obligation to submit financial reports of non-profit organizations to the competent body for their publication through the Register of non-profit organizations maintained by the Ministry of Finance. The subject of the paper is the presentation of the accounting framework with an emphasis on the specifics of the ...

Specifičnost nadzora nad radom izvršnih i upravnih tijela lokalne samouprave leži u opreci između upravnih obilježja jedinice lokalne samouprave i njezinih samoupravnih obilježja. Stoga on treba biti ustrojen na način kojim se respektiraju samoupravne ovlasti lokalne samouprave, ali pritom istodobno štiti zakonitost u cjelokupnom pravnom sustavu. U radu se istražuju oblici nadzora nad izvršnim i upravnim tijelima jedinica lokalne samouprave u Hrvatskoj, pri čemu se, nakon razmatranja prirode nadzora, subjekata nadzora i nadzornih ovlasti, posebice analizira nadzor unutar samih tijela lokalne samouprave, hijerarhijski upravni nadzor od strane tijela područne (regionalne) samouprave te upravni i inspekcijski nadzor od strane Ministarstva uprave, upravnosudski nadzor kao i nadzor od strane pučkoga pravobranitelja. Poseban naglasak stavljen je na instrumente provođenja svakoga pojedinoga nadzora te na nadzorne ovlasti kojima raspolažu nadzorna tijela. Pritom se skreće pozornost na utjecaj koji na učinkovitost i djelotvornost nadzora imaju broj i veličina lokalnih jedinica i posljedično njihova objektivna sposobnost obavljanja poslova iz samoupravnog djelokruga. ; The specificity of supervision over the work of executive and administrative bodies of local self-government lies in the contradiction between administrative characteristics of units of local self-government and its self-administrative characteristics. Therefore, it should be organised in a way that respects the self-administration powers of local self-government, but at the same time, protects legality in the entire legal system. This paper investigates the supervision of executive and administrative bodies of units of local self-government in Croatia. Here, after considering the nature of the supervision, subjects of supervision and supervisory powers, in particular the forms of supervision are analysed over executive and administrative bodies of units of local self-government, hierarchical administrative supervision by bodies of regional self-government ...

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanosti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te da ti pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the cornerstones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent states. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances – the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non- governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed states«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.

Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanos- ti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te dati pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the corner- stones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent States. At the beginning of the 21st Century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances - the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign Investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non/governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed States«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.

The paper elaborates on national provisions regulating the conduct of safety and administrative investigations for marine casualties and incidents in the Republic of Croatia. On 5 November 2015, the Government of the Republic of Croatia adopted the Regulation on the Methods and Conditions for Conducting Safety Investigation of Marine Casualties and Incidents, which transposes in the legal order of the Republic of Croatia Directive 2009/18/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 23 April 2009 establishing the fundamental principles governing the investigation of accidents in the maritime transport sector and amending Council Directive 1999/35/EC and Directive 2002/59/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council. The conducting of administrative investigation in the Republic of Croatia is regulated by the Ordinance on the Methods, Requirements and Powers for Conducting Administrative Investigation of Marine Casualties enacted in 2016. Unlike safety investigation, administrative investigation is conducted to collect evidence and data for detecting the perpetrator of a maritime accident and to ascertain his/her misdemeanour and criminal responsibility. The authors present the outcomes of safety and administrative investigation procedures to effectively establish the circumstances and causes of such casualties and incidents for the purpose of improving maritime safety and reducing the risk of future casualties involving passenger ships and preventing pollution from ships. ; U radu se analiziraju nacionalne odredbe kojima se regulira provođenje sigurnosnih i upravnih istraga u slučaju nastanka pomorskih nesreća i nezgoda u Republici Hrvatskoj. Vlada Republike Hrvatske donijela je 5. studenoga 2015. godine Uredbu o načinu i uvjetima za obavljanje sigurnosnih istraga pomorskih nesreća i nezgoda, koja u pravni poredak Republike Hrvatske prenosi Direktivu 2009/18/EZ Europskog parlamenta i Vijeća od 23. travnja 2009. o određivanju temeljnih načela o istraživanju nesreća u području pomorskog prometa i ...

Ovaj članak istražuje kako su pobunjeni Srbi u Republici Srpskoj Krajini (RSK) reinterpretirali narative Drugog svjetskog rata ne bi li opravdali svoj ustanak protiv demokratski izabrane hrvatske vlasti 1990. godine i ostvarili domaći i međunarodni legitimitet paradržavne tvorevine Republike Srpske Krajine. Dok su se znanstvenici već bavili uporabom kontroverznih simbola i rehabilitacijom kolaboratora iz Drugog svjetskog rata u Hrvatskoj kao strategijama kojima se služe nacionalističke elite, o kulturi sjećanja u Republici Srpskoj Krajini malo se pisalo. Na osnovi dokumenata zaplijenjenih nakon sloma Republike Srpske Krajine 1995. ovaj članak pokazuje kako nije samo vlada Franje Tuđmana odbacivala partizanske narative o bratstvu i jedinstvu, već se paralelan proces odigravao i u vodstvu Krajine. Konačno, odluka da šovinističku i ekstremističku interpretaciju prošlosti učini povijesnim temeljem svojih političkih ciljeva rezultirala je kriminaliziranom tvorevinom koja je završila tragično i po Srbe i po Hrvate koji su živjeli na teritoriju Republike Srpske Krajine ; Although in recent years a new generation of scholars have analyzed the transformation of memory politics, the use of controversial symbols from the Second World War, and the rehabilitation of collaborationists in Croatia since 1990, these processes in the Republic of Srpska Krajina (RSK) have received little attention. The rebel Croatian Serb leaders of this parastate, carved out of Croatian territory during the breakup of Yugoslavia, justified their rejection of the democratically elected government in Zagreb by claiming that Franjo Tuđman's administration had abandoned the antifascist legacy of the Partisans, which they alleged was the beginning of a new genocide against Serbs. However, this article, based on captured RSK documents, fieldwork, materials collected by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and interviews with individuals who had lived in the RSK, shows that the rebel Croatian Serb leadership had also abandoned the Partisan narrative during its short-lived existence. The RSK's new politics of memory resulted in the destruction of monuments that reflected Serb-Croat cooperation, the transformation of public space, and the introduction of symbols that likewise rejected the antifascist legacy. The decision by the Krajina Serb leaders to base their political goals on a chauvinist and extremist interpretation of the past, which excluded the possibility of co-existing with other national groups, ended tragically for both Serbs and Croats living on the territory of the RSK.

Rad se temelji na obradi zapisnika sjednica skupštine Kotarskog narodnog odbora Senj, njegova Izvršna odbora te zapisnicima plenuma i biroa Kotarskog komiteta Komunističke partije Hrvatske. Istražena je upravna organizacija Kotara Senj, pravni akti upravnih tijela i odluke iz državnopravne povijesti Senja u razdoblju od 1946. do 1948. sačuvani u Državnom arhivu u Rijeci i Sabirnom arhivskom centru u Senju. Kronološki su analizirane sjednice Kotarskog narodnog odbora i Izvršnog odbora, osim onih iz 1945. i 1946. koje nisu sačuvane. Iz arhivske građe može se utvrditi organizacija Kotarskog narodnog odbora, njegovih odbora, komisija i povjereništava, donošenje proračuna, rad mjesnih narodnih odbora i zborova birača, gospodarskih subjekata (poduzeća), rad sudova i izbor sudaca prisjednika, kao i prosvjetna politika (osobito opismenjavanje) i zdravstvo. ; The article is based upon the analysis of the minutes of the meetings of the Assembly of the District People's Committee Senj, its Executive Committee, and the minutes of the plenum and the Bureau of the District Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia. The administrative organisation of Senj District was researched, the legal acts of the administrative bodies and the decisions of the state-legal history of Senj in the period from 1946 to 1948 preserved in the State Archives in Rijeka and the Collective Archival Centre in Senj. The meetings of the District People's Committee and the Executive Committee are chronologically analysed apart from those from 1945 and 1946 which were not preserved. From the archive material the organisation of the district people's committee can be determined, its committees, commissions and boards, budget adoptions, the work of the local people's committees and voters' meetings, economic entities (businesses), the work of the courts and the election of judge assessors, as well as educational policies (especially literacy) and health.

Tema disertacije je analiza djelovanja putem pravnopolitičkih mehanizama međunarodne zajednice, a prvenstveno misleći Europske ekonomske zajednice (kasnije Europske unije) na sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije u vremenu od 1990. g., tj. od trenutaka prvih znakova početaka krize, pa sve do kraja oružanih sukoba/ratova 1995. g. i potpisivanja Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Upravo vrijeme prvih znakova krize i početaka prvih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije bilo je vrijeme kada je Europska ekonomska zajednica stvarala Zajedničku vanjsku i sigurnosnu politiku. Ujedno jugoslavenska kriza odvijala se paralelno s stvaranja nove ujedinjene Europe koja se našla pred izazovom dokazivanja uloge regionalnog i globalnog igrača u kreiranju svjetske politike, te u dokazivanju mogućnosti samostalnog rješavanja eventualnih sukoba na svom teritoriju bez upliva politike Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Jugoslavenska kriza reflektirana kasnije kroz oružane sukobe i ratove predstavlja je test institucionalnom sistemu dotadašnje i buduće ujedinjene Europe, te je ista bila indikator, smjernica institucijskom razvoju Europske ekonomske zajednice, a uslijed same činenice nemogućnosti implementacija usvojenih politika/odluka kojima bi rješila krizu i spriječila sukobe. Oružani sukobi/ratovi i sama kriza na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije s vremenom je bila u suprotnosti s duhom buduće ujedinjene Europe nakon pada Berlinskog zida, a nemogućnost uporabe rješenja za kraj krize, oružanih sukoba i postizanje mira povlačilo je za sobom i pitanje održivosti takve zajednice. Prekrajanje granica silom od strane lokalnih politika na području bivše Jugoslavije s ciljem osiguranja življenja jednog naroda u jednoj državi bili su u suprotnosti s načelom uti possidetis iuris i vladavinom prava na koje se u stvaranju suvremene Europe nakon II. Svjetskog rata ista pozivala. Upravo kroz navedeno načelo međunarodnog prava, Europska ekonomska zajednica, a i kasnije Europske unija, kao i svi ostali dionici međunarodne zajednice uključeni u sprječavanju sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije svojim pravnopolitičkim mehanizmima navedeno načelo koje predstavljalo razloge/polazište svih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije nisu znale i mogle zaštiti. Činjenica djelovanja međunarodne zajednice, prvenstveno Europske ekonomske zajednice/Europske unije u skladu s izvorima europskog i međunarodnog javnog prava, te koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme koji su upravo proizlazili iz navedenih izvora, a bez mogućnosti fizičke, stvarne primjene istih prema onima na koje se odnosilo, kao i neaktivnost u angažiranju od početaka sukoba od strane Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, stvarali su subjektivni dojam da ne postoji politička volja oko temeljnih pitanja ključnih za sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira, kao ni volja zaštite međunarodnog prava na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije. Upravo željom za globalnom dominacijom u novom svjetskom poretku, kao i činjenica dokazivanja Europi da ne može samostalno upravljati i rješavati krize na svom području, Sjedinjene Američke Države preuzele su aktivnu ulogu u rješavanju krize koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme u skladu s odredbama međunarodnog javnog prava, čime su spriječile daljnje sukobe/ratove i postigle mir. Političkom reaktivacijom u odnosu na prostor bivše Jugoslavije, Sjedinjene Američke Države jasno su dokazale svoju političku dominaciju u rješavanju i "upravljanju krizom" na tlu Europe, a ujedno su očuvale svoj i kredibilitet NATO-a i same Europske unije. ; The topic of this dissertation is the analysis of acting through legal and political mechanisms of an international community, namely the actions the European Economic Community (later known as the European Union) had undertaken to prevent conflicts and achieve peace on the territory of the former Yugoslavia from 1990 and the first signs of a crisis up to the end of the armed conflicts/wars in 1995 and the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Just when the first signs of the crisis and the first armed conflicts began to appear in the former Yugoslavia, the European Economic Community created the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Also, the Yugoslav crisis took place in parallel with the creation of a new united Europe that faced the challenge of proving to be a regional and global force in the creation of the world policy, as well as proving its ability to independently resolve possible conflicts within its territory without interference from the policy of the United States. The Yugoslav crisis, later manifested in armed conflicts and wars, was a test of the institutional system of the former and future united Europe, a guideline for the institutional development of the European Economic Community, and an indicator of the inability to implement the adopted policies/decisions that would resolve the crisis and prevent conflicts. Armed conflicts/wars and the crisis in the former Yugoslavia were eventually contrary to the spirit of the future united Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the inability to find a solution to end the crisis and armed conflicts, as well as to achieve peace, raised the issue of sustainability of such a community. Redrawing the borders perforce by the local policies in the former Yugoslavia with the aim to ensure the settlement of one nation in one state was contrary to the principle of uti possidetis iuris and the rule of law relied upon by the modern Europe after World War II. The European Economic Community, and later the European Union, as well as all the other members of the international community engaged in conflict prevention and achieving peace in the former Yugoslavia, did not know how to use their legal and political mechanisms to protect the aforesaid principle which represented the reasons/starting point for all the armed conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. The action of the international community, primarily the European Economic Community/European Union in line with the sources of European and international public law, using the legal and political mechanisms stemming from the aforesaid sources, without the possibility of their actual implementation, as well as the USA's decision not to engage in the conflict from the beginning, created a subjective impression that there is no political will to tackle issues crucial for conflict prevention, achieving peace, and protecting international law in the former Yugoslavia. It was the desire for global domination in the new world order and the desire to show Europe the independence in managing and addressing the crises in its territory that enabled the USA to take an active role in addressing the crisis by using legal and political mechanisms in line with international public law provisions, which prevented further conflicts/wars and ensured peace. Political reactivation in the former Yugoslavia enabled the USA to clearly demonstrate its political domination in "crisis management" in Europe, whilst preserving its own credibility as well as the credibility of NATO and the European Union.

U članku se opisuju i komparativno analiziraju građevni i urbanistički propisi u Hrvatskoj od 1956. do 1971., kad je načelno dovršen zakonodavni okvir jugoslavenskih i hrvatskih građevnih propisa. Analizirani propisi, koji su prvi put bili stručno publicirani u repetitoriju 1956. godine, ambivalentno su nastajali na službenoj negaciji građevnoga zakonodavstva Kraljevine Jugoslavije 1946. i neslužbenom korištenju većine ukinutih propisa sve do kraja 1960-ih. Kolokvijalno poznati pod suvremenim pojmom građevinska regulativa, analizirani propisi pokazuju određenu tehničku kompetentnost u člancima koji nisu zadirali u socijalističko društveno uređenje, ali i potpunu ovisnost o tom uređenju u ostalim paragrafima, poput procedura upravnoga postupka ili toleriranja bespravne izgradnje. ; The building regulation system that was initiated in 1850 with the adoption of the 'Regulation on the Admission of Civil Engineering Students and the Introduction of State Examinations in Civil Engineering' in the Austrian Empire was repealed in 1946, through the 'Law on the Invalidity of Legal Regulations Adopted Before 6 April 1941 and During the Enemy Occupation'. The new socialist building regulation system was created through the regulations of the Yugoslav government from 1947 on; it was acceptable to use certain repealed regulations until new ones were enacted, provided they did not conflict with the newly-created socialist legal system of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia. After the Federal Ministry of Construction was abolished in 1950, the technical regulations and standards were regulated at the federal level, while the administrative procedures and other legal regulations were gradually lowered to the level of the republics, including Croatia. So as to help architects, spatial planners, and other experts in the building process orient themselves in this jungle of regulations, architect Vladimir Šilhard (Schilchard) published the Revision Book of Building Regulations and Procedure in the P. R. of Croatia in the professional journal Čovjek i prostor (Man and Space) in 1956. This article also exhaustively presents and analyses the building regulations in the period from 1946, through Šilhard's unified compendium, to the enactment of the Zagreb City Master Plan in 1971. On the one hand, the 1960s period was a great challenge for adopting regulations, primarily due to the new way of building residential buildings, which were not encompassed by the then existing regulations. On the other hand, new urban legislation was needed after Zagreb spread over the river Sava to the south, where the Zagreb Fair and the first residential neighbourhoods were built, so that the city could maintain a sustainable appearance of modernity. In this sense, the master plan of 1971 represented the peak of city planning that had begun with a competition for the for the General Regulatory Basis in 1930–1931 and the enactment of the Building Regulations of 1940. The system of technical regulations and building regulation standards on the federal level was mostly complete by late 1971, and remained partially in force even after the Republic of Croatia declared its independence on 8 October 1991, lasting until Croatia joined the European Union on 1 July 2013.

Ovaj rad bavi se fenomenima hereze i pravovjerja, prisutnim u svim društvima u povijesti čovječanstva. Pravovjerjem smatram pristajanje na postojeću društvenu strukturu, vjerovanje u istinu centara moći, dok je hereza sve ono što je pripadajuće domeni kritičkog promišljanja. Cenzura, sustavna kontrola slobode mišljenja sastavni je dio vođenja države, i s obzirom na razvoj i promjene u društvu, ona poprima različite vidove, različita "lica." Kontrola se pojačava u kriznim razdobljima. S razvojem društva, metode postaju netransparentnije. U razvijenim demokracijama najefikasnija kontrola je kontrola misli, njome se bave veliki sustavi nadziranja, zajedno sa sustavima indoktriniranja (mediji, obrazovanje, religija). Sustavi indoktrinacije uče što trebamo misliti i koje vrijednosti zastupati. Odbijanje povlači sankcije. Ono što nije sukladno smješta se u domenu zabrane. U razvijenim demokracijama cenzura je zakonom zabranjena, ali se provodi na druge načine. Autocenzura, reakcija je autora na represiju te tzv. "tiha cenzura", zanemarivanje je pa time uklanjanje nepoćudnih sadržaja, umjesto prijašnjih zabrana i krivičnih progona. Danas sve aspekte ljudskog stvaralaštva regulira tržište, intencija je totalna kontrola. Javni prostor popunjava se trivijalnostima i zabavom, za istraživačke i kreativne sadržaje izostaje "potražnja" pa time i prostor u medijima. ; Heresy and orthodoxy are immanent to all regimes, totalitarian and democratic. Denying of critical thinking manifests itself in so far as the regime feels threatened by opponents, and censorship, systematic control of freedom of thought is an integral part of running the state. Control increases in times of crisis. With the development of society, methods become less transparent. In developed democracies, the most effective control is thought control, and big monitoring systems, together with the systems of indoctrination (media, education, religion), are involved in it. Systems of indoctrination teach us what to think and what values to represent. Refusal withdraws sanctions. What is not in accordance, is placed in the domain of the ban. In developed democracies, censorship is prohibited by law, but is carried out in other ways. Self-censorship, the reaction of authors to the repression, and the so-called."silent censorship", is ignoring and thus removing undesirable contents, instead of the previous prohibition and criminal prosecution. Today all aspects of human creativity are regulated by the market, the intention is total control. The public space is filled with trivia and entertainment, for research and creative contents a "demand" is absent, and thus the space in the media.

Faza europeizacije hrvatske javne uprave započela je 2001. godine. Obuhvaća značajne promjene u središnjoj državnoj upravi, javnim službama (službama od općeg interesa), lokalnoj i regionalnoj samoupravi, službeničkom sustavu, upravnom obrazovanju, općem upravnom pravu te u sustavu pravne zaštite građana. U svim tim područjima razvijaju se značajni europski standardi, koji služe kao oslonac harmonizacije javnih uprava europskih zemalja. Europske standarde razvijaju Europska unija, Vijeće Europe, ali i same europske zemlje međusobnom razmjenom i učenjem. Reformama hrvatske uprave želi se ojačati upravne kapacitete, ostvarenje standarda dobrog europskog upravljanja i efektivni ulazak u zajednički europski upravni prostor. Europska je unija nametnula politiku i mehanizme kondicionalnosti te osigurala značajna financijska sredstva, projekte i stručnu potporu upravnim reformama u Hrvatskoj. Prilagodbe su u tijeku, a usprkos općenito dobrim rezultatima, ostaje značajni prostor za punu europeizaciju, u smislu postizanja odgovarajućih učinaka hrvatske javne uprave. ; Europeanization of the Croatian public administration formally started in 2001. This phase has encompassed important changes of the central state administration, services of general interest, local and regional self-government, civil service, administrative education and in-service training, general administrative law and system of legal protection of citizens. Reforms have been oriented towards strengthening administrative capacities, acquiring standards of good European governance, and effective entrance into common European Administrative Space. During that phase, till the Croatian accession, the European Union imposed conditionality policy and mechanisms, and ensured huge financial and expert support to the reforms. Reforms at the central level consisted of agencification, professionalisation and depoliticisation of the civil service, Europeanization of a significant part of sectoral public policies and strengthening openness and ethical standards. The purposes of reforms at the local and regional levels have been strengthening democratic legitimacy, reorientation towards economic development, and realisation of prerequisites for more efficient regional policy in line with European regional and structural policy. A new concept of services of general interest along with liberalisation, privatisation and commercialisation policy has been realised. Independent regulation of services of general economic interest and fostering better quality of non-economic services of general interest have been developed. Legal protection of citizens has been strengthened by introducing two-tier administrative justice and realisation of standards of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of the Council of Europe, parallel with some administrative simplification. The right to good administration, established by the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, has attracted increased attention. Certain steps towards quality modern education for key administrative personnel have been made.

O stanju privatnih šuma u RH u nekoliko smo navrata pisali u Uvodnicima Šumarskog lista, a 2017. godine "Stanje privatnih šuma u Republici Hrvatskoj" bila je stručna tema povodom obilježavanja Dana hrvatskoga šumarstva. Prema podacima Šumskogospodarske osnove područja Republike Hrvatske iz 2016. godine, površina šuma i šumskih zemljišta u RH iznosi 2 759 039,05 ha. Od ukupne površine u državnom je vlasništvu 2 097 318 ha (76 %), a 24 %, tj. 661 721 ha u vlasništvu je privatnih šumovlasnika. Članak 14. Zakona o šumama definira prema površini šuma i šumskog zemljišta privatne šumoposjednike na male s površinom šuma i/ili šumskog zemljišta do 20 ha, srednje s površinom šuma i/ili šumskog zemljišta većom od 20, a manjom od 300 ha i velike šumoposjednike s površinom šuma i/ili šumskog zemljišta većom od 300 ha. Prema toj klasifikaciji preko 99 % površina šuma i šumskog zemljišta pripada malim šumoposjednicima, njih 418 654, što daje prosječnu veličinu posjeda od 0,5 ha. Kao što ste već u uvodnom dijelu mogli zamijetiti, miješaju se pojmovi šumovlasnik i šumoposjednik, što je rezultat dvojnog vođenja zemljišnih knjiga kroz gruntovnicu i katastar, a njihova nesređenost otežava definiranja stvarnih odnosa. Rješavanje problema uređenja imovinsko-pravnih odnosa uvijek naglašavamo kao prioritet i prvi preduvjet stvaranja organiziranog društva. Isto tako vrijeme je da jasno razlučimo namjenu i korištenje šumskog i poljoprivrednog zemljišta. Od vremena Austro-ugarske monarhije, kada je napravljena prva razdioba, usprkos brojnim zakonskim odredbama, to još nismo učinili. Tako je primjerice velik dio šuma u privatnom vlasništvu nastao obraštanjem poljoprivrednog zemljišta, koje se još uvijek u zemljišnim knjigama vodi kao livada, pašnjak ili oranica. Istovremeno na apsolutnom šumskom zemljištu u državnim šumama podižemo maslinike i vinograde ili izdajemo dozvole za pašarenje??? Povijesne okolnosti definirale su danas izuzetno male posjede šumskog zemljišta u privatnom vlasništvu koji ne omogućuju kontinuirani prihod vlasnicima, već se jednokratnim zahvatom pokušava izvući što veća financijska korist bez pridržavanja potrajnosti, osnovnog načela u šumarstvu. Svijest o potrebi funkcionalnog udruživanja i planiranja šumskouzgojnih zahvata na razini odjela i odsjeka kod naših šumovlasnika nažalost još nije zaživjela, pa se usprkos tomu što za većinu privatnih šuma imamo izrađene programe gospodarenja, ono se u praksi svodi na nepovezane zahvate na pojedinim česticama. U privatnim šumama malih posjednika sve se češće događaju kriminalne radnje vezane za sječu bez doznake, krađu, izvođenje radova pridobivanja drveta od neregistriranih ili nelicenciranih izvođača, nekontrolirano stavljanje drveta u promet, nelegalna trgovina drvetom itd. Nepostojeća jasna i transparentna (tržišna) politika formiranja cijena drveta u Hrvatskoj pogoduje raznim preprodavačima, a vrijedna sirovina bez ikakve kontrole obično završava na stranom tržištu. Sve to navodi nas na razmišljanje o odgovornosti, države kao zakonodavca i njenog odnosa prema toj kategoriji privatnog vlasništva, ali i općeg dobra zaštićenog Ustavom RH. Postavimo ovdje pitanje odgovornosti cijele šumarske struke i njenih institucija, kao i naših kolega ovlaštenih inženjera koji često na terenu provode doznaku, ili otpremu, po načelu "od nečega se mora živjeti". Ako svi, kao što to čini struka, zažmirimo pred ovim problemom, teško da ćemo se u budućnosti moći hvaliti tradicijom potrajnog i prirodnog gospodarenja našim šumama. Prvi preduvjet uvođenja reda u privatnim šumama malih posjednika je organiziranje čuvarske službe. Prema aktualnom ZOŠ-u čuvanje šuma prepušteno je vlasnicima, što je s obzirom na njihovo stanje i dobnu strukturu praktički neprovedivo, ili je dana mogućnost da to obavljaju Udruge šumoposjednika, što se opet u praksi rijetko događa. Kroz povijest uvijek su postojali čuvari šume, bili to općinski (sreski) lugari do sredine 20. stoljeća ili su to donedavno kod nas obavljali djelatnici Hrvatskih šuma. Kako bi riješili ovu situaciju postoji nekoliko opcija: Þ Vratiti nadležnost Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. preregistracijom ove tvrtke. Þ Osigurati provođenje čuvarske službe kroz lokalnu samoupravu, kao što je to bilo propisano prethodnim ZOŠ-om, no u praksi nije bilo sprovedeno. Þ Osnovati "Šumsku policiju" s jasnim ovlastima koja će osigurati red i spriječiti kriminalne radnje. Þ Osnovati Državnu instituciju (agenciju) za šume, koja bi provodila javne ovlasti i interese neovisno o vlasništvu nad šumama i omogućila bi smisleno i sveobuhvatno planiranje i gospodarenje šumama na svim razinama. Uredništvo ; The status of private forests in the Republic of Croatia has been treated in the Editorial section of the Forestry Journal on several occasions, and in 2017 "The status of private forests in the Republic of Croatia" was a topic discussed at the Day of Croatian Forestry. According to the Forest Management Plan of the Republic of Croatia from 2016, forests and forestland in Croatia cover 2,759,039.05 ha. Of the overall area, state owned forests account for 2,097,318 a (76 %), while privately owned forests account for 661,721 ha (24 %). Article 14 of the Law on Forests classifies private forest owners into three groups: small owners with forests and/or forestland of up to 20 ha, medium owners with forests and/or forestland of more than 20 ha but less than 300 ha, and large forest owners with forest area and/or forestland exceeding 300 ha. According to this classification, over 99 % of the area of forests and forestland are owned by small forest owners (418,654 owners), which means that the average size of the forest property is 0.5 ha. As you may have noticed in the introductory part, there is an ambiguity relating to the terms forest owner and forest holder, which is the result of the dual keeping of land books through the land register and cadastre. Their unsettled status makes it more difficult to define real relationships. We always stress that the regulation of property-legal relations is the priority and the first precondition for creating an organized society. We must also make a clear distinction between the purpose and the use of forest and agricultural land. The first division was made during the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, but despite numerous legal provisions we have not yet done so since. Thus, for example, a large part of privately owned forests came into being by agricultural land being overgrown, but in land registers they are still registered as meadows, pastures, or ploughland. At the same time, we raise olive groves and vineyards or issue permits for grazing over an absolute forest land in state forests??? Due to historical circumstances, there are exceptionally small areas of forestland in private ownership today, and as such they do not ensure continuous income to their owners. Instead, there is an attempt to derive as much financial profit as possible through one operation without adhering to the principle of sustainability, the fundamental principle in forestry. The awareness of the need to functionally merge and plan silvicultural treatments at the level of compartments and sub-compartments has regrettably not yet taken root among Croatian forest owners. Therefore, despite the fact that management plans have been drawn for most private forests, in practice management is reduced to disconnected operations in individual plots. Private forests of small forest holders are witnessing an increase in criminal actions such as felling without marking, theft, timber extraction by unregistered or unlicenced contractors, uncontrolled placing of timber on the market, illegal timber trade, etc. The absence of clear and transparent (market) price forming policy in Croatia favours various resellers, while valuable raw material, usually without any control, ends up on foreign markets. All this makes us think about the responsibility of the state as a legislator and its attitude towards this category of private property, but also towards the common good protected by the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia. Let us also tackle the responsibility of the entire forestry profession and its institutions, as well as our colleagues, certified engineers, who mark trees or dispatch timber in the field guided by the principle "one must have something to live on". If we, as a profession, turn a blind eye to this problem, we will hardly be able to boast in the future of the tradition of sustainable and close-to-nature management of our forests. The first precondition for installing the order in private forests of small holders involves setting up a guard service. According to the valid Law on Forests, the guarding of forests is the responsibility of their owners, which is practically unfeasible given their condition and age structure, or this could be done by forest owners' associations, which again rarely happens in practice. Throughout history there have always been forest guards. Until the mid-20th century they were municipal (regional) forest rangers, and until very recently this job was performed by employees of the company Croatian Forests. There are several options which might solve this situation: Þ Restore the jurisdiction of Croatian Forests Ltd by re-registering the company. Þ Implement guard services through local self-government bodies, similar to the regulations set down in the previous Law on Forests; however, this was not applied in practice. Þ Establish a "Forest Police" service with clearly defined powers to ensure order and prevent criminal activities. Þ Establish a State Forest Institution (Agency), which will exercise public powers and promote interests independently of forest ownership, as well as enable meaningful and comprehensive planning and management at all levels. Editorial Boards

Raspravljajući o porijeklu hrvatske nacije, autor u prvom dijelu odbacuje tvrdnju da se ona razvijala kao tzv. "jezična nacija". Također osporava gledište da je u tome bitnu ulogu imalo jugoslavenstvo. Zatim pokazuje da je hrvatska nacija nastala u procesu međusobnih interakcija socijalnih i povijesnih vrijednosti, koje su napokon odredile njezinu individualnost spram svake druge zajednice na cjelokupnom prostoru Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. Sve je to autor dokazao u drugom dijelu rasprave, gdje analizira hrvatski nacionalno-politički program, koji je nastao za revolucije 1848/49. godine. U njemu su hrvatski liberali i demokrati jasno odredili individualnost hrvatske nacije i hrvatske države (ujedinjene Trojedne Kraljevine Hrvatske), i to kao jedinstvene, samostalne i autonomne moderne države u sklopu konfederalnog političkoga i društvenog sustava Srednje Europe (austrijske konfederacije). ; In the present paper the author deals with the origin and development of Croatian nation, and creation of the modern Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in the first half of the 19th century, especially during the 1848/49 revolution, at several levels: idea about nation, ideology, political and social programmes, political actions, institutions, and political community. If considered from the point of view of new socio-political processes, when transformation of a people into a modern national-political community takes place, we can see that Slavic peoples in the middle and south-eastern Europe formed multinational states, but followed some quite clear courses: formation of individual ethnic and national communities within a plural social system. Being aware of these historical processes, at the time of formation of their own national communities, these Slavic peoples (according to the level of their social and political organizations), especially in 1848, asked for a change of traditional societies and reorganization of the existing empires, not only by the language national principle, but also by the principle of sovereignty, policy of federalism and confederalism and the principles of international law and international agreement. All this should have made possible formation of essentially new political communities: individual national states within equal and democratic multinational communities, but within a new middle-class society. However, considered from the point of view of formation of the identity and individuality of Croatian nation, which is the subject of this paper, it is indisputable that Croatian national political programme and programme of confederalism as well as legal principles compatible with them (like natural and national laws, Croatian historical and constitutional laws, international law and international agreements), which were the values Croatian politicians based their national policy on since 1848, had the essential influence on the explicit quality of Croatian national-political individuality, and thus, looking historically, on the integration of Croatian nation and creation of Croatian political and state community (the united State of Croatia). The subject and vey complex structure of that political programme had an impact onto clear definition of Croatian national-political community (the united Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia) in relation to other political communities in such a multinational state as it was the Habsburg Monarchy. And that state, in their eyes should have been formed (within the new middle-class society, and a democratic and parliamentary system) on confederal basis, by means of international agreements between quite equal ethnic/national states: within the middle European Austrian confederation. In any case, Croatian nation (if we consider its national integrative processes in terms of events, in terms of idea and ideology and/or in terms of ethnic identity) was not formed nor developed as solely the so-called "language nation", as historiography would like it. For, neither is ethnos (not even ethnic community, or people, or nation, or ethnic identity) only a language-cultural category, nor the Croatian politicians and reformers took only language and culture to determine Croatian people and nation. On the contrary, Croatian nation was formed in the process of interactions of social and historical values which defined its individuality in relation to any other community on the whole area of middle and south-eastern Europe. Also, Croatian nation was not formed only as a natural community (determined by natural conditions of work and society and genealogic structure, i. e. determined by undefined Slavic union and/or undefined Slavic ethnic identity), but, in the course of processes of modernization, it was formed first of all as a historical community, based on group institutions of its own historical community. In other words, Croatian nation was formed on its own cultural, political, state and public-law traditions. It is quite clear that in this process neither Slavism, nor Illyrism, nor Yugoslavism had any role more important that the secondary one, not even for the definition of any particular ethnic identity. Illyrism and Yugoslavism had declarative ideological meaning, expressed through the idea of still non-existing community. On the contrary, Croatianism (as a national principle, as a community and as a legal, state and political system) was an expression of existence of Croatian community as reality. Thus, if we want to discuss the integration of Croatian nation and formation of Croatian political community, i. e. the united State of Croatia, we should realize that these processes were influenced by numerous values and structures, especially spiritual-cultural, political, economic, legal and social. However, the importance of political system and all its substructures – political action, political organization of the community, political programme and formation of a modern national state — should also be noted. Formation of Croatian political and state community, which was clearly stated in the Croatian national and political programme of 1848/49, assumed: 1) associating the segments of Croatian people into one political people, within one integral Croatian political community; 2) uniting of all Croatian provinces into one united Croatian state (Tripartite Kingdom of Croatia, Dreieiniges Koenigreich Kroatien). And these were the most important determinants which led to the political homogeneity and formation of Croatian nation and Croatian modern state.

Polazeći od postmodernih teorija diferencije (Luhman, Derrida, Castells) autor ustvrđuje da se pitanje europske budućnosti i demokracije ne može razumjeti preko bilo koje vrste projekta višeg jedinstva, već kao proces političkog djelovanja uz koji se ne može vezati perspektiva unaprijed određenog ustrojstva Europe. Ishodište takve ocjene autor pronalazi u oprečnosti dvaju nesumjerljivih pluralizama: povijesno proizvedenog, koji se očituje u specifi čnim nacionalnim ili religijskim svojstvima i onog koji je određen demokratskom procedurom, koji ne polazi od specifi čnih svojstava pripadnika neke zajednice nego od načela pravne jednakosti. Upravo zbog spomenute razlike, demokracija, pravo, politika ili pak religija su naprosto auotopoietični sustavi, koji se ne integriraju u viša jedinstva, već funkcioniraju kao funkcionalno limitirane cjeline, koje uključuju i isključuju iz sustava različite segmente okoline. Ako nema tog višeg cilja prema kojem Europa treba ići, čemu treba težiti Europa, pa onda i europska demokracija? Odgovor je, smatra autor, u dekonstrukciji europskih vizija, iluzija i projekata, pri čemu kritički potencijal teorija diferencije nije u njihovoj praktičkoj primjeni, nego u njihovom drugačijem razumijevanju stanja stvari. ; Proceeding from postmodern theories of diff erence (Luhman, Derrida, Castells), the author concludes that the issue of the European future and democracy cannot be understood through any kind of project of higher unity, but as a process of political action which cannot be tied with a perspective of a predetermined structure of Europe. The author fi nds the origin of such an assessment in the oppositeness of two incommensurate pluralisms: a historically produced one, manifested in specifi c national or religious properties, and the one determined by a democratic procedure, which does not proceed from specifi c properties of members of a community, but from a principle of legal equality. It is because of the mentioned diff erence that democracy, law, politics or religion are ...

Major developmental psychology theories, such as psychoanalytic, behavioural or cognitive, have tried to explain how people grow and change over the course of a lifetime. These theories have mainly focused on the stages of development early in life - from infancy to adolescence - leaving the impression that after adolescence no significant leaps in development occur. However, a large body of evidence that has emerged recently revealed that becoming an adult is much more complicated and temporally extended than previously believed. The aim of this paper was to use an interdisciplinary approach to tap into the issue of transition to adulthood by integrating recent brain and cognitive maturational findings from neuroscience and cognitive psychology while considering traditional and legal markers of adulthood. We first discuss some of the questions related to definitions of the period of adulthood through societal and legal frameworks. Next, we examine some of the prevailing views on protracted structural and functional brain maturation and its impact on cognitive development, emphasizing the need and the potential value of investigating how these changes may influence important life choices during early young adulthood that have long-lasting consequences. Finally, based on evidence from existing research, we highlight the importance of deeper appreciation and integration of findings from different research disciplines in order to better understand strengths and vulnerabilities of young adults. ; Numerosas teorías de la psicología de desarrollo, como la teoría psicoanalítica, conductual o cognitivista, han tratado de explicar cómo la gente madura y cambia durante la vida. Estas teorías se han enfocado en etapas tempranas de vida – desde la niñez hasta la adolescencia – dejando la impresión que después de la adolescencia no hay saltos significativos en el desarrollo. Sin embargo, las investigaciones del desarrollo humano en los últimos veinte años han demostrado que la maduración es un proceso mucho más complejo y duradero de lo que se suponía antes. El objetivo de este trabajo fue, a través de un enfoque interdisciplinario, investigar la transición a la edad adulta a través de los resultados recientes de las investigaciones en el campo de neurociencia y psicología cognitiva sobre la maduración del cerebro y las habilidades cognitivas, a la vez teniendo en cuenta los límites tradicionales y legislativos de la edad adulta. En la primera parte del trabajo se discute sobre ciertas cuestiones relacionadas con cómo definir la edad adulta a través de los marcos sociales y legales. Luego investigamos en qué modo la maduración estructural y funcional prolongada del cerebro influye en las habilidades cognitivas, acentuando la necesidad y el valor de investigaciones del modo en el que estos cambios pueden influir en la toma de decisiones importantes durante la edad adulta temprana, y que pueden tener consecuencias a largo plazo. En fin, a base de las pruebas de investigaciones existentes, acentuamos la importancia de aceptar e integrar los hallazgos de diferentes disciplinas de investigación para entender mejor las fuerzas y la vulnerabilidad de personas jóvenes que están a punto de pasar a la edad adulta. ; Brojne su teorije razvojne psihologije, poput psihoanalitičke, biheviorističke ili kognitivističke, pokušale objasniti kako ljudi sazrijevaju i mijenjaju se tijekom života. Ove su teorije usmjerene na rane životne faze – od djetinjstva do adolescencije – ostavljajući dojam kako nakon adolescencije ne dolazi do značajnijih skokova u razvoju. Međutim, istraživanja su ljudskog razvoja u posljednjih 20-ak godina pokazala kako je sazrijevanje puno složenije te vremenski dugotrajnije nego se prethodno smatralo. Cilj je ovoga pregleda bio interdisciplinarnim pristupom istražiti pitanje prijelaza u odraslu dob prikazom najnovijih rezultata istraživanja o sazrijevanju mozga i kognitivnih sposobnosti iz područja neuroznanosti i kognitivne psihologije istovremeno razmatrajući tradicionalne i zakonom određene granice odraslosti. U prvom se dijelu rada raspravlja o određenim pitanjima vezanim uz definiranje razdoblja odraslosti kroz društvene i pravne okvire. Zatim se navodi kako produljeno strukturalno i funkcionalno sazrijevanje mozga utječe na kognitivne sposobnosti, naglašavajući potrebu i vrijednost istraživanja načinā na koje ove promjene mogu utjecati na donošenje važnih odluka tijekom rane odrasle dobi, a koje mogu imati dalekosežne posljedice. Konačno, na temelju se dokaza iz postojećih istraživanja ističe važnost prihvaćanja i integriranja nalaza iz različitih istraživačkih disciplina kako bi se bolje razumjela snaga i ranjivosti mladih osoba na pragu odrasle dobi.