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中國自一九七八年以來一直致力於法制現代化建設,但至今仍未能建立一個具有高度凝聚力和獨立性的法律共同體,國家與法律職業之間的關係依然緊張。職業主義並沒有隨著過去三十年的法律發展而成為改革的核心。在這種背景下,非職業化法律服務制度在中國的發展無疑值得進一步的關注與研究。 ; 本文將分析國家在職業化與非職業化機制中所扮演的角色。在全面評估非職業化法律服務發展概況的基礎上,分析的焦點將放在基層法律工作者和非政府組織雇員這兩類重要的非職業化服務團體上。本文也將通過實證研究與比較研究的方法對這兩種類型的非專業人士進行深入的探討。 ; 本文通過以上視角得出若干重要的啟示。第一, 非職業化法律制度的發展主要服務於國家控制的目標。第二,非職業化法律服務團體的生存與發展必須建立在滿足特定國家機構利益的前提上。第三,在本文所觀察的樣本中,非政府組織雇員比基層法律工作者更有效率。總體而言,國家在職業化和非職業化機制的形成與運作中都發揮了決定性的作用。 ; Since 1978 China has been committed to modernizing its legal system, yet a cohesive and independent community of legal personnel is far from established and the tension between the state and the legal community remains high. Despite three decades of legal development, China has not truly made professionalism central to its reform agenda. Among many others, one noteworthy but understudied aspect is the widespread use of non-lawyers in the legal services system. ; This dissertation aims to examine the role of the state in the making of professional and non-professional mechanisms in China. In addition to a holistic evaluation of non-professional legal services, the dissertation includes empirical studies and comparative analyses of the two most important groups of non-lawyers the government-sponsored basic-level legal workers and the non-lawyer staff of non-governmental organizations. ; These perspectives reveal a number of important facts. First, the development of non-professional legal institutions mainly serves the purpose of state control. Second, non-professional groups are able to survive only by satisfying the bureaucratic interests of specific state agencies. Third, the staff of non-governmental organizations observed in this study appeared to perform more effectively than basic-level legal workers. Overall, the dissertation argues that the state dictates the formation and operation of both professional and non-professional mechanisms in China. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Pan, ...

Unauthorised use of the trademark logo on social media on a massive scale has led to frequent legal conflicts between trademark holders, social media providers and internet users and legal uncertainty. The thesis concludes that trademark infringement and dilution laws in the U.S. and EU are inadequate to solve this problem. The trademark logo on social media should be protected against unauthorised use, even though it is not used to sell the good or service the trademark indicates, but is used in a commercial environment. Two premises for any solution are that first the enforcement should be made automatic, since litigation on a case-by-case basis is not scalable, and second that the safe harbour provisions for online service providers, that aggravate the problem, should be substituted for strict liability. The trademark logo can be seen as the personification of the trademark holder, and one can argue that the stability of the trademark logo is not only in the interest of the trademark holder but also of society at large. One can argue that trademark dilution already provides a kind of moral right of integrity for the trademark logo. However, this right is limited to trademark logos that are considered famous or have a reputation, and, moreover, that are used in a commercial way. This thesis argues that also the trademark logo that did not reach the requested level of fame or reputation and is used in a non-commercial way should also be protected against unauthorised use on social media. Therefore the moral right of integrity is proposed for the trademark logo. Until the law will be amended to include a moral right of integrity for the trademark logo, this thesis suggests to implement proactive solutions in the walled gardens of social media as a testing ground for potential legislation. This automated solution is scalable, makes intellectual property protection and enforcement not only effective but also more calibratable to social policy goals and will inevitable lead to an algorithmic justice. ...

在过去十年间里,中国立法机关及政府机关已制定颁布了大量新的法律法规。这些法律从数量和质量上而言,和过去相比都有了很大飞跃,公司法和证券法领域尤为如此。 法律从业人员数量的增多满足了人们多元化的法律需求。财经媒体的迅速发展使得大众对商业和市场运行、以及相关法律法规产生了更加深刻的认识。 然而,这些方面的改善并不意味着中国上市公司小股东保护也得到了相应的加强。 ; 本文主要围绕以下三部分内容进行了探讨:1.中国现行法律下规制小股东保护的法律原则及规则;2.从政治环境的角度分析政治对部分规则形成的影响以及一些规则在实践中未能达到其立法旨意的原因;及3.小股东积极通过诉讼保护自身权利的现状及困境。作者评估了法律在小股东保护方面的实际效果,并分析中国的当代政治对法律达到其原本立法旨意的影响。虽然保护小股东及上市公司治理的法律框架已越来越全面,但实践中,小股东通过诉讼途径来有效实现自身权利却仍困境重重。本文认为,法院拒绝受理针对政治背景深厚的公司提起的诉讼、小股东面临的举证困难、法院收取的高额诉讼费用等因素都是小股东在实践中所要克服的障碍。 ; 本文认为,影响众多中国上市公司治理的最大问题以及小股东通过诉讼途径保护自身权益的最大障碍正是党国体制对经济活动的干预,尤其是对于部分上市公司和法律程序的干预。为论证该观点,文本首先分析了党国是如何参与并影响中国上市公司的治理。文章发现,党组织在那些由国家直接或间接控股的上市公司发挥了重要的决策及监督作用。此外,文章还分析了民营性质的上市公司是如何受到地方政府的干预。文章认为,针对上市公司的政治干预消弱了法律治理的作用,同时也损害了小股东的合法权益。为了实现对小股东的保护,法律不但要保护小股东不受私权的侵犯(比如私人或私人实体对小股东作出的欺诈或不当行为),更重要的是保护小股东权利不受到来自党国体制默许、支持、甚至实际参与的行为的侵犯。 ; In the past decade, China has experienced an exponential increase in the quantity and quality of new laws and regulations promulgated by the state and its agencies, especially in the area of company law and securities regulation. The legal profession grows and provides ever more diversified services to a public, whose awareness of business and market practices, as well as to some extent the legal rules and principles governing these, are being strengthened by the burgeoning financial media. Yet, these improvements do not necessarily translate into better protection for minority shareholders of Chinese listed companies. ; This thesis discusses the legal rules and principles governing minority shareholders' protection, the political realities that have shaped some of the rules and, as argued here, threaten to undermine some of the principles, and minority shareholders' activism to enforce their rights through litigation. The author has sought to test how law functions in the area of minority shareholder protection and how political practice affects the functioning of law in this area. While the legal framework for minority shareholders' protection and for the corporate governance of Chinese listed companies is becoming increasingly ...

The legal relationship between civil servants and the state, is not governed by the theory of sovereignty, which is relevant in the outer relationships between the state and its citizens, though it has some, limited effect on the inner relationships between the civil servant and the state organ, as well. The inner relationship falls into the category of "dependent work" and therefore civil servants must enjoy the employment rights generally applicable to employees with some alterations. Among such rights, two are investigated more closely in the paper: protection against unjust dismissal and collective rights of workers (right to organise, right to bargain collectively, and right to strike). In 2010 the Hungarian state modified its regulations on civil servants and introduced dismissal without notice referring to the argument that the parties of the legal relationship must be treated equally and because the civil servant can resign from its position without notice, the same right should be enjoyed by the state, as well. The Hungarian Constitutional Court and European Court of Justice nullified this law because of violating the right to work, the right to human dignity, and the right to hold public positions. The regulations on collective rights of civil servants have been systematically violated by the Hungarian legislator since 1992, when the first regulation on civil servants passed. Until 2011 the right to organise has been enjoyed without disturbance by civil servants but since than the state has organise the Bar of Hungarian Civil Servants into which all civil servants are obliged to enter. Because the Bar has rights which are usually considered to be union rights, therefore the Bar is a competitor of the civil servants' unions; consequently the regulations on the Bar violate the right to organise. The right to bargain collectively has never been enjoyed by unions of civil servants since 1992, despite such right is generally applied in developed countries app. since 1960-1970s and is also accepted by the international conventions on social and economic rights. The right to strike is also restricted by the Agreement on Right to Strike in Civil Service (1994) which prohibits the rights to strike far beyond the limits established by the Fundamental Law and the Act on Right to Strike (Act No. VII of 1989). Alternative methods of collective dispute settlement (mediation, arbitration) are also neglected by the Hungarian legal regime.