Suchergebnisse

The premise of this text is to analyze by means of selected examples the issues related to the broad definition of security, and modern and developing terrorist migration. Moreover, the aim of this paper is to approach the subject in question from the perspective of the current legal state by means of the formal and dogmatic method, but also by means of the method of criticism and analysis of the literature, which will allow a full understanding of the shape, functioning and causes of errors of modern security bodies. The above will influence the formulation of de lege ferenda postulates in the conclusion. The European Union is based on solid foundations. So how does globalisation, in its broadest sense, affect the world around us and the elementary values of the modern world? Modern terrorism, which strikes at the security of developed countries, is undoubtedly a global phenomenon that also sows fear for normal existence in one's own country. Unrestricted, cross-border terrorist activity is leading to intra-community division. This is the result of internal conflicts over common values. The surveillance and detection of migrants from outside the European community who are criminals is becoming a more difficult task with time. This is due to the fact that terrorist organisations operate according to a well-defined plan, creating extensive networks and recruiting new members for their groups in many countries simultaneously. The fight against terrorism is being waged on Europe's streets and in the homes and schools of its citizens. The struggle for security begins at the borders of European countries. What is crucial in this fight is the latest equipment and cooperation between security bodies, including the special services of all the countries of the European Union and NATO. It is essential to introduce appropriate legislation to limit the free movement of people who commit crimes and to develop methods to distinguish terrorists from economic migrants or refugees. The state must guarantee the security of its citizens and combat terrorism effectively. ; The premise of this text is to analyze by means of selected examples the issues related to the broad definition of security, and modern and developing terrorist migration. Moreover, the aim of this paper is to approach the subject in question from the perspective of the current legal state by means of the formal and dogmatic method, but also by means of the method of criticism and analysis of the literature, which will allow a full understanding of the shape, functioning and causes of errors of modern security bodies. The above will influence the formulation of de lege ferenda postulates in the conclusion. The European Union is based on solid foundations. So how does globalisation, in its broadest sense, affect the world around us and the elementary values of the modern world? Modern terrorism, which strikes at the security of developed countries, is undoubtedly a global phenomenon that also sows fear for normal existence in one's own country. Unrestricted, cross-border terrorist activity is leading to intra-community division. This is the result of internal conflicts over common values. The surveillance and detection of migrants from outside the European community who are criminals is becoming a more difficult task with time. This is due to the fact that terrorist organisations operate according to a well-defined plan, creating extensive networks and recruiting new members for their groups in many countries simultaneously. The fight against terrorism is being waged on Europe's streets and in the homes and schools of its citizens. The struggle for security begins at the borders of European countries. What is crucial in this fight is the latest equipment and cooperation between security bodies, including the special services of all the countries of the European Union and NATO. It is essential to introduce appropriate legislation to limit the free movement of people who commit crimes and to develop methods to distinguish terrorists from economic migrants or refugees. The state must guarantee the security of its citizens and combat terrorism effectively.

The author has analysed the following issues: Polish referenda traditions in the twentieth century, the currently applicable law contained in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 and the Act of 2003, the modern referendum practice in Poland (subject and results of the referendum carried out in 1997, 2003 and 2015) and the legal limits of sovereign power (i.e. the subject of the Nation's admissible decision in a referendum). The paper also points to the prospects for a consultative referendum on the amendment to the Constitution, related to the initiative of the President of the Republic of Poland submitted on 3 May 2017. It concerns the involvement of citizens in the process of drafting the constitution from scratch, before work on its draft in the Parliament commences, a practice that has not had a precedent in our history. The author takes the view that, notwithstanding the flaws or shortcomings of the existing legal regulations and the negative past experience, a referendum may become a joint result of the work of a sovereign nation may strengthen the authority of the new constitution. ; Autor analizuje następujące problemy: polskie tradycje referendalne w XX w., obowiązujące uregulowanie referendum zawarte w Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 1997 r. i ustawie z 2003 r., współczesną praktykę referendum w Polsce (przedmiot i wyniki referendum przeprowadzonego w 1997, 2003 oraz 2015) oraz prawne granice władzy suwerena, czyli przedmiot dopuszczalnej decyzji Narodu w referendum. Wskazuje także perspektywy referendum konsultacyjnego w sprawie zmiany Konstytucji, związane z inicjatywą Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej, zgłoszoną 3 maja 2017 r. Dotyczy ona zaangażowania obywateli w proces tworzenia konstytucji od początku, przed pracami w parlamencie, co nie miało precedensu w naszej historii. Wyraża pogląd, że niezależnie od wad obowiązującej regulacji prawnej i negatywnych doświadczeń wynikających z praktyki, referendum to może być dziełem suwerennego Narodu i wzmocnić autorytet nowej konstytucji.

The present monograph constitutes a constitutional study of the institution of the local government discussed through the prism of the principle of local self-government. Such an approach to the titular principle allows to consider it not only from the political and legal perspective, but also from a functional one, while the discussion oscillates around: the constitutional status of a person regarded as an individual as well as their dignity guaranteed by the Constitution, the constitutional status of a person regarded as an obligatory member of the self-government community, the status of the self-government community, the status of the national community, the status of the state, as well as the status of the underlying structures of the civil society and non-governmental organizations. The argument leads to the conclusion that the local government is an institution deeply entrenched in the structure of the civil society, and, as a result, should be guaranteed by the state the right to evolve naturally, in accordance with the evolution and maturation of the Polish civil society. As a consequence, the constitutional regulations of the local government should not constitute an inhibitive factor for the natural processes accompanying the development of the civil society. The present study could find its practical application both in cases of judicial control of the constitutionality of legislation with regard to the law on local selfgovernment, as well as judicial control over exercising and applying the law, the didactic process at the university, the day-to-day functioning of social and nongovernmental organizations as well as the bodies of local self-government agencies and councilors. Moreover, it could prove helpful in the processes of reform of the public administration and the creation of institutions for the study of the effectiveness of the creation and operation of public administration systems.

After the collapse of the USSR, a huge superpower that occupied one sixth of the land, the question of succession arose before the states that were part of it. The USSR occupied a vast territory, participated in international obligations, had debts, was a member of international organizations. It was obvious that the relationship between the newly formed states depended on how it was possible to divide the "legacy" of the USSR. The USSR took an active position at the international level, was engaged in the development of weapons. The issue of dividing all assets and liabilities worried the entire international community. His decision was difficult, and the legal basis for making decisions on succession did not seem to everyone to be indisputable. At present, it is obvious to everyone that the Russian Federation became the main heir of the USSR, it was the Russian Federation that continued the policy of the USSR, continued to participate in international relations and in the fulfillment of obligations, despite the equality of all states that were part of the USSR. The issues of the succession of the USSR and Russia are the subject of study of modern international law. Within the framework of this article, some aspects of the indicated topic will be highlighted.

The article presents the way that governance has formed in Poland after winning the independence in 1918. It also includes the discussion on first legal acts with institutional meaning such as decree law dated on 22nd November 1918 about the supreme representative authority of the Republic of Poland and the act of Parliament's ordinance of 20th February 1919 entrusting Józef Piłsudski with further execution of the office of Chief of state. These documents became the basis for reborn country and enabled to rebuild institutions in historically difficult period. In the opinion of author, the experiences of first years of independence had ultimatelly influenced the solutions that were adapted in so called March Constitution from the year of 1921. ; Artykuł przedstawia kształtowanie się systemu rządów w Polsce po odzyskaniu niepodległości w 1918 r., w tym pierwsze akty prawne o znaczeniu ustrojowym – dekret z 22 listopada 1918 r. o najwyższej władzy reprezentacyjnej Republiki Polskiej oraz uchwałę Sejmu Ustawodawczego z 20 lutego 1919 r. o powierzeniu Józefowi Piłsudskiemu dalszego sprawowania urzędu Naczelnika Państwa. Stały się one podstawą funkcjonowania odrodzonego państwa polskiego, umożliwiając w trudnym okresie historycznym odbudowę państwowości. Zdaniem Autorki doświadczenia pierwszych lat niepodległości wpłynęły ostatecznie na rozwiązania, które przyjęto w tzw. Konstytucji marcowej z 1921.

Memorial sites are a material proof of the Poland-Ukraine military conflict in the Podkarpacie Region, which took place in the years 1944-50. It is here, on the Poland-Ukraine borderland that there is a permanent conflict of interests of the local community of different historical identity. In order to commemorate bloody incidents and numerous victims on both sides memorial sites are erected both in Poland and in Ukraine causing conflicts in the past and present. In the article I have shown thesignificance of the dependence between the memory of the ethnical community and the specifics of the language of the group, which while aiming at the commemoration of events and memorial sites important for them, do not obey the regulations of Polish law. The analysis of the legal basis for erecting these commemorations shows that there is a need to update the law. The importance of the mental layer in context of the intangible value of the cultural heritage of individual ethnic groups, which is often underestimated, can lead to conflicts that reach beyond the border area becoming conflicts of nationwide or even international concern. ; Miejsca pamięci są materialnym dowodem zbrojnego konfliktu polsko-ukraińskiego na Podkarpaciu, który rozegrał się w latach 1944-50. To właśnie tutaj, na południowo-wschodnim pograniczu dochodzi do permanentnego konfliktu interesów społeczności lokalnych o różnej tożsamości historycznej. W celu upamiętnienia krwawych zajść i licznych ofiar po obu stronach, wznoszone są upamiętnienia na ziemiach polskich i ukraińskich, stanowiąc zarzewie konfliktów, zarówno w przeszłości, jak i obecnie. W artykule wykazałam wagę zależności pomiędzy pamięcią społeczności etnicznej, a specyfiką języka grupy, która dążąc do upamiętnienia ważnych dla siebie wydarzeń i miejsc pamięci, nie przestrzega istniejących przepisów prawa państwa Polskiego. Analiza podstaw prawnych wznoszenia upamiętnień pokazuje, że wymagana jest aktualizacja przepisów prawa. Powszechnie niedoceniana wartość warstwy mentalnej w kontekście wartości niematerialnej dziedzictwa kulturowego poszczególnych grup etnicznych doprowadza do sytuacji konfliktogennych, które wykraczają poza teren pogranicza, stając się konfliktami o zasięgu ogólnopolskim, a coraz częściej nawet międzynarodowym.

Celem artykułu jest wykazanie, że niektóre ustawy w państwach demokratycznych o ugruntowanych rządach prawa są nieakceptowalne ze względu na ich imitacyjność. Ustawy imitacyjne to takie akty normatywne stanowione przez parlament, których celem jest pozorne rozwiązanie problemu społecznego. Przy tak rozumianej pozorności brak woli ustawodawcy wywołania skutków swej działalności, a jedynie występuje zamiar wytworzenia przekonania u adresatów norm, że taki skutek powstaje. W artykule wskazuje się na cztery rodzaje racji na rzecz odrzucenia ustaw imitacyjnych. Po pierwsze, ze względu na niezgodność regulacji prawnych ustawodawcy z standardami moralnymi wspólnoty politycznej (Ronald Dworkin); po drugie, ze względu na imitacyjny cel ustawodawcy, tj. brak związku między nakazanym/zakazanym zachowaniem a pozornym charakterem celu ustawodawcy (Lon L. Fuller); po trzecie, brak racjonalnego związku między nakazem prawnym a cechami objętej tym nakazem kategorii podmiotów/przedmiotów (Ofer Raban); po czwarte, brak związku konwencjonalno-normatywnego pomiędzy danym treścią przepisu nakazującego a celem ustawodawcy (Marek Smolak). W artykule postuluje się, by w argumentacji opartej na powyższych czterech racjach przyjąć, że mamy do czynienia z racją publiczną i w konsekwencji stosować test rozumnego sceptyka zaproponowany przez Ron den Ottera. ; This paper seeks to demonstrate that certain enactments in democratic countries where the rule of law is well established are inadmissible in view of their imitative nature. Imitative statutes are normative enactments of parliament which aim at an ostensible solution to a social problem. Ostensibility thus comprehended is accompanied by the absence of will on the part of the legislator to achieve any effect of their activity, as their sole intention is to engender a conviction among the addressed of the norms that such an effect actually takes place. The author discusses four types of reasoning in support of rejecting imitative statutes. These are as follows: first, given non-compliance of legislation with the moral standards of the political community (Ronald Dworkin); second, in view of the imitative goal of the legislator, or absence of a link between a prescribed/prohibited behaviour and the ostensible nature of legislator's goal (Lon L. Fuller); third, the lack of a rational relationship between a legal prescription and the features of the class of subject/objects to which the prescription applies (Ofer Raban); fourth, the lack of a conventional-moral relationship between the substance of a prescriptive provision and the goal of the legislator (Marek Smolak). The author argues further that argumentation based on the above four reasons should presume that public reason is involved and, consequently, administer the test of the reasonable sceptic as suggested by Ron den Otter.

The article focuses on the theoretical and practical analysis of various levels of governance in higher education - at the systemic level, at the institutional level and at the level of public policy making in higher education system and universities. Both Poland and Ukraine are facing the common challenges of the urgent need to diminish bureaucracy at universities and to deregulate the system of higher education, which requires the necessary changes to the legal framework at the institutional and systemic levels. The article considers which tools in the process of transformation of higher education, both at the macro (governance in HES and public policy) and micro (governance and management in HEI) levels can be used in order to find effective solutions in the areas of management, governance and public policy in the higher education system. ; Artykuł poświęcony analizie teoretycznej oraz praktycznej różnych poziomów rządzenia (governance) w szkolnictwie wyższym - na poziomie systemowym, instytucyjnym i na poziomie polityki państwa wobec systemu szkolnictwa wyższego oraz uniwersytetów. Zarówno Polska, jak i Ukraina stają wobec wspólnego wyzwania konieczności odbiurokratyzowania działania uczelni i deregulacji systemu szkolnictwa wyższego, co wymaga niezbędnych zmian reguł ładu instytucjonalnego i systemowego. W artykule pokazano, jakie narzędzia w procesie transformacji szkolnictwa wyższego zarówno na poziomie makro (governance in HES i polityka publiczna), jak i mikro (governance i management in HEI) mogą być wykorzystane w celu podejmowania skutecznych rozwiązań w obszarach: zarządzanie, governance i polityka publiczna w systemie szkolnictwa wyższego.

The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions. ; The amendments made to the electoral law, and effective as of 2011, introduced a quota system but they did not solve the problem of women's participation in public life. Each sex was guaranteed a minimum of 35% of seats on electoral lists, without the requirement of alternating the candidates of different sexes, allowing certain political parties to only appear to implement the legislation. Despite the legal regulation imposing a requirement to increase the number of female candidates on electoral lists, the number of women currently in parliament increased only marginally, which raises the question of the degree of women's participation in those executive organs of the state which are not required to observe a quota. There is much to be desired as regards the participation of women in the organs of state administration at both central and local levels in Poland. Political posts are clearly dominated by men. As regards administrative positions, the proportion of women depends on the degree of power connected with them: the higher the level in the hierarchy, the fewer women there are. As concerns'executive' posts, we can talk not only about a balance of sexes, but even about the prevalence of women, in some cases. Therefore, it is increasingly often postulated in public debate to introduce a quota system into the organs of state administration, the more so as some European countries have already applied similar solutions.

The article analyses the current, post-crisis case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in cases concerning the so-called Dublin Regulation, i.e. Regulation 604/2013, which establishes the criteria and mechanisms for determining the Member State responsible for examining an application for international protection lodged in one of the Member States by a third-country national. The aim of the article is to analyze the standard of migration security in the area of Dublin cases. The key problem for the discussed issue was the judgment in the Jawo case, in which the Court of Justice examined the admissibility of Dublin transfers to the Italian Republic on the grounds that there was a risk of extreme material deprivation of the migrant. The Jawo case is a continuation of high-profile international court rulings in cases such as M.S.S., Tarakhel (ECtHR) and N.S. (CJEU), which decided to suspend transfers to Italy and Greece. Apart from the issues of protection against inhuman treatment, the jurisprudence of the CJEU also draws attention to the issues of legal security, effectiveness and accessibility of administrative procedures for third-country nationals seeking international protection in the EU. Finally, the standard of migration security in the Dublin area also includes the obligation to act in solidarity and mutual trust between the Member States, as set out in the judgments of the CJEU.

Zasadniczym celem artykułu jest przybliżenie prób reformy systemu wyborczego do Rady Najwyższej Ukrainy podejmowanych w okresie przypadającym po Euromajdanie. Analizie zostały poddane rozwiązania prawne zawarte w zarejestrowanych i poddanych pod głosowanie w parlamencie projektach ordynacji wyborczych. Przybliżono także stanowisko poszczególnych sił politycznych wobec potrzeby reformy systemu wyborczego, na co pozwoliła analiza programów wyborczych, zapisów umowy koalicyjnej zawartej w RN VIII kadencji, jak również wyników głosowania nad poszczególnymi projektami ustaw w parlamencie. Ponadto uwaga została skupiona na wynikach badań opinii publicznej, pozwalających ukazać, który z wariantów systemu wyborczego jest najbardziej pożądany przez ukraińskie społeczeństwo. ; The main aim of the article is to present the attempts to reform the electoral system for the Supreme Council of Ukraine in the period after Euromaidan. Legal solutions contained in the drafts of the electoral law that were registered and submitted to a vote in the parliament have been analyzed. Analysis of electoral manifestos, provisions of the coalition agreement concluded in the Supreme Council in its 8th term, and the results of voting on individual bills in the parliament allowed the position of particular political forces on the need to reform the electoral system to be presented. Additionally, analysis of the results of public opinion polls made it possible to determine the electoral systems most desired by the Ukrainian public.

Zasadniczym celem artykułu jest przybliżenie prób reformy systemu wyborczego do Rady Najwyższej Ukrainy podejmowanych w okresie przypadającym po Euromajdanie. Analizie zostały poddane rozwiązania prawne zawarte w zarejestrowanych i poddanych pod głosowanie w parlamencie projektach ordynacji wyborczych. Przybliżono także stanowisko poszczególnych sił politycznych wobec potrzeby reformy systemu wyborczego, na co pozwoliła analiza programów wyborczych, zapisów umowy koalicyjnej zawartej w RN VIII kadencji, jak również wyników głosowania nad poszczególnymi projektami ustaw w parlamencie. Ponadto uwaga została skupiona na wynikach badań opinii publicznej, pozwalających ukazać, który z wariantów systemu wyborczego jest najbardziej pożądany przez ukraińskie społeczeństwo. ; The main aim of the article is to present the attempts to reform the electoral system for the Supreme Council of Ukraine in the period after Euromaidan. Legal solutions contained in the drafts of the electoral law that were registered and submitted to a vote in the parliament have been analyzed. Analysis of electoral manifestos, provisions of the coalition agreement concluded in the Supreme Council in its 8th term, and the results of voting on individual bills in the parliament allowed the position of particular political forces on the need to reform the electoral system to be presented. Additionally, analysis of the results of public opinion polls made it possible to determine the electoral systems most desired by the Ukrainian public.

Legal Aspects of Lobbying in Decision-Making Processes of Public AdministrationThe process of decision-making in public administration is multifaceted, with the deci-sion being the result of complex proceedings aimed to settle a case or reach a specific goal. Public administration works in this area mainly in the legał environment, but not only. The decision-making process is determined by social conditions and includes agency of various persons whose conduct and actions lead to certain conseąuences. Due to the different tasks of public administration, its activity is not merely a result of the will of a given body but it can also be initiated by applicants interested in the attainment of defined objectives, including through lobbying. The essence of lobbying is to influence, within the confines of law, decisions of public authorities in a particular direction. In Poland, lobbying is nów an institution regulated by the Act of 7 July 2005 on Lobbying Activity in the Lawmaking Process (OJ No 169, item 1414).Lobbying is also very common in the European Union, where the phenomenon is not only acceptable, but even desirable.Lobbying is seen as bringing benefits for both parties consulted. Therefore, at the level of the European Union, certain standards have been determined defining the scope of relations between the Community Institutions

The goal of this article is to an answer to a fundamental dilemma that appears in the organisation and functioning of democratic countries. It arises from the necessity to provide national security while simultaneously ensuring a specific catalogue of values, including citizen laws and freedoms. The author attempts a teleological analysis of the conception of national security in the conditions of a constitutional democracy. After defining the general characteristics of the security conception, the author investigates them in terms of relations between the security of national structures and personal and group interests of the citizens. The author points out their axiological and legal aspects formalised in the fundamental law and underlines the synergic interdependence between the security of national organisational structures and the security of the society – the nation. ; Celem artykułu jest odpowiedź na zasadniczy dylemat pojawiający się w organizacji i funkcjonowaniu demokratycznych państw. Polega on na konieczności zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa przy jednoczesnej ochronie określonego katalogu wartości, w tym praw i wolności obywateli. Autor podejmuje próbę teleologicznej analizy pojęcia "bezpieczeństwo państwa" w warunkach funkcjonowania demokracji konstytucyjnej. Po określeniu ogólnych desygnatów tego pojęcia, rozpatruje je w kontekście relacji ochrony struktur państwa do zabezpieczenia interesów personalnych i grupowych ogółu obywateli. Wskazuje na ich aksjologiczno-prawne aspekty sformalizowane w ustawie zasadniczej oraz podkreśla synergiczną współzależność pomiędzy bezpieczeństwem struktur organizacji państwowej a bezpieczeństwem społeczeństwa – narodu.

Można postawić tezę, że wybory z 4 czerwca 1989 r. miały dla przyszłości Polski znaczenie zasadnicze. Porozumienie zawarte przy Okrągłym Stole umożliwiało opozycji demokratycznej jedynie obecność w parlamencie i tym samym kontrolę aparatu władzy. Miało też przerzucić na opozycję część odpowiedzialności za państwo. Wynik wyborów spowodował, że obóz komunistyczny musiał władzę oddać w ręce dotychczasowej opozycji. W artykule przedstawiono wysiłki przedstawicieli Komitetu Obywatelskiego w Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej zmierzające do zabezpieczenia rzetelności wyborów. Jest to jednocześnie obraz powstawania w Polsce prawa wyborczego charakteryzującego demokratyczne państwo oraz tworzenia się kultury prawnej społeczeństwa. ; It might be argued that the election of 4 June 1989 was of essential importance for the future of Poland. The agreement reached at the 'Round Table' merely provided for the presence of democratic opposition in Parliament, allowing it to exercise some control of the apparatus of power. The intention of that concession was to pass onto the opposition a share of responsibility for the state. However, as a result of the election that followed, the ruling communists had to actually hand down power to their opponents. This paper describes the efforts that the Citizens' Committee in the State Election Commission made to protect the integrity of the election. It also describes the process of electoral law formation in Poland, as well as the development of the legal culture of society.