The Court's Fraud Dud
In: Duke Journal of Constitutional Law & Public Policy, Band 6, S. 31
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In: Duke Journal of Constitutional Law & Public Policy, Band 6, S. 31
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In: Law & policy, Band 20, S. 333-356
ISSN: 0265-8240
In: International journal of human rights, Band 5, Heft 4, S. 90-109
ISSN: 1364-2987
A review essay on books by (1) Gary Jonathan Bass, Stay the Hand of Vengeance (Princeton, NJ: Princeton U Press, 2000); & (2) Sarah B. Sewell & Carl Kaysen [Eds], The United States and the International Criminal Court (Rowman & Littlefield, 2000). These books are important additions to the current debate about the role of international criminal justice. Bass's well-researched & highly readable account of past & present war crimes tribunals focuses on the political reasons governments either support or reject them. He treats war tribunals as a recurring phenomenon, beginning with the failed 1815 trials of Bonapartists at St. Helena, & ending with current tribunals for the former Yugoslavia & Rwanda. The volume edited by Sewell & Kaysen explores US proposals regarding the drafting of the International Criminal Court Statute & concerns surrounding them. Although most of the contributors support the court to varying degrees, they offer well balanced & insightful assessments of the benefits & costs associated with the court, & the introductory chapter places the process of developing the International Criminal Court within its broader global legal & political context. J. Lindroth
При изучении дополнительной квалификации преступлений в статье затрагиваются проблемы, которые выходят за рамки традиционного ее понимания. Речь идет о квалификации преступных деяний при вступлении в силу нового уголовного закона, смягчающего или усиливающего наказание. Предмет исследования включает: уголовно-правовые нормы действующего российского законодательства, предусматривающие дополнительную квалификацию преступлений при вступлении в силу нового уголовного закона, смягчающего или усиливающего наказание; статистические данные, обзоры, судебную практику по делам, связанным с дополнительной квалификацией преступлений при вступлении в силу нового уголовного закона, смягчающего или усиливающего наказание; научные статьи, монографии, учебную литературу по рассматриваемому вопросу. Методологической основой исследования служит материалистическая теория познания социальных явлений. В работе использовались общенаучные методы познания (анализ, синтез, системно-структурный и др.), частнонаучные (логико-юридический, историко-правовой, сравнительно-правовой). В процессе исследования использовались достижения науки в области философии, социологии, теории права, уголовного права, относящиеся к проблемам исследования. Нормативную базу исследования составили Конституция РФ, уголовное законодательство России, в том числе и ранее действовавшее. Также важное место среди источников занимают Постановления Президиума и Определения коллегии по уголовным делам Верховного Суда как России, так и Союза ССР. Теоретической основой исследования стали труды отечественных и зарубежных авторов по уголовному праву и криминологии, уголовной политике. Устранение или установление преступности деяния происходит путем изменения диспозиции статьи Особенной части уголовного законодательства. При этом дополнительная квалификация осуществляется в соответствующем случае по новому закону, если он частично или полностью декриминализует преступление. Если же он частично или полностью криминализует преступление, квалификация осуществляется в соответствующем случае по старому закону. Смягчение или усиление наказания происходит путем изменения санкции статьи Особенной части уголовного законодательства. При этом дополнительная квалификация осуществляется по новому закону, если он является смягчающим наказание. ; When studying the additional qualification of crimes within the field of study of this article, the author discusses the problems outside the scope of its traditional understanding. The matter concerns the qualification of crimes upon entry into force of the new criminal law aggravating or mitigating punishment. The object of studies involves criminal law norms of the current Russian legislation providing for the additional qualification of crimes upon entry into force of the new criminal law aggravating or mitigating punishment; statistical data, reviews and judicial practice on cases concerning additional qualification of crimes upon entry into force of the new criminal law aggravating or mitigating punishment, scientific monographs, articles, manuals on this issue. The methodological basis for the study was formed with the materialistic theory of cognition of social events. The work involved general scientific cognition methods (analysis, synthesis, systemic-structural, etc.), specific scientific methods (logical legal, historical legal, comparative legal methods). The process of study also involved scientific achievements of philosophy, social studies, theory of law, criminal law regarding the studied issues. Normative basis for the studies is formed with the Constitution of the Russian Federation, criminal legislation of Russia, including laws, which were previously in force. The important place among the sources is reserved for the Decisions of the Presidium and Chamber on Criminal Cases of the Russian Federation and the USSR. The theoretical basis for the studies was found in the works of Russian and foreign authors on criminal law, criminology, criminal policy. Establishment or abolishment of criminality of an act is implemented via amendments in the disposition of an article within the Special Part of the Criminal Code. At the same time additional qualification is provided within the new law, it partially or completely decriminalizes a crime. If it partially or completely established criminality of act qualification is done in accordance with the old law. Mitigation or aggravation of punishment is implemented via changes in the sanction of an article of the Special Part of the Criminal Code. Qualification is done according to the new legislation, if it mitigates the punishment.
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The Draft Act on Cooperation between the Chilean State and the International Criminal Court that the Executive has sent to the Parliament on May 15th 2020, foresees a dual nature of the cooperation proceedings, in which the Ministry for Foreign Affairs acts between the Court and the state organs able to execute the requested cooperation. This introduces a foreign policy element into the cooperation with the International Criminal Court, which tinges the description that the Executive does of the Draft as the result of technical efforts, since it is unclear that the described model is the best technical approach available to accomplish with the duty to cooperate folly and without delay with the International Criminal Court, that Chile has acquired by becoming a state party of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Furthermore, the proposed proceedings bare the possibility of delay in the accomplishment of the cooperation requests. Some specific issues that could be solved in the course of the legislative procedure are outlined. ; El Proyecto de Ley de Cooperación entre el Estado de Chile y la Corte Penal Internacional que el ejecutivo ha ingresado en la Cámara de Diputados el 15 de mayo de 2020, al prever la naturaleza dual del procedimiento de cooperación -con el Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores actuando entre la Corte y los órganos del Estado que pueden ejecutar la cooperación que se solicita, introduce un elemento de política exterior a la cooperación con la Corte Penal Internacional que matiza la descripción que el mensaje hace del proyecto como el producto de un trabajo técnico. Por otra parte, dista de ser claro que se valga de los mecanismos técnicamente más aptos para cumplir con la obligación de cooperación plena y sin dilación que tiene Chile respecto de la Corte Penal Internacional, adquirida al momento de obligarse como Estado Parte de su trabajo fundante, pues los procedimientos previstos encierran posibilidades de demora en el cumplimiento de las solicitudes. Se ponen de relieve ...
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In: Contemporary economic policy: a journal of Western Economic Association International, Band 7, Heft 4, S. 1-18
ISSN: 1465-7287
The total number of cases that the Antitrust Division has filed during the past decade has increased, but the number of significant criminal price‐fixing cases has declined. Policy changes have had significant effects on other areas of enforcement. This paper argues, however, that the decline in this dimension of antitrust enforcement can be explained by a 1974 act of Congress that increased criminal penalties for price‐fixing violations from the misdemeanor level to the felony level. According to this argument, the stiffer penalties' deterrent impact has reduced the supply of antitrust violations. In this respect, the analysis highlights the flaws in measuring the strength of enforcement from the frequency of cases filed. In addition, the paper reports empirical evidence from a multinomial logit model of defendant plea choice indicating that the felony penalties encourage defendants to plead not guilty more frequently. Furthermore, data on the outcomes of criminal antitrust cases reveal that the government has greater difficulty in obtaining convictions when felony penalties apply. From the viewpoint of enforcers, these findings imply that detecting and prosecuting significant price‐fixing violations is more difficult. This, in turn, helps explain the reduction in related private enforcement.
ABSTRAKPenahanan merupakan pembatasan terhadap suatu kebebasan yang dimiliki seseorang khususnya kebebasan bergerak seseorang maka hendaknya penahanan tersebut dilakukan bilamana memang sangat diperlukan bagi kepentingan penegakan hukum. Selain itu penahanan juga menimbulkan dua pertentangan azas yaitu disatu pihak penahanan menyebabkan hilangnya kebebasan bergerak seseorang, dan di pihak yang lain penahanan dilakukan untuk menjaga ketertiban yang harus dipertahankan demi kepentingan umum atas perbuatan jahat yang disangkakan kepada Tersangka atau Terdakwa.Dengan diratifikasinya International Covenant On Civil And Political Rights (Kovenan Internasional Tentang Hak-Hak Sipil Dan Politik) pada tahun 2005 dengan terbentuknya Undang-undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 12 tahun 2005 tentang Pengesahan International Covenant On Civil And Political Rights (Kovenan Internasional Tentang Hak-Hak Sipil Dan Politik), maka ada konsekuensi yang harus dihadapi Indonesia dalam menegakkan hukum diantaranya tentang penahanan yang dilakukan oleh penyidik harus sesingkat mungkin dan segera dibawa kepada hakim.Ada kebijakan penyidik Polresta Pontianak Kota tidak melakukan penahanan terhadap pelaku tindak pidana padahal jika dilihat dalam Kitab Undang-Undang Hukum Acara Pidana pelaku tersebut memenuhi persyaratan untuk dilakukan penahanan. Pertimbangan-pertimbangan inilah yang perlu ditelaah, apa dasar yang digunakan penyidik di Polresta Pontianak Kota dalam mengambil kebijakan sehingga tidak menahan tersangka pelaku tindak pidanaKata kunci : Penahanan, Kebijakan Pidana, Kitab Undang-Undang Hukum Acara PidanaABSTRACTDetention is a restriction on the freedom of an individual's freedom of movement, especially one that detention should be done whenever it is necessary for the interests of law enforcement. Additionally arrest also raises two principles conflict that led to the loss of containment on the one hand to move one's freedom, and on the other to keep the detention order should be maintained in the public interest on the alleged misconduct to the suspect or defendant.With the ratification of the International Covenant On Civil And Political Rights (International Covenant On Civil Rights And Political) in 2005 with the establishment of the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 12 of 2005 on the Ratification of the International Covenant On Civil And Political Rights (International Covenant Rights Advice civil and Political Rights), then there are consequences to be faced by Indonesia in enforcing laws such detention made by the investigator should be as short as possible and immediately brought to the judge.There is a policy of Pontianak City Police investigators did not commit against criminals but when viewed in the Code of Criminal offender meets the requirements for detention. These considerations that need to be explored, what is the basis used investigator in Pontianak City Police in their policy so it does not hold suspected criminals.Keywords: Detention, Criminal Policy, the Code of Criminal Procedure Code
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In: The Howard journal of criminal justice, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 25-39
ISSN: 1468-2311
Abstract: This article examines the concept, strongly promoted in recent Home Office policy, of partnerships between the probation service and the independent sector. Its aim is to discuss the implications of this concept for probation policy and practice. It is argued first that current debates have tended to lose sight of a long tradition of joint work between the service and the voluntary sector, and examples are given of past partnerships' which may help inform present thinking. Five central issues are then identified ‐ the divisibility of probation tasks, accountability, compatibility of aims, organisation, and funding. It is suggested that their resolution may depend upon enhanced local participation and co‐operation in criminal justice.
In: Social justice: a journal of crime, conflict and world order, Band 21, S. 73-84
ISSN: 1043-1578, 0094-7571
The traditional poles of liberal-conservative dialogue on criminal justice policy -- crime prevention vs punishment; due process vs criminal control -- have all but disappeared. This fact was clearly evident in the US Congressional crime debate of 1993/94, as the House & Senate expanded the federal death penalty by more than fifty additional offenses. It is also evident in the slogan that captured much of the public discourse during the first months of 1994 -- "three strikes & you're out." It was even evident in the Bill Clinton administration's new strategy for controlling violent crime & drugs announced in early 1994. This narrowing of the ideological spectrum on criminal justice policy is a legacy of the Ronald Reagan-George Bush era. 1 Figure, 51 References. M. Maguire
In: Policy Options (2 October 2018)
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In: Contemporary crises: crime, law, social policy, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 137
ISSN: 0378-1100
In: Journal für Konflikt- und Gewaltforschung: Journal of conflict and violence research, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 46-76
ISSN: 1438-9444
Antiterrorism legislation that has been drafted & enacted after September 11 (2001) certainly carries clear signs of coordination & convergence. Coordination & convergence have been pushed by precise demands voiced by the UN, the security council, & other international & supranational bodies. Moreover, antiterrorism legislation after 9/11 implements a program that was developed in the context of controlling transnational organized crime, money laundering, & illegal immigration in the 1980s & 1990s. Antiterrorism legislation is of a cross sectional nature as it is headed towards amendments not only of criminal law but also towards amending telecommunication law, immigration law, police law, etc. In substantial criminal law we find new offence statutes that penalize support of terrorist organizations & financing terrorism. In procedural law police powers have been widened while telecommunication providers are subject to prolonged periods of keeping data. Cooperation between police & intelligence agencies has been facilitated; the emergence of task force approaches that combine police, intelligence agencies, customs, immigration authorities, etc, is pointing also to the convergence of policies of prevention & repression. At large, antiterrorism legislation demonstrates the transformation of the formerly privileged status of politically & ideologically motivated violence into behavior deemed to be particularly dangerous & therefore eligible for increased penalties & incapacitation. Such transformation can be also understood as the emergence of an enemy type criminal law that is opposed to the version of criminal law that addresses citizens & with that treasures the salience of civil liberties. 49 References. Adapted from the source document.
Las ejecuciones extrajudiciales, es decir, el asesinato de personas en situación de indefensión por parte de agentes estatales, es una práctica de vieja data en Colombia, que se visibilizó, por su sistematicidad, entre los años 2002 y 2010, periodo en el cual se instauró la Política de Seguridad Democrática del entonces Presidente Álvaro Uribe Vélez. Dicha política, basada en los planteamientos de la Doctrina de Seguridad Nacional y construida sobre la lógica del Enemigo Interno, implicó una vasta militarización del país y un accionar desproporcionado de parte de la fuerza pública que se vio reflejado en múltiples violaciones a los Derechos Humanos e infracciones al Derecho Internacional Humanitario, entre estas, alrededor de 3500 ejecuciones extrajudiciales de personas, en su mayoría civiles a lo largo y ancho del país. Alrededor de estos hechos existen múltiples factores tanto a nivel fáctico, como a nivel normativo, que impiden que las víctimas accedan de manera integral a los derechos a la verdad, la justicia y la reparación, y por consiguiente, que los principales responsables sean castigados generalizando un panorama de impunidad del que no parece haber salida, máxime cuando se continúan impulsando reformas legislativas que buscan "blindar" a las Fuerzas Militares, de las denuncias, investigaciones y sanciones por estos hechos, a través del fortalecimiento de la Justicia Penal Militar. Dicho panorama implica grandes retos en materia de política criminal, y para la Justicia Transicional en Colombia. (texto tomado de la fuente) ; Extrajudicial executions, which means, the killing of people in situations of defenselessness by State agents, is a practice of long standing in Colombia, that was made visible by its systematicity between 2002 and 2010. During this period, the Democratic Security Policy was instituted by the President at that time, Álvaro Uribe Vélez. This policy, based on the approach of the National Security Doctrine and built under the logic of Internal Enemy, brought a vast militarization of the country, and triggered incommensurate actions from the government security forces. This was reflected in multiple violations of Human Rights and violations of the International Humanitarian Law, where can be counted around 3,500 extrajudicial executions (killings) of civil population along the country. In regards to these events, there are many factors at the factual and normative level which inhibit victims from accessing to the rights of truth, justice and reparation, and therefore, it is not possible that the main responsible of these crimes are punished. This fact creates an impunity scenario that seems to have no way out, especially, when legislative reforms that seek to "shield" the Armed Forces are continually pursued, through the strengthening of the Military Criminal Justice System. This scenario brings great challenges in criminal policy matters and for the Transitional Justice in Colombia. ; Maestría ; Sociología Política y Criminal
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In: Elon University Law Legal Studies Research Paper Forthcoming
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Working paper
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Working paper