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Background This report on "Streetlife . The situation of foreign citizens that beg" is commissioned by the Ministry of Justice and Security. Since around 2007, we have seen an increasing migration of foreign citizens begging in Norway, and a continuous public debate about this new migration, where politicians, public employees and ordinary citizens have participated. The debates have concerned questions of trafficking, organized crime and litter. Several measures have been discussed in order to handle this experienced problematic situation, from a ban on begging and deportation of foreign beggars, to humanitarian initiatives such as cheap public accommodation, sanitary stations and "relief work". The survey has two main objectives: 1) to map out the situation of foreign citizens that beg, in their homeland and in Norway, and assess the scale of this begging, 2) to map out the experiences of welfare-institutions and private organisations involved in this group in Oslo, Bergen, Trondheim and Tromsø. Methods NOVA, by Ada I. Engebrigtsen, is responsible for the survey and report. Research assistant Johanna Fraenkel, at The Church City Mission in Oslo, and researcher Daniel Pop, at Ethno-Cultural Resource Center in Romania, have been subcontractors. Interviews and observations make up the basic methods for this survey, while the Romanian report is based on statistical material and literature. We have interviewed almost 80 persons among service providers, private contributors and beggars themselves. The commission covers four person months for Engebrigtsen, and two person months for Fraenkel and for Pop. Data collection was carried out between October 2013 and April 2014. The foreign citizen that beg in Norway The vast majority of foreign citizens begging in Norway (as in most European countries) are Romanian citizens, and belong to the minority that traditionally is called (and often call themselves) È›igani in Romania. The majority of these belong to the Roma-minority, some belong to other, similar minorities and some are majority Romanians. They make up between three and 10 percent of the Romanian population. This is circular migration; migrants are travelling between Romania and Norway, and new groups arrive when others leave. Most beggars travel over larger areas, than where they stay more permanently. Women in their 40-50ties dominate begging, but most women have arrived with husbands, sons and other relatives. Roma and other similar groups represent the most excluded, stigmatized and vulnerable segments of the Romanian population. A country-survey from 2010, shows that almost all employed persons were employed in the informal economy, and over 50 percent had no formal qualifications. The report from Romania shows systematic discrimination and exclusion in most fields of society. Governments have implemented several strategies and measures as response to demands from EU agencies, but the Roma seem to be caught in a vicious circle of exclusion from welfare benefits, with continuous marginalisation and deprivation as a result. The ambiguous situation of foreign citizens begging Foreign beggars suffer from substantial destitution in Norway as in Romania. Their most serious problem in Norway is that there are very few legal places to stay and to sleep. When the shelters organised by NGOs are full, many sleep in the streets, in abandoned houses etc. With the temperature dropping below 10 degrees Celsius, that is a dangerous option. Another problem is the increasing privatisation of public space. Private security service companies and some police officers are eager to send off foreign beggars whenever and wherever they stay. Our assessment of the scale of foreign persons begging in Norway is somewhere between 500 and 100 persons at any time, dependent on the season and Romanian religious holydays a.o. Begging or in search of work? The majority of our informants would prefer to work, but without qualification and language proficiency, they do not believe it is possible. Almost all have been workers; the oldest ones during the CeauÈ™escu era, the younger in other countries in Europe. Some also have had short-term work in Norway. This confirms their claim about preferring work to begging, and blurs the moral division between beggars and workers. NGOs and foreign citizens begging In Norway as in most European countries, NGOs are responsible for the provision of a minimum of social services to foreign persons begging. Some NGO employees claim that NGOs are substituting work that should be the reasonability of public agencies. Many point to the fact that more and more poor migrants from Europe outside Romania are arriving, and they compete for NGO services with the foreign beggars. In spite of this increase of migrating European poor, many NGOs experience diminished funding in 2014. Public services We have interviewed employees in Child Care services, in Social services, in health services and the Police about their involvement, and experience dealing with foreign citizens that beg. Child Care services in the three major cities have been involved with begging families from Romania, and have had some instances of abused and neglected children. They do, however, claim that it is difficult to bring these cases to court, partly because of the mobile situation of the families, and because they are foreign citizens. The Oslo Police and to some degree the Police in the other bigger cities, have been more or less heavily involved in this group. Social Services does not have contact with this group and health institutions do not register patients by nationality. Criminality Police reportsindicate that parts of the Romanians that come to Norway as beggars, or under pretence of begging, have criminal records from Romania and other European countries, or travel together with people with criminal records. How persons that beg are involved in crime, is however not clear. This problem seems, however, to be most serious in Oslo, where the Police experience this as a serious problem. Trafficking is also an issue. Both in Romania and in Norway there have been law-cases finding Romanians (also Roma) guilty of trafficking, mostly connected to prostitution, but also to begging. We will point to the fact that the definition of trafficking is, however, ambiguous, the scale is not known, and the grey zone between voluntary and forced migration and between cooperation and exploitation can make it hard to investigate cases and bring them to court. The report from Romania indicates that trafficking for begging, none the less, is on the increase, and calls for more research on the topic. Good Samaritans Finally, we will draw the attention to the many private citizens and groups of people all over the country who are engaged in easing the lives of poor Romanians begging, while they are in Norway or back home in Romania. This spontaneous contact between foreign persons that beg and Norwegian Citizens, together with the NGO- initiatives, creates an arena for social interaction. This commitment is important for improving the situation of foreign citizens begging in Norway. ; Rapporten bygger på en kartlegging av situasjonen for utenlandske personer som tigger, og er bestilt av Justis- og beredskapsdepartementet. Utenlandske personer som tigger i Norge, er hovedsakelig rumenske statsborgere fra rom og lignende minoriteter. I rapporten ser forskerne nærmere på befolkningens situasjon i Romania og deres situasjon mens de er i Norge. De kommer også med en vurdering av antallet utenlandske personer som tigger her i landet. Kartleggingen omfatter intervjuer med representanter både fra involverte private og offentlige organisasjoner samt utenlandske personer som tigger. Rapporten utfordrer en del stereotypier og myter både om utenlandske personer som tigger, og om det norske samfunnet. Rapporten er skrevet av NOVA-forsker Ada I. Engebrigtsen i samarbeid med Johanna Fraenkel ved Stiftelsen Kirkens Bymisjon, Oslo, og Daniel Pop, EDRC, Cluj Romani

The 25 of July of 2005, the national government presided by Álvaro Uribe Vélez, adopted in the Colombian legal ordering well-known Law 975 of 2005 like "Law of justice and peace"; which must have as a generic aim to order "dispositions for the restoration of members of warrior groups organized to the margin of the law, that contribute in an effective way to the achieve national peace (.)", this law is very controverted and torrid and it has been object of several unconstitutionality demands. These norms were raised as a consequence of the Álvaro Uribe government agreements, with the selves defenses for their dismobility, process that imply to adequate the current legislation to make it easier, due to the inapplicability of Law 782 rom 2002 and Decree 128 of 2003 to committed criminal facts during and with occasion of the permanence in warrior groups, which do not have the amnistiable or indultable qualities. In this matter the adaptation of the accusatory criminal system is marked to those punibles conducts, where the subject on which falls the penalty action is the dismobilized one, no matter if he does in an individual or collective way, situation that evidences one of the multiple missing pieces that are seen at the moment of the execution of the law, due to the individual demobilizations suffer a dissimilar proceeding to the collective one. But from the point of the force that has the international pacts in the Colombian political Constitution, it is evident that this norms goes against the international texts recognized by the legislator and that they are part of the political pact. The law that ratifies the of Rome agreement about the Penal Court and the crimes that this one can judge are taxative in which the crimes of lesa humanity, the war crimes and the genocide are imprescriptibly, they can not be indulted, nor amnestied. The enchained hands which the Colombian government was put under sovereignly is not only for the executive authority, but that it limits also the legislative power and the judicial power when it is to pardon and to judge the people in charge of the atrocious crimes and of lesa humanity. The problem is that by means of a constitutional reform the norms of the Penal Court were incorporated and the law of recognition was approved in the internal order of the Statute of Rome (2002 law 742) and of the competence of the Court was approved too. To unravel the nature, I reach and implications of the law of justice and peace, if in essence is a conducive project to clarify the truth, justice and the integral repair to all the victims, in a process that involves to all the actors, groups and sectors jeopardize in the armed conflict Colombian or on the contrary a directed initiative impunity, the pardon and the forgetfulness of all the crimes of lesa humanity committed by the paramilitary, to establish if it incorporates a directed policy of state to solve two aspects that to our critery are the power stations in the solution of the present Colombian conflict, which they are: the displacement and the fight by the land, centric aspects of the investigation project "Displacement and Land within the framework of the Policy of Justice and Peace", on the critery of which the society, the academy, the university, the students and in individual the right faculties must investigate and debate so controverted law that will affect the past, present and future of our nation, to which it is not possible to be outside of the discussion. The present articule is an investigative advance that about the law 975 of 2005 presents the investigative group from its legal analysis and constitutional control that allowed to interpose a demand of partial unconstitutionality against the articule 5 o that incorporates the victim definition. ; El 25 de julio de 2005 el Gobierno Nacional, presidido por Álvaro Uribe Vélez sancionó, incorporando al ordenamiento jurídico colombiano, la Ley 975 de 2005 conocida como "Ley de Justicia y Paz", la cual tiene como fin genérico dictar "disposiciones para la reincorporación de miembros de grupos armados organizados al margen de la ley, que contribuyan de manera efectiva a la consecución de la paz nacional (.)", ley controvertida y controversial que ha sido objeto de múltiples demandas de inconstitucionalidad.Dicha normatividad, que surge como consecuencia de los acuerdos del gobierno de Álvaro Uribe Vélez con las autodefensas para su desmovilización, proceso que implica adecuar la legislación existente para su facilitación, dada la limitación de la Ley 782 de 2002, prorrogada por la Ley 1106 de 2006 y el Decreto 128 de 2003 a hechos delictivos cometidos durante y con ocasión de la permanencia en grupos armados al margen de la ley, que no revistan las calidades de ser amnistiables o indultables. En ella se marca la adaptación del sistema penal acusatorio a tales conductas punibles, donde el sujeto sobre el cual recae la acción penal es el desmovilizado, independientemente lo haga de forma individual o colectiva, situación que evidencia una de las múltiples falencias que se ven en el momento de ejecución de la ley, en virtud que las desmovilizaciones individuales sufren un trámite disímil al que reciben las colectivas.Pero, a la luz de la fuerza que tienen los pactos internacionales en la Constitución Política colombiana, es evidente que esta normatividad va en contravía con los textos internacionales acogidos por el legislador y que son parte del pacto político. La ley que ratifica el Estatuto de Roma sobre la Corte Penal Internacional y los crímenes que ésta puede juzgar es taxativa en que los crímenes de lesa humanidad, los crímenes de guerra y el genocidio son imprescriptibles, y no pueden ser indultados ni amnistiados.Esa atadura de manos a la que el gobierno colombiano se sometió soberanamente no es sólo para el poder ejecutivo, sino que limita también al poder legislativo y al judicial cuando se trata de perdonar y juzgar a los responsables de los delitos atroces y de lesa humanidad. El problema es que mediante una reforma constitucional se incorporaron las normas de la Corte Penal Internacional y se aprobó seguidamente la ley de reconocimiento en el orden interno del Estatuto de Roma (Ley 742 de 2002) y de la competencia de la Corte.Desentrañar la naturaleza, alcances e implicaciones de la ley de justicia y paz, si en esencia es un proyecto conducente a esclarecer la verdad, la justicia y la reparación integral a todas las victimas, en un proceso que involucre a todos los actores, grupos y sectores comprometidos en el conflicto armado colombiano, o por el contrario una iniciativa dirigida a la impunidad, el perdón y el olvido de todos los crímenes de lesa humanidad cometidos por los paramilitares; establecer si incorpora una política de Estado dirigida a resolver dos aspectos que a nuestro criterio son los centrales en la solución del actual conflicto colombiano, que son: el desplazamiento y la lucha por la tierra, aspectos centrales del proyecto de investigación Desplazamiento y Tierra en el Marco de la Política de Justicia y Paz, sobre el criterio de que la sociedad, la academia, la universidad, los estudiantes y en particular las facultades de derecho deben investigar y debatir tancontrovertida ley que afectará el pasado, presente y futuro de nuestra nación, al cual no se puede ser ajeno.El presente artículo es un avance de investigación que sobre la Ley 975 de 2005 presenta el grupo de investigación a partir de su análisis jurídico y control constitucional, que permitió interponer una demanda de inconstitucionalidad parcial contra el artículo 5o que incorpora la definición de víctima.

Migracijski val od 2014. do 2016. u kojem je velik broj djece i majki iz država Sjevernog trokuta na putu prema krajnjem odredištu SAD-u bio u tranzitu Meksikom okarakteriziran je krizom. Kriza je podrazumijevala postojanje prijetnje koja opravdava provođenje izvanrednih mjera. Teza rada je da pod utjecajem SAD-a Meksiko migrante u tranzitu smatra prijetnjom sigurnosti građanima Meksika, a ne ugroženim pripadnicima istoga kulturnoga kruga koje treba zaštititi. Stoga se prema njima ne odnosi u skladu s ciljem ljudske sigurnosti, već primjenjuje silu. Rad predstavlja studiju slučaja. U prvom odjeljku dani su prikaz vrsta migracija i poimanje migracija u kontekstu ljudske i građanske sigurnosti, dok su u drugom analizirani potisni i privlačni faktori migracija iz država Sjevernog trokuta. U trećem odjeljku prikazana je politika tranzitne države Meksika prema ilegalnim migrantima. U radu je izložen sud o migracijskoj politici Meksika prema migrantima u tranzitu. Zaključeno je da je iz perspektive ljudske sigurnosti politika bila »loša« jer je bila diskriminirajuća i u neskladu s kulturno-političkim kontekstom te moralnim i zakonskim normama. No gledano iz perspektive nacionalne sigurnosti politika je bila »dobra« jer je bila ostvariva, postigla je rezultate uz prihvatljiv trošak ljudi i sredstva i njome su obranjeni državni interesi Meksika – dobri odnosi sa SAD-om. ; This article will attempt to answer two questions; first, in what way did the Government of Mexico attempt to resolve the influx of a large number of migrants, children and family members, from the Northern Triangle countries (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras) who were transiting Mexico on their way to the United States in the 2014–2016 period? Second, why have migrants continued to arrive even after the adoption of the Mexican Programa Frontera Sur (PFS) of 2014, which was supposed to resolve the migration crisis and put an end to arrests and deportation? At the same time, the article will try to assess, according to Haines (2013), whether the Mexican post-2014 migration policy has been "good" (in line with the political and cultural context, achievable and effective with acceptable costs of staff and resources), or "bad" (discriminatory and incompatible with existing moral and legal norms). The thesis of the article is that under the influence of the United States, Mexico is treating migrants in transit as a security threat, rather than as members of the same cultural circle who require protection. So, instead of helping them, Mexico uses coercion to suppress them. While traditional threats are endangering the survival of the state, new threats to the state are also endangering individuals. The article consists of an introduction, three sections and a conclusion. The first section will provide an explanation of the relationship between migration and security (traditional national security and human security). The second section analyses the pull-and-push factors of migration from the Northern Triangle countries. This is followed by Mexico's transit policy towards illegal migrants, which is discussed in the third section. Case study research was used as a methodological strategy. The migration wave in the 2014–2016 period, consisting of many children and mothers from the Northern Triangle states transiting through Mexico on their way to the United States, was characterised as a crisis. A crisis implies the existence of a threat justifying the imposition of extraordinary measures. The issue of migrants in transit through Mexico was no novelty. Since the late 1980s, under the pressure of the United States, Mexico has been deporting migrants in transit back to their countries of origin. As Mexico has increasingly associated with the United States, there has emerged a growing need for greater compliance with "American requirements" and for the understanding of "American fears" of illegal migrants. After 11 September 2001, the fear became almost paranoid. Mexican presidents Fox, Calderon, and Nieto brought about and implemented a restrictive migration policy in line with the US policy, according to which migrants posed a threat to national security. Although repeatedly emphasising its intention to protect the migrants in transit, Mexico militarised and securitised its migration policy. This was particularly apparent after the 2014 Frontera Sur programme, which applied the same methods – arrest, deportation and denial of asylum – to the vulnerable population of women and children who largely satisfied the criteria for refugee status recognition. The PFS emphasised the intent to protect migrants, to better manage border crossings and to create security and prosperity zones in the south of the country. However, after two years of the programme's implementation it can be concluded that none of the objectives above have been achieved. Indeed, migrants in transit are additionally exposed to strife, suffering, and violations of their fundamental human rights, both by criminal organisations and the forces of law and order. Therefore, their transit has become much more uncertain than it was before. At the same time, human rights are violated by the state of Mexico itself, which denies migrants the right to asylum or recognition of humanitarian visas. The border in the south of the country has not become more secure. That PFS complies with US interests is apparent from the fact that the United States is its main source of funding, since it has managed to link the combat against drugs and migrants in transit via the Merida Initiative. The question is why have migrants continued to arrive despite everything mentioned above? It was their hope that somehow, they would reach the USA or, in the worst case, remain in Mexico. The most elementary human right, the right to life, is endangered in the countries of the Northern Triangle. In addition to personal insecurity, there are other human security threats in Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador forcing the citizens to flee and emigrate from political, economic, environmental, and health and food insecurity. With everything being said, it is not easy to evaluate the Mexican migration policy. From a perspective of human security, it was "bad" because it was discriminatory and incompatible with the cultural and political context, as well as with moral and legal norms. Evaluated from a national security perspective, it was "good" because it was achievable, it has yielded results with an acceptable cost of staff and resources and has achieved state interests – good relations with the United States. At the same time, it is one of the tools Mexico can use in the future if Trump should decide against Mexican interests (significant taxing of Mexican products or deporting the many Mexican citizens illegally residing in the United States). Since Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador belong to the same cultural (historical, religious and linguistic circle), it was presumed that Mexico would pursue a policy that favours migrants and their protection; however, that did not happen. The authors agree with Kimball (2007: 140) that in the long run, Mexico will not be able to simultaneously advocate and implement both the pro- and anti-immigrant policy. The problem of the migrant wave, mostly consisting of mothers and children from the Northern Triangle countries, who were in transit through Mexico during 2014–2016, was attempted to be resolved via securitisation rather than care about their security. Castles de Haas and Miller (2014: 5) state that in the case of Mexico, there is a proliferation of migration transition, since it is turning from an emigration into an immigration country. To be more specific, with Trump coming to power, Mexico is increasingly not just a transit country, but also an ultimate destination country. Trump's immigration policy regarding immigrants from Central America suffers from deep historical amnesia related to the role of the USA in the Central American conflict of the 1980s, which has significantly destabilised the region. Moreover, Trump denounces and demonises as dangerous criminals the families, women and children, who have fled from violence contributed to by the USA (Portillo Villeda and Miklos, 2017: 53–54). This is one of the reasons the number of arrested migrants from Central America on the southern border of the United States has significantly decreased, but the number of asylum seekers in Mexico has increased threefold. There is a hope that new Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador would perceive vulnerable Northern Triangle migrants more as a threat to human rather than national security.

Texas has produced and nurtured a great number of colorful characters, but none more colorful than the prismatic Judge Roy Bean. He squeezed many showy lives into one lifetime. In fact, he didn't become the Judge Roy Bean that Paul Newman immortalized on film until he was almost 60 years old. This proves my favorite maxim: "The greatest mistake in life is thinking it's too late." In his earlier years, he was living in a poor area of San Antonio named for him. It was called Beanville. He tried and failed at many things, mostly for, ironically, running afoul of the law. He failed at selling firewood because he cut down trees that didn't belong to him. He failed as a butcher because butchering other people's maverick cows before you've bought them is frowned upon. He failed at selling milk because he watered it down. One customer complained that he found a minnow in his milk. Bean defended himself by saying, "That's the last time I let that cow drink out of the creek before I milk her." He eventually had some success when he opened a saloon in Beanville, but he sold out when he heard that there were rare opportunities out in west Texas where they were building the railroad. It was in the lawless railroad camps that Bean's vast knowledge of people, his bilingual fluency in Spanish and English, and his unique persuasion skills became prized. The Texas Rangers liked his style and recruited him to become Justice of the Peace in those parts. And he took to the role like he was sent there from central casting. Bean made it known that he was the "Law West of the Pecos." He was actually playing on an older saying that went like this: "West of the Pecos there is no law; west of El Paso, there is no God." So at least, now, there was law west of the Pecos. He hung out a sign saying so. Bean was also famous for saying, "Hang 'em first and try 'em later." Though it certainly worked as a deterrent, the truth is he never actually hung anybody. It's true. There was no jail in Langtry, so Judge Bean would often keep accused criminals chained to a mesquite tree outside until he could have a trial. On a few occasions he would sentence a young man to hang for some generally unhangable offense. The night before the hanging, Bean would leave the lock open, allowing him to escape. The young criminal would never be seen in those parts again. In time, Bean opened his famous saloon there in Langtry on the right of way of the railroad. He was actually just squatting there, but the railroad, because they liked him, eventually created a legal arrangement so he could stay. He named his bar the Jersey Lilly in honor of Lillie Langtry, of England, one of the world's most beautiful women at the time. Bean wrote to her and asked her to visit Langtry, Texas, which he claimed was named for her (it wasn't). She did come to see him, too, but she had to visit him in his grave. She was ten months too late. But that's another story. The trains would stop at the Langtry depot for water and all the passengers would get down to have a drink at the Jersey Lilly. When Judge Roy Bean served customers in his saloon, he never had change. So if a customer paid for a 25 cent beer with a dollar, he wouldn't get back the 75 cents. If he complained, the judge would fine him 75 cents for disturbing the peace. Stories about the abusive Judge Roy Bean got out in the world, and rather than drive people away, everyone on the trains wanted to stop and get harassed by the irascible Bean. You could say Bean's Jersey Lilly was a precursor to Dick's Last Resort in today's world. He had a law book called the "1879 Revised Statutes of Texas0." He liked that one. Even though the legislature sent him new books every two years, reflecting new laws, he burned them. He said he liked the old book better and he like those laws better, too. As a justice of the peace, he could marry people. He had no legal right to divorce people, but he did that anyway. He believed that if he made the mistake of marrying them he should be able to correct the mistake by setting them free. Bean also officially pronounced people "dead." He merged his duties on occasion. He would use his official pronouncement of death as the last thing he said at a wedding: "I pronounce you man and wife. May God have mercy on your souls." The Jersey Lilly was also where Judge Bean held court. And so, naturally, you couldn't be on a jury if you didn't drink. Right in the middle of happy hour, you might say, he would assemble a jury and swear them in. The case would be presented, verdicts arrived at, and sentencing pronounced, all within an hour or two. Often the sentence for misdemeanors was to buy a round of drinks for the jury. He was very patriotic about Texas, too. He often preceded sentencing with words like: "You have offended the great state of Texas by committing this crime on her sacred soil… " One of his most famous cases had to do with a dead man who fell off a bridge there in Langtry. Bean found $40 on him and a pistol. He fined him $40 for carrying a concealed weapon. That was enough to get him buried. Bean rose to international prominence when he promoted the World Heavyweight Championship prizefight between Fitzsimmons and Maher. Believe it or not, prizefighting, back then, was illegal in Texas. It was considered uncivilized. At first, the fight looked like it might be held on the sly in El Paso, so the Texas governor sent 25 Texas rangers over there to make sure it didn't happen. Then, it seemed like it might be held in Juarez, but such fighting was illegal there, too, though only a misdemeanor. Nonetheless, the governor of Chihuahua sent troops to Juarez to make sure the fight didn't happen there, either. Finally, in steps Judge Roy Bean. He sent a telegram to the promoter saying they could have it in Langtry, right across the river on a Rio Grande sand bar. Technically, Mexico, yes, but miles from any authority that would be able to stop it. So the whole menagerie of unlikely associates, boxers, gamblers, Texas Rangers, high-rollers from the East, and spectators of all stripes, boarded a train bound for parts unknown because the destination was kept a secret. Bean met them at his rail-side saloon, sold everybody beer at the exorbitant price of a dollar each, and then escorted them across a pontoon bridge to the Mexican side of the river. The Texas Rangers watched from the Texas side, satisfied that they had no jurisdiction in the matter. The fight ensued, and before the spectators could get settled in for a good, long match, it was over. Fitzsimmons knocked out Maher in the first round. The fight lasted 95 seconds. But the big winner was Judge Roy Bean. He sold a lot of beer and his name went out over the wires worldwide as the clever man who made the fight possible. Judge Roy Bean lived his life in ascendancy, saving the best for last. Had he died twenty years earlier, you never would have heard of him. I wouldn't be talking about him. His fame is still bringing some 40,000 visitors a year to Langtry, over a century after his death. Not bad numbers for a dead man. As a lifelong showman, you can be sure he's grinning in his grave.

El golpe militar de 18 de julio de 1936 contra el legítimo gobierno del Frente Popular fracasó en una parte del territorio español. Este intento de golpe de Estado se convirtió en una guerra civil que duró 1.000 días. El conflicto terminó con la victoria de los militares rebeldes liderados por el General Franco, el 1 de abril de 1939. Franco institucionalizó una dictadura militar que suprimió las libertades públicas, las instituciones y el régimen democrático de la II República. La implantación del Nuevo Estado franquista trajo consigo la persecución de cientos de miles de españoles que, en su día, apoyaron a la II República. La provincia de Murcia formó parte de los últimos territorios ocupados por las tropas franquistas, a finales de marzo de 1939. El primero y principal objetivo de esta tesis es el estudio, análisis y evaluación de las consecuencias de la represión y la violencia política franquista, entre 1939 y 1948, para las víctimas murcianas en sus tres principales aspectos: − Penal: prisión o muerte para los disidentes políticos republicanos, dictadas por los tribunales militares, o llevadas a cabo por los rebeldes sin control judicial alguno. − Económico: Sanciones pecuniarias e incautación de propiedades mobiliarias e inmobiliarias derivadas del anterior y actual comportamiento político de los republicanos calificados como desafectos. − Político: Depuración de los funcionarios, servidores públicos y trabajadores desafectos que prestaban sus servicios en el aparato del Estado, los servicios públicos y las administraciones públicas. Esta tesis aborda también los problemas que tuvo el aparato represivo y judicial franquista para realizar la misión y los objetivos que le había sido encomendados. Y demuestra, cómo y por qué los responsables de la represión del Nuevo Estado tuvieron que regular, modificar y, al final, limitar su política y sus objetivos represivos en orden a adaptar su aparato judicial y penitenciario a su capacidad real y operativa de funcionamiento. No es que el Nuevo Estado franquista no quisiera castigar más, es que el sistema represivo que crearon no les permitió hacerlos. A partir de febrero de 1.943, la evolución de la IIGM a favor de los aliados y en especial la ocupación por las fuerzas aliadas del Norte de África, y la caída de Mussolini contribuyeron a cambiar sustancialmente la política exterior e interior del Régimen franquista. El enfoque del análisis y la metodología utilizados ha contribuido a demostrar estas hipótesis. En primer lugar, el estudio de la violencia política se ha realizado desde la primacía y la preponderancia de la jurisdicción militar, que constituía el eje fundamental del sistema represivo. Las jurisdicciones especiales: Responsabilidades Políticas; Tribunal de la masonería; Depuración del Estado y la sociedad; etc. cumplían un papel importante pero subordinado. En segundo lugar, el análisis de la violencia política se ha hecho como un todo, relacionado entre sí las múltiples variables de sus aspectos penal, económico y político. Todo ello, a partir de la construcción de una Base de Datos de la Represión Franquista de la provincia de Murcia, 1939-48, BDRF-MU/39-48, que ha permitido integrar, ordenar y correlacionar la información de distintas y numerosas fuentes y variables, correspondiente a más de 9.000 represaliados registrados, cuyos datos han sido distribuidos en 25 campos de análisis, que contienen en conjunto más de 91.000 inputs demográficos, profesionales, políticos y penales que sirven de soporte al análisis, estudio y conclusiones que se plantean a lo largo de la investigación. Esta tesis ha posibilitado que los vencidos de la guerra civil recuperen su protagonismo histórico. Así, las víctimas murcianas republicanas: 26.433 detenidos, 21.452 procesados, 18.192 condenados y 900 ejecutados por los tribunales militares. 6.628 expedientados por Responsabilidades Políticas; 4.200 exilados; y no menos de 2.500 servidores públicos depurados, etc. han entrada en la Historia de la actual Región de Murcia. Murcia, 12 de octubre de 2015 Abstract of the thesis The military coup of July 18th, 1936, against the legitimate Government of the Popular Front failed in a part of the Spanish territory. This attempted coup d'état became a civil war that lasted a thousand days. The conflict ended with the victory of the rebel military led by General Franco, on the 1st of April, 1939. Franco imposed a military dictatorship which suppressed civil rights, and the democratic system established by the Second Spanish Republic, on April, 1931. New Francoist State implemented the persecution of hundreds of thousands of Spaniards who formerly, supported the Second Spanish Republic. The province of Murcia was part of the last loyal republican territories occupied by Francoist troops, at the end of March 1939. First and foremost objective of this thesis is the study, analysis and evaluation of the consequences for Murcian victims of Francoist political violence and repression, between 1939 and 1948, in its three main aspects: − Criminal: Prison or death for republican political dissidents, sentenced by military tribunals, or murdered by rebels without any judicial control; − Economic: Pecuniary sanctions and confiscation of real estate properties because of former political behavior. − Politician: Purge of officials, public servants and workers disaffected to Francoist New State that provided its services in the apparatus of the State, public administrations and public services. This thesis also deals with the problems that the judicial and repressive system had to overcome in order to carry out the mission and goals that it had been entrusted. In this way, it shows how and why persons in charge of Francoist repression had to regulate, modify and finally limit its policy and its repressive objectives in order to adapt its judicial and penitentiary system to its available operative capacity. It is not that New Francoist State would not want to punish more, is that they materially could not. From February, 1.943, the evolution of World War II, in favour of the Allies, especially the occupation by the allied forces of North Africa, contributed to substantially change Franco´s foreign and interior policies. The focus of analysis and methodology used has contributed to prove these hypotheses. First of all, political violence's analysis has been made taking into account primacy of military jurisdiction, which was the cornerstone of the Francoist repressive system. Other special jurisdictions like: Politic Responsibilities; Court of Freemasonry; purge and social control of the society and State; etc. fulfilled an important but complementary and subordinate role. Secondly, relating the multiple variables of political violence through its economic, criminal and political aspects and analyzing them as a whole. The creation of a Data Base of the Francoist's repression at Murcia's province between 1939-48, called BDRF-MU/39-48, has allowed to integrate, sort and correlate the information from different and numerous sources and variables. These records correspond to more than 9.000 political disaffected, whose data have been distributed in 25 fields of analysis, containing altogether more than 91,000 political, professional and demographic data. This data base supports the analysis, study and conclusions that arisen during the investigation. This thesis has enabled Spanish Civil War´s defeat to recover its historical showing. So, Murcian republican victims: 26.433 persecuted; 21.452 processed; 18.192 condemned; 900 executed by military tribunals; 6.628 economically punished by responsibilities policies; 4,200 exiles; and not less than 2,500 public servants purged, etc. have now a place in the contemporary history of the current Region of Murcia. Murcia, October 12th, 2015

The 25 of July of 2005, the national government presided by Álvaro Uribe Vélez, adopted in the Colombian legal ordering well-known Law 975 of 2005 like "Law of justice and peace"; which must have as a generic aim to order "dispositions for the restoration of members of warrior groups organized to the margin of the law, that contribute in an effective way to the achieve national peace (.)", this law is very controverted and torrid and it has been object of several unconstitutionality demands. These norms were raised as a consequence of the Álvaro Uribe government agreements, with the selves defenses for their dismobility, process that imply to adequate the current legislation to make it easier, due to the inapplicability of Law 782 rom 2002 and Decree 128 of 2003 to committed criminal facts during and with occasion of the permanence in warrior groups, which do not have the amnistiable or indultable qualities. In this matter the adaptation of the accusatory criminal system is marked to those punibles conducts, where the subject on which falls the penalty action is the dismobilized one, no matter if he does in an individual or collective way, situation that evidences one of the multiple missing pieces that are seen at the moment of the execution of the law, due to the individual demobilizations suffer a dissimilar proceeding to the collective one. But from the point of the force that has the international pacts in the Colombian political Constitution, it is evident that this norms goes against the international texts recognized by the legislator and that they are part of the political pact. The law that ratifies the of Rome agreement about the Penal Court and the crimes that this one can judge are taxative in which the crimes of lesa humanity, the war crimes and the genocide are imprescriptibly, they can not be indulted, nor amnestied. The enchained hands which the Colombian government was put under sovereignly is not only for the executive authority, but that it limits also the legislative power and the judicial power when it is to pardon and to judge the people in charge of the atrocious crimes and of lesa humanity. The problem is that by means of a constitutional reform the norms of the Penal Court were incorporated and the law of recognition was approved in the internal order of the Statute of Rome (2002 law 742) and of the competence of the Court was approved too. To unravel the nature, I reach and implications of the law of justice and peace, if in essence is a conducive project to clarify the truth, justice and the integral repair to all the victims, in a process that involves to all the actors, groups and sectors jeopardize in the armed conflict Colombian or on the contrary a directed initiative impunity, the pardon and the forgetfulness of all the crimes of lesa humanity committed by the paramilitary, to establish if it incorporates a directed policy of state to solve two aspects that to our critery are the power stations in the solution of the present Colombian conflict, which they are: the displacement and the fight by the land, centric aspects of the investigation project "Displacement and Land within the framework of the Policy of Justice and Peace", on the critery of which the society, the academy, the university, the students and in individual the right faculties must investigate and debate so controverted law that will affect the past, present and future of our nation, to which it is not possible to be outside of the discussion. The present articule is an investigative advance that about the law 975 of 2005 presents the investigative group from its legal analysis and constitutional control that allowed to interpose a demand of partial unconstitutionality against the articule 5 o that incorporates the victim definition. ; El 25 de julio de 2005 el Gobierno Nacional, presidido por Álvaro Uribe Vélez sancionó, incorporando al ordenamiento jurídico colombiano, la Ley 975 de 2005 conocida como "Ley de Justicia y Paz", la cual tiene como fin genérico dictar "disposiciones para la reincorporación de miembros de grupos armados organizados al margen de la ley, que contribuyan de manera efectiva a la consecución de la paz nacional (.)", ley controvertida y controversial que ha sido objeto de múltiples demandas de inconstitucionalidad.Dicha normatividad, que surge como consecuencia de los acuerdos del gobierno de Álvaro Uribe Vélez con las autodefensas para su desmovilización, proceso que implica adecuar la legislación existente para su facilitación, dada la limitación de la Ley 782 de 2002, prorrogada por la Ley 1106 de 2006 y el Decreto 128 de 2003 a hechos delictivos cometidos durante y con ocasión de la permanencia en grupos armados al margen de la ley, que no revistan las calidades de ser amnistiables o indultables. En ella se marca la adaptación del sistema penal acusatorio a tales conductas punibles, donde el sujeto sobre el cual recae la acción penal es el desmovilizado, independientemente lo haga de forma individual o colectiva, situación que evidencia una de las múltiples falencias que se ven en el momento de ejecución de la ley, en virtud que las desmovilizaciones individuales sufren un trámite disímil al que reciben las colectivas.Pero, a la luz de la fuerza que tienen los pactos internacionales en la Constitución Política colombiana, es evidente que esta normatividad va en contravía con los textos internacionales acogidos por el legislador y que son parte del pacto político. La ley que ratifica el Estatuto de Roma sobre la Corte Penal Internacional y los crímenes que ésta puede juzgar es taxativa en que los crímenes de lesa humanidad, los crímenes de guerra y el genocidio son imprescriptibles, y no pueden ser indultados ni amnistiados.Esa atadura de manos a la que el gobierno colombiano se sometió soberanamente no es sólo para el poder ejecutivo, sino que limita también al poder legislativo y al judicial cuando se trata de perdonar y juzgar a los responsables de los delitos atroces y de lesa humanidad. El problema es que mediante una reforma constitucional se incorporaron las normas de la Corte Penal Internacional y se aprobó seguidamente la ley de reconocimiento en el orden interno del Estatuto de Roma (Ley 742 de 2002) y de la competencia de la Corte.Desentrañar la naturaleza, alcances e implicaciones de la ley de justicia y paz, si en esencia es un proyecto conducente a esclarecer la verdad, la justicia y la reparación integral a todas las victimas, en un proceso que involucre a todos los actores, grupos y sectores comprometidos en el conflicto armado colombiano, o por el contrario una iniciativa dirigida a la impunidad, el perdón y el olvido de todos los crímenes de lesa humanidad cometidos por los paramilitares; establecer si incorpora una política de Estado dirigida a resolver dos aspectos que a nuestro criterio son los centrales en la solución del actual conflicto colombiano, que son: el desplazamiento y la lucha por la tierra, aspectos centrales del proyecto de investigación Desplazamiento y Tierra en el Marco de la Política de Justicia y Paz, sobre el criterio de que la sociedad, la academia, la universidad, los estudiantes y en particular las facultades de derecho deben investigar y debatir tancontrovertida ley que afectará el pasado, presente y futuro de nuestra nación, al cual no se puede ser ajeno.El presente artículo es un avance de investigación que sobre la Ley 975 de 2005 presenta el grupo de investigación a partir de su análisis jurídico y control constitucional, que permitió interponer una demanda de inconstitucionalidad parcial contra el artículo 5o que incorpora la definición de víctima.

Frontmatter -- Inhalt -- Einleitung -- Digitalisierung geschlechtsspezifischer Gewalt als Diskussionsgegenstand -- Digitalisierung geschlechtsspezifischer Gewalt -- Menschenrechtlicher Schutzrahmen für Betroffene von digitaler Gewalt -- Formen digitaler geschlechtsspezifischer Gewalt -- Spezifika geschlechtsspezifischer Gewalt im digitalen Raum -- Funktionsprinzipien des Internets und ihre Risiken im Kontext digitaler geschlechtsspezifischer Gewalt -- Intersektionale Machtverhältnisse im Internet -- Rechtliche Handlungsoptionen bei digitaler Gewalt -- Möglichkeiten und Grenzen strafrechtlicher Intervention bei digitaler Gewalt -- Zivilrechtliche Interventionen bei digitaler Gewalt -- Rechtliche Handlungsoptionen: Öffentliches Recht -- Erfahrungen und Strategien im Umgang mit digitaler geschlechtsspezifischer Gewalt -- Erfahrungen mit der Beratung von betroffenen Mädchen und Frauen im Kontext digitaler Gewalt -- Das Internet der Dinge -- Der Feind in der eigenen Tasche -- Individuelle Strategien im Umgang mit geschlechtsspezifischer digitaler Gewalt -- Strategien im Umgang mit Online-Hate Speech -- Digitale Erste Hilfe: Prävention und Intervention -- Digitale Erste Hilfe und Sicherheitsprinzipien für Berater*innen bei digitaler Gewalt -- Digitale Sicherheit für frauenspezifische Einrichtungen -- Ausblick -- Effektiver Schutz vor digitaler geschlechtsspezifischer Gewalt -- Autor*innen

Digitale Gewalt kommt nicht nur im öffentlichen Raum vor, sondern auch in privaten Beziehungen - und hat in Kombination mit häuslicher und sexualisierter Gewalt eine deutlich geschlechtsspezifische Komponente. Durch Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien haben Gewaltformen wie Doxing, Stalking, Hate Speech und Online-Belästigung und -Bedrohung stark zugenommen und durch die Nutzung des Internets ihre Wirkmächtigkeit verstärkt. Die Beiträger*innen des Bandes liefern für den Umgang mit diesen Gewaltformen grundlegende interdisziplinäre Analysen und diskutieren sowohl juristische, technische und aktivistische Interventionen als auch Erfahrungen aus der Beratungspraxis. Dabei werden zentrale politische Änderungsbedarfe ausgemacht und entsprechende Handlungsoptionen aufgezeigt.

Das Thema des Einjahresprojektes "Extremismus und Justizvollzug" erfuhr durch mehrere islamistisch motivierte Anschläge in Europa, bei denen auch Haftaufenthalte der Täter bekannt wurden, während des Projektzeitraums eine besondere Aktualität.
Der Band gibt Auskunft über drei Teilprojekte, die Einblick in den aktuellen Stand von Literatur und Praxis geben sollen. Teil I des Bandes enthält eine Darstellung der für das Projekt durchgesehenen Fachliteratur und formuliert Handlungsmöglichkeiten zum Umgang mit Extremismus im Justizvollzug. In Teil II wird über quantitative Aspekte, insbesondere über eine Befragung aller Jugendstrafanstalten in Deutschland berichtet. Teil III enthält Ergebnisse einer Befragung von Experten. Im Rahmen des Projektes wurde zudem im März 2017 ein Kolloquium mit Experten aus Wissenschaft und Praxis durchgeführt, dessen Ergebnisse an vielen Stellen in die Berichtsteile eingeflossen sind. Die Protokolle der vier Arbeitsgruppen sind ebenfalls Teil des Bandes.

How do National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) address the negative human rights impacts of dictatorial regimes and violent conflict, and thus successfully contribute to transitional justice? This is the focus of this study, which presents examples from the experiences of the NHRIs in Afghanistan, Georgia and Uganda. The provision of justice for past and present violations of human rights should reduce impunity. Addressing the issue of transitional justice facilitates peace processes, but requires strong state institutions and the political will to act. When justice for past and present abuses is denied, conflicts linger on. "Peace-versus-justice" is a false dichotomy, and one that the international community has rightly left behind. The study shows how three NHRIs have interacted with transitional justice aims and processes and draws lessons from what the NHRIs have learned while doing so.

Diese wissenschaftliche Publikation enthält eine Quellensammlung wichtiger Dokumente (in den Originalsprachen), die im Verlauf des 20. Jahrhunderts zur Sicherung der Menschenrechte international verfasst und vereinbart wurden und zugleich eine Aufarbeitung der Entwicklung, die die Menschenrechtsidee und ihre Durchsetzung in den letzten 100 Jahren genommen haben. Diese Entwicklung ist nicht abgeschlossen, sondern stellt einen ständigen Prozess dar, um den niedergelegten Grundsätzen international Geltung zu verschaffen und deren Verletzung zu sanktionieren. Hierbei konnten in der 2. Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts große Fortschritte erzielt werden. Der Münchner Politologe Opitz bilanziert das Erreichte und benennt auch die zukünftigen Aufgaben. An den Dokumententeil schließt sich ein umfangreiches Literaturverzeichnis an. Die umfassende Darstellung wendet sich vorrangig an Studenten bzw. Experten. (3) (Reinhild Khan)