Suchergebnisse

Welfare states contribute to people's well-being in many different ways. Bringing all these contributions under a common metric is tricky. Here we propose doing so through the notion of 'temporal autonomy': the freedom to spend one's time as one pleases, outside the necessities of everyday life. Using income and time use surveys from five countries (the USA, Australia, Germany, France, and Sweden) that represent the principal types of welfare and gender regimes, we propose ways of operationalising the time that is strictly necessary for people to spend in paid labour, unpaid household labour, and personal care. The time people have at their disposal after taking into account what is strictly necessary in these three arenas - which we christen 'discretionary time' - represents people's temporal autonomy. We measure the impact on this of government taxes, transfers, and childcare subsidies in these five countries. In so doing, we calibrate the contributions of the different welfare and gender regimes that exist in these countries, in ways that correspond to the lived reality of people's daily lives. Adapted from the source document.

Economic independence is an important indicator of the transition to adulthood. This article portrays the level of economic independence among young adults, ages eighteen to thirty-two, in seven industrialized countries. The cross-national variations the authors uncover help one understand how work, family, & comparative income packages affect economic self-sufficiency. In all countries, young women are less able than are young men to become economically independent through market work alone. The ability to support a family is affected more by government transfers than the ability to support oneself. The authors also find that family support through additional income, the provision of housing, & caring labor as well as decisions to have roommates are clearly important to the economic well-being of young adults. In closing, the authors suggest several avenues for future research. 9 Figures, 1 Appendix, 40 References. [Copyright 2002 Sage Publications, Inc.]

Background: In an ageing Europe, chronic pain is a major public health problem, but robust epidemiological data are scarce. This study aimed to analyse the prevalence of and factors associated with chronic musculoskeletal pain by gender in older adults of 14 European countries. Methods: A cross-sectional study was performed from wave 5 of the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE). The study included people ≥50 years residing in Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland. Chronic pain was defined as being bothered by joint and/or back pain for the previous 6 months. Multivariable Poisson regression models with robust variance were performed to analyse prevalence ratio by covariates, stratified by sex. Results: A total of 61,157 participants were included. Overall prevalence of chronic musculoskeletal pain was 35.7% (28.8–31.7), ranging from 18.6% (17.1–20.1) for Switzerland to 45.6% (43.3–47.8) for France. Prevalence was higher in women than in men: 41.3% (40.2– 42.4) versus 29.1% (28.0–30.3). Chronic musculoskeletal pain was lower in men aged >75 years (PR = 0.82; 0.72–0.92) than the younger (50–59) group. Separated/divorced status presented opposite effects among men (PR = 0.85; 0.76–0.96) and women (PR = 1.12; 1.03–1.21) compared with married, and unemployment was a significant factor in men (PR = 1.21; 95% CI 1.02–1.43) compared with employed. Conclusions: Musculoskeletal pain in older European adults is very frequent, especially in women, with large differences depending on the country of residence. Health policy makers should prioritize strategies aimed at improving the prevention and management of chronic musculoskeletal pain in Europe. Significance: This study provides epidemiological data of chronic musculoskeletal pain in older adults. Reported differences contribute to highlight the relevance of considering a gender perspective in chronic musculoskeletal pain research. Cross-national comparison also offers a map of differences that improves the knowledge of this chronic condition in Europe. ; This work was partially supported by (1) ENCAGE-CM (ref: S2015/HUM-3367), funded by the I+D Activity Program of Madrid Community research groups on social sciences and humanities and co-funded by the European Social Fund; (2) ENVACES (MINECO/FEDER/UE, ref. CSO2015-64115-R), funded by the Spanish Ministry of Economy, Industry and Competitiveness. This work also arises from the Joint Action on Chronic Diseases and Promoting Healthy Ageing across the Life Cycle (JA-CHRODIS), which has received funding from the European Union, in the framework of the Health Programme (2008-2013).

We compare ultimatum bargaining behaviour between Tibetans in Lhasa and ethnic Han Chinese in Xiamen with a focus on identifying how cultural traits and religious beliefs affect behaviour. A control group in Singapore was used to account for possible non-cultural explanations for the observed behavioural differences. It was found that, compared to Han Chinese, Tibetans are more likely to accept offers in the ultimatum game and that their decisions are unrelated to the actual offer size. [Copyright Elsevier B.V.]

Drawing from previously untapped archival data, our research undertakes a crossnational analysis to understand how critical organizations within the global solidarity movement for East Timor in Canada, the United States, and Australia adapted their human-rights claims and rhetorical interventions to their specific national contexts to produce politically and culturally resonant motivational frames aligned with their states' discourses of national identity and foreign policy to support humanitarian intervention in East Timor. We identify crossnational differences in the framing of their political discourse: (1) Canadian groups mobilized a humanitarian-peacekeeping frame, (2) U.S. solidarity groups tapped into a democratic-exceptionalist frame, and (3) Australian activists drew from a remembrance-moral debt frame. We conclude by underscoring the importance of discursive opportunities and national historical contexts for studying the mobilization of human rights and crossnational variations in motivational framing.

The purpose of this article is to explore the causes of the European eurozone's serious debt crisis from one particular perspective. The idea is to clarify to what extent the eurocrisis might be causally related to the fact that the average intelligence (national IQ) of the six crisis countries seems to be clearly lower than the average intelligence of the 11 other euro countries. Besides, it does not seem to be an accident that five of the six crisis countries are Mediterranean countries whose populations are biologically partly mixed with immigrants from the Middle East and North Africa. This paper focuses on the role of the Mediterranean countries. It is hypothesized that because of their slightly lower national IQs, the Mediterranean countries have not been able to manage their economic policies as well as the countries with higher national IQs. More intelligent nations have usually been able to manage their affairs better than less intelligent nations. The hypothesis is tested by comparing the relationship between the level of national IQ and several other measures of human conditions both in the group of the 17 eurocountries and in the total world groups of countries. The results of comparisons as well as correlations in the same groups of countries support the hypothesis. Consequently, it is concluded that the clear difference in the national IQs between the six crisis countries and 11 other euro countries is a factor that has contributed to the emergence of eurozone's debt crisis. Adapted from the source document.

This paper estimates the level of projection bias in the issue placement of the main Spanish political parties. We find a different pattern of projection for regional and the main national parties. Whereas assimilation is generalised and homogeneous, contrast is exclusive of the main national parties. We provide indirect evidence that this heterogeneity reflects differences in party acceptability by showing a positive correlation between the party-specific level contrast and the magnitude of non-declared vote. We discuss the implications of our findings for the literature on spatial models and suggest testable hypotheses of why contrast levels vary between regional and national parties. Adapted from the source document.