Suchergebnisse

Wie kann Kulturpolitik so gestaltet werden, dass Entscheidungsprozesse in Übereinstimmung mit Kriterien einer deliberativen und partizipativen Demokratie umgesetzt werden? Anhand eines mehrschichtigen methodischen Zugangs untersucht Anke Simone Schad Entscheidungsprozesse zur Kulturförderung in Linz und Graz. Die Ergebnisse der analytisch komplexen und interpretativ dichten Studie sind ernüchternd, aber nicht überraschend: Cultural Governance ist in Österreich schwach ausgeprägt. Das Buch bietet Inspiration und praktische Hinweise, wie gutes Regieren im Kultursektor idealerweise aussehen könnte.

This edited collection brings together distinguished scholars across a range of academic disciplines to explore how the European Union engages with culture. The book examines the ways in which cultural issues have been framed at the EU level and the policies and instruments to which they have given vent

This article analyzes Chinese government efforts to manage and co-opt fangsheng, or life release, the ritual practice of liberating animals. When conducted inappropriately, this popular practice can damage ecosystems and disrupt public order. Besides stiffening penalties for indiscriminate fangsheng, the government is also trying to change how people understand and carry out life release by deploying it for a range of policy purposes. Leading this effort are official fangsheng associations that organize events and promote best practices. Their endeavors are aimed at a broad set of goals, such as restoring aquatic ecosystems, stopping illegal fishing, and encouraging mass participation in the building of the "ecological civilization." Officials' embrace of life release as a cultural governance tool is facilitated by the ritual's grassroots character, polysemy, and power to generate what Émile Durkheim called "collective effervescence." If channeled and contained by agents of the Party-state, "authoritarian effervescence" may be a potent tool for stimulating popular enthusiasm for regime objectives. The case of fangsheng underscores the Party-state's continued reliance on ritual, symbol, and spectacle as modes of rule. (China J/GIGA)

The shift in government concept into governance takes the consequence of changes in public governance including in the forestry sector. Good forest governance becomes a great hope for managing the forest condition so that sustainable forest management can be realized. However, in its implementation, it contains a big challenge for the forest in Indonesia which is mostly identical with indigenous people. Meanwhile, the development becomes a necessity that cannot be inhibited in which business corporation as the actor who plays in the forest governance is considered as a major threat to the environment and indigenous people. To achieve good forest governance, it is necessary to have a synergy with cultural governance that is hoped to be able to accommodate the indigenous people interests. This paper is a case study related to the practice as an effort to achieve good forest governance in the indigenous people of Pelalawan that are followed by the cultural governance effort so that the indigenous people culture of Pelalawan that is closely related to the forest can still be maintained.

AbstractThis article examines the Chinese state's moral performance during several major disasters, including the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, the 1998 Yangtze River floods, and the 1976 Tangshan earthquake. Drawing on the theatrical theory of symbolic politics, I argue that the Sichuan earthquake marked a turn in the state's moral performance. While the Chinese state continued to project an image of a secure, heroic state, it endeavoured to construct a sympathetic image through leaders' displays of compassion and sorrow, a mourning ritual for ordinary victims, and narratives of response and rescue. This shift towards a more compassionate performance can be explained by the state's deployment of cultural resources to respond to societal challenges since the new millennium and its effort to repair its image amid the crises of 2008. The compassionate performance was temporarily effective because it found common ground with the traditional political culture of disaster, which still shapes the public's expectations of the state's moral conduct, and the new public culture that values equality and dignity of human life. Nevertheless, the political dilemmas of the compassionate performance became evident. Its efficacy largely relied on the presentation of suffering at the scene, which, however, led to public demands for the state to address the causes of the suffering. When the state failed to construct an "accountable state" image, this "dilemma of scene" had repercussions for its legitimacy. The efficacy of paternalism was also limited because it was less appealing to the growing urban middle class. By addressing moral performance, this paper contributes to the literature on politics of disaster and advances the important research agenda on cultural governance.

This article examines the Chinese state's moral performance during several major disasters, including the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, the 1998 Yangtze River floods, and the 1976 Tangshan earthquake. Drawing on the theatrical theory of symbolic politics, I argue that the Sichuan earthquake marked a turn in the state's moral performance. While the Chinese state continued to project an image of a secure, heroic state, it endeavoured to construct a sympathetic image through leaders' displays of compassion and sorrow, a mourning ritual for ordinary victims, and narratives of response and rescue. This shift towards a more compassionate performance can be explained by the state's deployment of cultural resources to respond to societal challenges since the new millennium and its effort to repair its image amid the crises of 2008. The compassionate performance was temporarily effective because it found common ground with the traditional political culture of disaster, which still shapes the public's expectations of the state's moral conduct, and the new public culture that values equality and dignity of human life. Nevertheless, the political dilemmas of the compassionate performance became evident. Its efficacy largely relied on the presentation of suffering at the scene, which, however, led to public demands for the state to address the causes of the suffering. When the state failed to construct an "accountable state" image, this "dilemma of scene" had repercussions for its legitimacy. The efficacy of paternalism was also limited because it was less appealing to the growing urban middle class. By addressing moral performance, this paper contributes to the literature on politics of disaster and advances the important research agenda on cultural governance. (China Q/GIGA)

During the initial outbreak of COVID-19 in China, Chinese netizens engaged in protracted entanglements with the state across major platforms. They called on the Wuhan (武汉, wuhan) government to be accountable for the rapid spread of the pandemic. Interestingly, this same group of netizens had sung praises to the Chinese Communist Party's tune and lauded the extraordinary achievements of the regime before the outbreak of COVID-19, during the seventieth anniversary of the country. In fewer than six months, the national binge spiralled into poignant criticisms. Against this backdrop, this paper investigates two questions: First, why was there a marked shift in opinions towards the state? Second, what discourse did netizens adopt when expressing their discontent? We argue that the shift is indicative of two-way socialisation in the party-state's legitimacy-building process. While netizens have bought into the official narratives of a celebratory event, they hold the state to the same standard when a crisis occurs.

This article provides an empirical investigation of the cooperation among intergovernmental organisations (IOs) in global cultural governance. The existing scientific literature has not yet taken up the inter-organisational cooperation as a serious topic of research and the present contribution aims to fill this gap. Based on an actor-centred constructivism, the article seeks to address inter-organisational cooperation as an observable empirical phenomenon, to explore when and why the cooperation between IOs risks not lasting and to understand why the dynamics of inter-organisational cooperation in cultural affairs have a specific-time limit. The focus will be on two cases: the European Union-Mercosur audiovisual programme and the United Nations interagency group on creative industries. As such, the article is more concerned with analysing the political micro-foundations through which the cooperation among IOs takes place and with exploring the factors, which contribute to not establish sustainable cooperative arrangements. ; Peer reviewed

Recently, the concept of "cultural governance" has gained analytical traction in research on Chinese urban development. This is mostly diagnosed as a top-down process of defining and imposing cultural forms in government-led projects, such as in tourism. We argue that the case of Shenzhen manifests important differences, and is highly significant, considering the national and international status of this mega-city. Based on detailed field studies, supplemented with information about other cases, we show that in Shenzhen local cultural forms show resilience and increasing public presence, while also being shaped by inclusive cultural policies that are informed by the national drive towards reinstating traditional Chinese values as part and parcel of national identity. One manifestation is the enactment of the traditional ritual space of the village in urban architecture, such as the duality of ancestral hall and village temple, often at so-called "cultural squares," and the expression of territorial ambitions of lineages in competitive projects of redevelopment. We suggest enhancing the concept of cultural governance by the concept of governmentality to grasp these phenomena analytically.

The research of innovative educational models is, in the modern era, one of the topics of greatest interest in the pedagogical theorization. The education of young generations has always been the focal point of the social evolution and the economic and cultural growth of a people. A recent study by "TreeLLLe" highlights how, in today's educational landscape, the form of "learning to know" prevails significantly on the form of "learning to live with others". In this sense, it would be desirable to have greater interaction between social governanceand cultural governance. The Capability approach opens, in this direction, interesting reflections, combining capabilities and opportunities in the perspective of well being. In this context, cultural responsibility, social responsibility, political governance and cultural governance intersect each other, creating a subject conscious of "being" through a "social being". Thus, an "active space of education" is dominated by an eternal tension between "universal action" and "individual action". It is necessary to look for the birth of a renewed social and personal identity, capable of facing the challenges of an increasinglycomplex and planetary world. ; La ricerca di modelli pedagogici innovativi, capaci di rispondere alle contestuali esigenze educative dell'epoca moderna, rappresenta uno dei temi di maggiore interesse per il mondo della scuola e per la teorizzazione pedagogica. L'educazione delle giovani generazioni è da sempre l'elemento focale intorno a cui ruota l'evoluzione sociale e la crescita economica e culturale di un popolo. Una recente indagine condotta da "TreeLLLe" evidenzia come, nell'odierno panorama educativo, la forma dell'"imparare a conoscere" prevalga inmaniera significativa sulla forma dell'"imparare a vivere con gli altri". Sarebbe auspicabile, in tal senso, una maggiore interazione tra una governance sociale e una governance culturale. Il capability approach apre, in questa direzione, interessanti scenari di riflessione, coniugando capacità e ...